Thursday, December 29, 2011

Italy - 27 january 2012: general strike and national demonstration in Rome - PCm Italy supports and organises in various cities this strike

27 gennaio 2012: sciopero generale e manifestazione nazionale a Roma

Il primo stadio della manovra del governo Monti è compiuto, sarà approvata entro Natale, con il consenso di un’ampia e articolata maggioranza parlamentare, che riunisce centro destra e centro sinistra, favorevole a far pagare a come sempre ai lavoratori il costo di una crisi in cui una parte dei padroni, delle banche, degli speculatori e della finanza internazionale continua a intascare profitti e rendita finanziaria.
A questa prima manovra che recepisce in pieno le direttive della BCE e dell’Unione Europea seguirà nei prossimi giorni la seconda fase, centrata sul mercato del lavoro e sulle nuove misure in tema di flessibilità in uscita; si tratta insomma della modifica dell’art.18 e della libertà di licenziare, richiesta a gran voce dalla Confindustria e da Marchionne, con il consenso non solo della destra, più o meno moderata, ma anche dal centro sinistra.
E' ora di dire NO e di ribellarsi
- Ti riducono il potere d'acquisto ed il valore reale di pensioni e salari, a te che non evadi un euro, ma non fanno nulla per recuperare i 120 miliardi annui di evasione fiscale, per tassare i profitti, la rendita finanziaria, i mega stipendi di dirigenti pubblici e privati.
- Ti fanno pagare le tasse sulla prima casa dopo che ti costringono ad acquistarla perché ti sfrattano e perché non ci sono abitazioni in affitto, mentre non intendono nemmeno introdurre una patrimoniale a quel 10% di ricchi che possiedono il 50% della ricchezza del paese.
- Ti aumentano l'IVA, l'Irpef locale, i ticket sanitari e le accise sulla benzina mentre l'inflazione è già al 3,5% ed erode la tua busta paga, mentre la tua pensione e il tuo salario sono bloccati, mentre ti licenziano, sei precario, in cassa-integrazione o in mobilità.
- Ti allungano l'età pensionabile e riducono l’importo delle pensioni con il sistema contributivo e ti costringono a lavorare di più proprio quando sei più stanco e vedevi la linea del “traguardo”, per costringerti a entrare nei fondi pensione, che dall’inizio della crisi stanno azzerando i contributi versati dai lavoratori e lasciando tuo figlio e tuo nipote nel dramma della disoccupazione e della precarietà.
- Ti prendono in giro dicendoti che sei un privilegiato perché ti è rimasto ancora un salario e qualche diritto sul posto di lavoro, perché non possono licenziarti senza un valido motivo e ti promettono con feroce e inaudita strumentalità che tuo figlio troverà sicuramente un lavoro se permetterai al tuo padrone di poterti licenziare con più facilità.
- Ti dicono che le aziende devono essere aiutate in un momento di crisi come l'attuale e mentre a te aumentano le tasse le riducono alle aziende; così Marchionne, dopo aver deindustrializzato interi territori, esteso l'accordo Pomigliano in tutto il gruppo Fiat e nelle aziende metalmeccaniche collegate, cancellato il contratto nazionale ed impresso una svolta autoritaria nelle relazioni sindacali, riesce anche a portare più soldi e più fabbriche all'estero.
- Ti raccontano che Cgil, Cisl e Uil stanno opponendosi alle manovre del governo Monti e vogliono farti dimenticare che il 28 giugno 2011 hanno sottoscritto un accordo con Confindustria che ha “autorizzato” il governo Berlusconi ad approvare il famigerato art. 8 che distrugge diritti e contratto nazionale.
- Ti chiedono di scioperare solo per qualche ora, per ottenere modifiche marginali alle misure del governo e senza un reale progetto complessivo e alternativo, perché l'obiettivo della Cgil è quello di tornare alla concertazione e quello di Cisl e Uil alla “collaborazione” dell'ex ministro “amico” Sacconi.
- Ti vogliono convincere che questo è un governo tecnico, serio, che è nato per “salvare l'Italia” mentre le misure adottate da Monti sono in perfetta continuità con quelle di Berlusconi, sono approvate anche dal centro sinistra e non fanno altro che preparare una nuova crisi, ancora più profonda. Ti dicono che punteranno su sviluppo e formazione e invece non modificheranno neanche la controriforma Gelmini sulla scuola.
In effetti siamo passati “dal governo dei cialtroni al governo dei padroni” che rappresenta gli interessi di banche, finanza internazionale, BCE, Fondo Internazionale Monetario e chi più ne ha più ne metta: cioè tutti coloro che in questi anni si sono arricchiti ed hanno speculato sulle tue spalle e sulla tua vita.
- Ti vogliono far credere che la globalizzazione e il “dio mercato” sono soltanto malati ma che, con un po' di sacrifici – i tuoi – poi tutto tornerà come prima, ma ti nascondono che per decenni questi “mostri ideologici” hanno promesso un “secondo tempo” - mai realizzato - di piena occupazione e salari crescenti, hanno distrutto vite ed interi popoli in altri continenti ed oggi attaccano il cuore della vecchia Europa per il semplice motivo che è qui che è ancora possibile realizzare profitti innalzando il tasso di sfruttamento del lavoro, comprimendo diritti e democrazia.
Se tutto questo è chiaro e condiviso, non è più possibile stare a guardare o “sperare che io me la cavi”, magari a danno di chi ti è più vicino sul lavoro, di tuo padre e di tua madre che non riescono a godersi qualche anno di giusto riposo dopo aver lavorato per decenni, di tuo figlio e di tua figlia che non trovano lavoro e quando lo trovano è precario e sfruttato più di te.
Bisogna alzare la testa e gridare con forza il nostro dissenso, esprimere giorno dopo giorno la voglia di cambiare, di non dire più sempre si, di opporsi e cercare tutti insieme di costruire un'alternativa sul lavoro e a questa società.
Il 27 gennaio scioperiamo contro tutto questo
Scioperiamo contro il governo Monti che rappresenta gli interessi dell'Italia e dell'Europa dei padroni, delle banche e della finanza, perché non vogliamo pagare un debito che non abbiamo contribuito a far crescere, perché è indispensabile costruire un forte movimento sociale e sindacale che parta dai posti di lavoro e si riversi nelle strade e nelle piazze di tutto il paese, perché siamo stanchi di subire e vogliamo riprenderci quello che ci hanno sottratto per decenni.
Il 27 gennaio scendiamo tutti in piazza e dimostriamo che i lavoratori, i pensionati, i precari, i disoccupati, i migranti e gli studenti – uniti e determinati - sono in grado di richiedere ed indicare un forte e concreto cambiamento nella gestione e nel governo del paese in termini sociali, di maggiori diritti e democrazia.
Lo sciopero è indetto da Usb Orsa SlaiCobas Cib-Unicobas Snater SiCobas Usi

maoistroad is an arm of maxist-leninist-maoist movement for debate and struggle for a new unity of international mouvement

the publication of texts that have an interest for marxist-leninist- maoist in the world against revisionist line in nepal and
in the class struggle in the world , is right and correct and it is a continuation of revolutionary and mlm work expressed in the international meetings that MaoistRoad and the communists mlm parties that support maoistroad have organised  in these last years- the last is dedicated to arab revolts 15 october 2011
all parties and organisations mlm, all proletarians and revolutionaries in the world have need of this kind of review and this kind of work

maoist road
29 december 2011

Tuesday, December 27, 2011

france - Long live the revolution in Nepal !

Long live the revolution in Nepal !

Two years ago, in December 2009, we stated: "In Nepal, that's are the Maoists (the United Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist) who won the support of the majority of the population and organized the popular uprising that has made down with the monarchy. Today, at their initiative, a new wave of popular uprisings has just begun in the country to eliminate the power the bourgeoisie which is still powerful in the economy, the government and the army, especially since it has strong support from the superpowers, Indian neighbor in the first place. In the complex situation of a tiny semi-feudal surrounded country, in the debate and the fight of the day, the Maoists of Nepal have to advance the democratic revolution. "

Two years later, it is clear that the revolution has stalled. The line struggle in the party was unable to decide clearly between the two ways of the democratic revolution, the path made of bourgeois legalism, parliamentarism and compromise with feudalism and imperialism and the proletarian way, with popular mobilization for land reform, national independence and democratic rights. The search for unity through compromise, not by democratic centralism, has crippled the party and spared its rightists leaders.

Become, in the elections of the Constituent Assembly in April 2008, the most important political force in the country, then at the head of government for nine months, the UCPN(M) was in danger of opportunism. All who wants a role, a place, benefits, have tried to make the party their instrument.

On September 1st and November 1st 2011, proponents of the bourgeois way in the party have signed government's agreements, providing in particular the surrender of weapons of the People's Liberation Army. Moreover, lands distributed to poor farmers should be return to land-lords, and Workers should observe a "social peace" for four years. This is no more the legitimate debate about the best way to put forward the revolution, is it now a struggle between those who want to continue and those who want to abandon it. It is no more just a line struggle, it is class struggle! These are workers, peasants and people's soldiers who are attacked. Their weapons, lands, and the the right to strike are taking back. On the other hand, the new government is in very good terms with India, and the struggle for national independence seems abandoned.

This betrayal of the revolution has caused strong reactions of many revolutionary leaders in the party. Protests were held across the country. Poor farmers, laborers and workers, youth and women, national minorities and despised castes want the revolution! Under the leadership of those who, in the Maoist party, rejected the bourgeoise way, they will advance in the democratic revolution, to the rejection of capitalism. They rely on their alliance with the Maoists of India. They remain at the vanguard of world revolution! OCML-VP supports them. They are our comrades in struggle!

On December 5th 2011,

Marxist-Leninist Communist Organization � Proletarian Way (France)

Monday, December 26, 2011

leftist-cyber maoists make a joint declaration.. what is their real objective ?

They attack to 'PCm Italy' but their real ennemies are the possibility to save and advance nepal revolution and the rebuilding of an real international mlm organisation with parties and organisations that make the revolution in the praxis.
  These are the same ennemies of imperialism and revisionism in the world.
They hope and wish that communists mlm to leave free camp to 'avakian postmlm' and Prachanda-Battarai revisionist road...


maoistroad
december 2011





 t
THE INTERNATIONAL UNITY OF THE COMMUNISTS

REQUIRES THE DEFEAT OF REVISIONISM AND CENTRISM!


The impetuous rise of class struggle in the world has exposed the subjected capitulation of prachandist revisionism in Nepal and the disappearance of the leading role of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement - RIM.

It has appeared that the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - CPN (M), being a RIM member, has raised in the name of Maoism against Marxism Leninism Maoism, clutching a revisionist platform of renunciation of destroying the old reactionary state, of betraying the People's War by renouncing to it, by disarming the people, by dismantling the bases of popular power already conquered and by dissolving its People's Liberation Army in the reactionary army of exploiters, and finally by merging with the revisionist party Mashal in the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - UCPN (M), and by compromising with all others opportunist parties to defend the class dictatorship of the landlords, the bourgeoisie and imperialism, and to serve to run over the people.

It is likewise evident that the Committee of the RIM has, remaining silent facing the revisionist line and the betrayal carried out by the CPN (M), resigned in practice the role of being the international leading center, and compromising the prestige of the RIM. It has cost a high price to the world revolution and the international unity of the communists, allowing the coexistence of opportunistic trends within the RIM, by the incorrect method of restrict the lines struggle, and hiding the discussions to the International Communist Movement - ICM and to the world proletariat.

Hence, facing the new problems caused by the deep world contradictions of imperialism in the last decades, both the CPN (M) and the Revolutionary Communist Party of the United States, seeing only the living appearance of imperialism without going to the very agonizing core of capitalism, have reached to the same revisionist conclusion: to declare null and void the principles of revolutionary Marxism, and insufficient the universal theory of Marxism Leninism Maoism to solve the problems of the revolution in this century and, therefore, declared it overstepped in its "novel" revisionist theories, made today under the ostentatious name of "Avakian's new synthesis". Contrary to its hopelessness pessimism in the proletariat and in the revolution, the new problems of our times have unleashed the world forces of work against the imperialist parasitism, showing the orphanhood of a world communist leadership, and with it the urgency for the international unity of the marxist leninist maoists.

Against such a need that requires to differentiate and to break completely with opportunism, rises again the familiar centrist tendency known in the history of communist movement for its "conciliator" role between Marxism and revisionism. A centrist tendency, headed today by the Communist Party (Maoist) of Italy, direct continuation of the centrism in the RIM yesterday, and mainly in its Committee.

In the open bourgeois degeneration of prachandism, the centrists, who yesterday praised his theory, ignored the treason in Nepal and supported bourgeois parliamentarism of the PCNU (M), declare today themselves to be against Prachanda, but actually without breaking with prachandism.

They remain supporters of a fraction of prachandism that no longer recognizes Prachanda as leader, but Kiran. They repudiate the current symbolic acts of Bhattarai and Prachanda in the surrender of the revolution, but deny the revisionist nature of the party and escape its responsibility in the real political betrayal of People's War conducted in the Peace Agreement of 2006.

Centrism both reconciles and calls "red" a fraction of the revisionist right in Nepal, and fights angry against the revolutionary communists whom are called "dogmatic-revisionists" and "opportunistic liquidators" for their struggle against revisionism and centrism.

It fears the complete rupture, ideological, political and organizational, with the revisionist line of the UCPN (M), a condition without which it is not possible to conceive a true revolutionary line in Nepal, able to return to the People's War and lead it, to conquer the triumph of the Revolution of New Democracy in the whole country.

Before the visible collapse of the RIM, centrism that yesterday gave legitimacy to the silent complicity, now denies that the RIM was defeated by the revisionist line which it was unable to fight in their midst, and attempts to revive it with the support of UCPN (M), but without the hegemony of the RCP, USA.

Thus, centrism hides the main danger that represents revisionism for the unity of the ICM, minimizing its treason to the world proletariat and its outrages against the people of Nepal, opaque the vision of the communists and prevents the workers of the world to clearly understand the role of revisionism in the defeat of their political movement, contributing to keep them away from the political problems of their revolution.

It is our unwavering commitment to fight for the international unity of the Marxist Leninist Maoists, which requires the demolition of the false revisionist theories and the eclectic positions of centrism, drawing a deep demarcation between Marxism and opportunism in the whole general line of the International Communist Movement, as firm foundation of unity to build the new International that has to lead the grandiose battles of the world proletarian revolution against imperialism and all its lackeys.


¡AGAINST REVISIONISM AND CENTRISM: LONG LIVE MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM!

¡FOR A NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL BASED ON MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM: FORWARD!


December 26th - 2011



Arab Maoists

Colectivo Odio de Clase - Estado Español

Parti Communiste Marxiste-Léniniste-Maoïste - France

Partido Comunista del Ecuador Sol Rojo

Partido Comunista del Perú - Base Mantaro Rojo

Partido Comunista Popular Maoísta - Argentina

Partido Comunista (Marxista-Leninista) de Panamá

Proletarian Party of East Bengal (PBSP) (Maoist Unity Group)/Bangladesh

Unión Obrera Comunista (MLM) - Colombia

Philippines -Further strengthen the Party to advance the People's War - CPP Central Committee

By the CPP Central Committee
26 December 2011

Further strengthen the Party to advance the People's War

Message commemorating the 43rd anniversary of the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines


We celebrate today with boundless happiness the 43rd anniversary of the re-establishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and all the victories that we have won since then in the Filipino people's democratic revolution against US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords.
We salute and honor all Party cadres and members, all the revolutionary forces and the entire people for all their efforts and sacrifices in bringing about victories in the revolution. Let us fervently extol and emulate our revolutionary martyrs and outstanding heroes.
Since last year, we have seen significant achievements in our ideological, political and organizational work. We have scored major successes in fulfilling the political requirements for realizing the plan to advance from strategic defensive to strategic stalemate. We have strengthened the political foundation for intensifying the people's war.
As a result, the NPA has been able to launch and win more and more tactical offensives despite prolonged large-scale military offensives by the fascist puppet state. It has delivered lethal blows on the enemy and captured weapons to form more fighting units. It has carried out extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of an ever widening and deepening mass base.
The crisis conditions in the world capitalist system and in the Philippine ruling system are extremely favorable for waging the people's democratic revolution and for realizing the medium-term plan to advance from strategic defensive to strategic stalemate.  Let us take full advantage of the ever worsening and deepening crisis conditions.
Monopoly capitalism and the neoliberal policy are in total discredit. The time has come for the proletariat and people in the Philippines and throughout the world to intensify the counteroffensive against imperialism and reaction. Let us march forward in the struggle for national liberation and democracy and unite with the global anti-imperialist and socialist movement.

I. Protracted and worsening crisis of global capitalism

In recent decades, the monopoly capitalists in various countries have been driven by the profit motive and competition to adopt new technology and bring new products into the market as a necessary way for capital expansion. The adoption of higher levels of technology has intensified the contradiction between the social character of production and the private character of appropriation in the capitalist economy.
The monopoly bourgeoisie has used information technology and other new technologies to raise productivity and to accelerate profit making and capital accumulation by reducing the wages paid to the working class. It has also used the more efficient forms of transport and communications to accelerate the commerce in goods and services and to spread the ideology and propaganda of monopoly capitalism, usually packaged in petty-bourgeois language.
Faced with the recurrent and worsening crisis of overproduction and the tendency of the profit rate to fall, the monopoly bourgeoisie has used information technology to speed up financial transactions and generate all sorts of financial derivatives above the real economy. It has thus accelerated the extraction of superprofits and the accumulation of fictitious capital. It has promoted the financialization of the US and the other most advanced capitalist countries and the rise of the financial oligarchy sitting on top of the monopoly capitalist heap.
The neoliberal policy of "free market globalization" is concurrent with the rapid rise of technology and the recurrence of ever worsening economic and financial crises. It has brought the capitalist system to a far worse crisis than what has been described as stagflation in the 1970s. It has accelerated the accumulation and concentration of both productive and finance capital in the hands of the monopoly bourgeoisie, especially the financial oligarchy.
Since the adoption of the neoliberal policy, which misrepresents monopoly capitalism as free market capitalism, the world capitalist system has been wracked by successive crises. But for a while until 2008, each crisis appeared remediable by further expansion of the money supply and heavy doses of credit at the level of the state, corporations and households. The world still has to see the full destructive effect of the accumulated derivatives worth more than US$600 trillion generated by banks and investment houses in recent decades.
It used to be said that all problems could be solved by helicoptering more money from the central banks and pouring it on the problem. Since the financial meltdown in 2008, it has become conspicuous that the abuse of finance capital to override the crisis of overproduction has limits and leads to a crisis comparable to that in the Great Depression. The limits have been exceeded by the public treasuries providing trillions of dollars (US$7.7 trillion in the US alone) to bail out the crisis-stricken banks and corporations and letting them raise profits on their balance sheets.
The bailouts have served to conjure at times the illusion of recovery in the financial markets even as production continues to stagnate and unemployment continues to rise at the very center of global capitalism. But the financial crisis arising from further borrowing has taken the form of enormous public deficits and public debt. This has been aggravated not only by the colossal amounts of bailout money for the banks and corporations but by the persistent tax cuts provided to the corporations and the wealthy and the rising bureaucratic and military expenditures even while social spending is reduced.
The response of the international banks and the imperialist states to the crisis of public deficits and debts is to impose austerity measures and cut social spending that shift the burden of the crisis to the people who are already suffering from high levels of unemployment, much reduced incomes and soaring prices of basic goods and services. The austerity measures have only served to worsen and deepen the economic crisis due to the dogmatic adherence to the neoliberal policy and the stubborn refusal to undertake fiscal measures to directly generate employment, revive demand and stimulate production. The imperialists have repeatedly made claims since 2009 that the global economy is on the way to recovery. Yet, the crisis persists and threatens to take another downturn. Even the economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) which have fared better than the industrial powers during the crisis and were perceived as alternative engines of growth have already started to show signs of slowing down.
All imperialist countries are beset by the crisis of public deficit and debt and by falling value of currencies, especially the US dollar and the Euro. Like the Third World countries, they are chronically at the brink of default and bankruptcy but get temporary relief by taking new loans that sink them deeper into the debt trap. The imposition of austerity measures at the expense of the people has resulted in massive protests and social disorder in several imperialist states.
The grave economic and financial crises are pushing the imperialist powers to step up war production and to wage wars of aggression. Their objective is to stimulate production by the military-industrial complex and expand economic territory abroad through threats and wars of aggression. Since 2001, the US has spent more than US$4 trillion on wars of aggression, apart from huge expenditures on so-called homeland security.
Under the neoliberal economic policy regime and the persistent influence of the neoconservative military policy, the US and the NATO countries have unleashed wars of aggression at an increasingly rapid rate, including those in the Balkans, West Asia, Central Asia and Africa since the end of the Cold War in 1991. The main thrust of the wars is to seize markets and fields of investment, control sources and routes of oil and other natural resources and install puppet governments.
The reactionary political parties in the service of the monopoly capitalists promote jingoism and war hysteria and obfuscate the roots of the economic crisis by whipping up chauvinism, racism, religious bigotry and xenophobia against migrant workers, Muslims and immigrants. They use these reactionary currents to try to counter the anti-imperialist and socialist-oriented forces, which the crisis has caused to resurge. Thus, there is currently a tug of war between pro-imperialist and anti-imperialist forces in the industrial capitalist countries.
Nevertheless, the worsening economic and social conditions in the imperialist countries are steadily engendering mass protests among the people. Gigantic mass protest actions have broken out in Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom and other countries in Europe. The Occupy movement has arisen in Wall Street and spread out to many cities in and beyond the US. The working class is becoming increasingly conscious of the need to engage in class struggle against the monopoly bourgeoisie that has long pressed them down. The subjective forces of the revolution have ample favorable conditions on which to grow in strength.
The already prolonged and ever worsening economic and financial crisis in the imperialist countries has a heavy adverse impact on the rest of the world in terms of reduced import orders and exports, decline of production and tightening of international credit. An economic depression has fallen upon the entire world, especially in the underdeveloped countries, which in turn recoils on the imperialist countries.
The imperialist powers, the foreign banks and corporations are extremely demanding on the client states. They impose ever more onerous terms of debt and use loans as leverage for taking over domestic public and private assets and plundering the natural resources of the country. The puppet governments yield to the monopoly firms their local capital assets, land and natural resources at dirt cheap prices.
The imperialist powers are more than ever prone to engage in military intervention and wars of aggression in order to acquire cheap sources of raw materials, markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. The struggle among the imperialist powers for a redivision of the world is growing. The integration of China and Russia into the world capitalist system has cramped the space for mutual accommodation among the imperialist powers.
The conditions of economic depression and worsening exploitation have intensely aggrieved the people. Mass uprisings and political turmoil are surging to shake and topple the rulers and autocrats of the client states of the US and other imperialist powers. Conditions are ripe for revolutionary armed struggles in many countries and entire global regions.
The so-called Arab Spring has swept the Middle East and North Africa, with the masses demanding democratic changes, toppling despotic regimes and shaking others. Contrary to their hypocritical claims to democracy, the imperialist powers headed by the US are trying to redirect the people's uprisings and install new puppets in certain countries and perpetuate puppet monarchies in other countries.
The revolutionary movements for national liberation and democracy are growing stronger in India, the Philippines, Kurdistan, Colombia and Nigeria. Where the imperialist powers have unleashed wars of aggression, the people are engaged in armed struggles, as in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, Sudan and Libya. Revolutionary parties in Asia, Africa and Latin America are preparing to wage armed revolution.
The US has announced the reduction of the number of US troops in Afghanistan and Iraq but it retains strategic military bases in and around these countries. It seeks to concentrate on the Asia-Pacific region under what it declared to be the American Pacific Century. It considers increasing investments in the region as the key to its prosperity.It seeks to counter China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) and has made clear its intention of maintaining and increasing military presence and missions in the Asia-Pacific despite planned defense spending cuts.
However, the US continues to be bogged down in the Middle East and North Africa. Aside from keeping permanent strategic military bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, the US and its NATO allies have unleashed a vicious war of aggression on Libya, massacring 100,000 Libyans under the slogan of "humanitarian intervention". Also under this pretext, they are increasingly getting embroiled militarily in such African countries as Sudan and Somalia and making war preparations against Syria and Iran.
At any rate, the US is trying to develop the Trans-Pacific Partnership on top of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and regional and bilateral trade agreements either to contain China or to continue to engage it and press for the dismantling of its state-owned enterprises which have made the Chinese economy more resilient than other monopoly capitalist economies in coping with the crisis of global capitalism.
The US openly regards China as its rising rival despite their close relations under the neoliberal policy and the US reliance on China in bringing the DPRK to the negotiating table with regard to the latter's nuclear research and development program. The US does not cease to make war provocations against the DPRK, supply arms to Taiwan, stir up tensions over the Spratly islands issue and incite social unrest in Tibet and Xinjiang. Part of the US' long-term interest and objectives in Africa is to contain and counter the steadily developing trade and diplomatic inroads of China in the continent.
China is wary of the US and has been active in building the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a forum for collective security against the US and NATO. It has also entered into bilateral and multilateral trade agreement with Japan, South Korea and Southeast Asian countries without the US. Since 2010, the BRICS countries have activated themselves as an economic bloc in order to counter the global dominance of the US-led alliance of imperialist powers.
In the Americas, more countries and their peoples are asserting their independence against US imperialist aggression and intervention. Thirty-three countries participated in the establishment of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) which aims to promote greater integration, cooperation and dialogue in the Americas minus the US and Canada. Widely perceived as an alternative to the US-dominated Organization of American States,  the CELAC is described by its leaders as an attempt to reduce US intervention and promote the independence of the countries in the region.
China is in a position to cooperate with the Philippines in a program of national industrialization. But the US and Philippine governments seek to block such a possibility by generating tensions between China on one side and the Philippines and other countries in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) over the issue of the Spratly islands. The US seeks to manipulate the issue in order to justify the maintenance and enlargement of US military forces in the Philippines and restrain Sino-Philippine economic relations.
But no matter how hard the US tries to retain hegemony over the Asia-Pacific region, its efforts are undermined and weakened by its internal economic decline, its overextension over several regions of the world and the increasingly assertive forces for national independence and democracy in the region.
The US can no longer maintain an unchallenged hegemony as in the recent past when it strutted as the sole superpower after the collapse of the Soviet Union. A multipolar world has emerged. The peoples in various global regions are increasingly vigilant and militant against plunderous and aggressive US actions and activities.

II. The Philippines in the vortex of crisis

Like the pseudo-development policy of the big comprador-landlord Marcos regime, the series of post-Marcos regimes have aggravated and deepened the semifeudal character of the Philippine economy under the US-instigated neoliberal economic policy since the 1980s. The ever worsening crisis, itself generated by the basic laws of motion of the world capitalist system and its supposed remedy, neoliberal economic policy, has pushed the Philippine economy into the vortex of an unprecedented crisis.
The current Aquino regime has been in power for more than a year already. Like its imperialist masters, it clings dogmatically to the neoliberal economic policy. The regime has not put forward any policy proposal to assert national independence and carry out economic development through genuine land reform and national industrialization. Instead, it has adopted a policy of keeping the agrarian and underdeveloped character of the economy.
Its so-called Philippine Development Plan 2011-2016 pushes primarily the private-public partnership program of infrastructure projects. These projects are calcula/ted to draw away resources from any potential for industrial development. However, global financial restraints prevent the projects from being implemented as fast as expected. Thus, the US stands out with its Millennium Challenge Corporation grant of US$434 million funding for infrastructure and so-called community development projects within the "counterinsurgency" scheme Oplan Bayanihan.
Lacking a program of national industrialization, the Aquino regime has practically limited itself to touting business call centers, pushing the plunder of our natural resources by foreign mining companies and doling out cash under the so-called Conditional Cash Transfer program which is misrepresented as an antipoverty program but is actually a palliative for psywar purposes being pushed and funded by US imperialism through the World Bank.
The Philippine economy is depressed. It is under the stress of the protracted and worsening crisis of global capitalism. The global demand for the kind of exports that the Philippines produces--raw materials and semi-manufactures--has fallen drastically. The growth of remittances of overseas contract workers is slowing down. The bubble in private construction is bursting as effective demand for housing is decreasing.
Unemployment is rising rapidly with mass layoffs in the sectors of low value-added manufacturing and in private construction. Production of food staples like rice and corn have been cut down by decades of liberalized imports and reviving it is difficult as prices of imported agricultural inputs have risen. The regime is carrying out an unannounced severe policy of austerity at the expense of the people, with cutbacks on government expenditures for education, health and other social services.
Even as incomes of the working people have plunged, the prices of basic goods and services are soaring. Despite the depressed condition of the economy, the Aquino regime is raising the tax burden. The Aquino psywar machine continues to prate about fighting corruption. But until now, the regime runs too slow in going after the crimes of corruption under the Arroyo regime. It continues to provide tax cuts to the big corporations and the wealthy and is blind to the grand corruption of the big compradors and former Marcos cronies (e.g., Eduardo Cojuangco and Lucio Tan) simply because they were big contributors to the Aquino electoral campaign. It has carried out successive demolitions of urban poor settlements to clear valuable real estate for Aquino's big business friends.
The biggest corruption of the Aquino regime is letting the foreign monopoly firms and banks run rampant in plundering the economy and making superprofits. Even as international credit is tightening, debt service on accumulated debts continues to drain the country of precious funds. The reactionary government continues to waste tax revenues through bureaucratic corruption, military expenditures and doleouts of cash in a futile attempt to undermine and counter the revolutionary movement.
As a result of the economic crisis, conditions of hunger and poverty have worsened and afflict more people than ever before. But the National Statistical Coordination Board manipulates the data and changes the terms for determining poverty to reach the false conclusion that the Aquino regime has reduced the incidence of poverty. Underscoring the fakery in official statistics, the rate of unemployment in the Philippines is also made to appear much lower than that in the industrial capitalist countries. The truth is that the real unemployment rate in the Philippines is one of the worst in the region and in the world, coupled with rapidly increasing numbers of underemployment, low quality and unpaid work.
As economic conditions deteriorate and the regime fails to solve the growing problem of unemployment and poverty, the popularity rating of Aquino is made to rise through the ceaseless hype generated by the Lopez-owned mass media and poll surveys manipulated by Pulse Asia, owned and controlled by Aquino relatives. Aquino's recent attacks on Arroyo and the Supreme Court are calculated to deflect public attention away from the worsening economic and social crisis and the continuing gross violations of human rights as well as to boost his popularity rating in poll surveys. The Aquino regime seeks to thrive on sheer manipulation of the media and poll surveys.
Social discontent is widespread and deep-going. The broad masses of the people are conspicuously restive. Mass protests are increasing against the worsening economic and social conditions. The tactics of the global Occupy movement, which have been familiar to the Philippine mass movement since the 1960s, are now intensifying. The people's mass uprisings cannot be stopped so long as there is a revolutionary political leadership that is resolute, militant and does not fear the coercive actions of the regime.
The revolutionary forces and the people are persistently growing in strength. The social and economic crisis is pressing hard on the ruling classes and the rival political factions and is resulting in a political crisis of the ruling system. At the national level, the Aquino ruling clique is challenged by the Arroyo, Marcos and other factions. The contradictions among them are reflected between and within the three branches of the reactionary government (executive, legislative and judiciary). At lower levels, the internal contradictions within the ruling class are also intensifying.
The contradictions between the Aquino and the Arroyo factions have taken center stage for the time being, especially since Arroyo's attempt to leave the country under the pretext of seeking medical care. Aquino is going through the motions of running after Arroyo for electoral sabotage and corruption but not for gross and systematic violations of human rights. Behind all the sound and fury is Aquino's resentment over the decision of the Supreme Court, dominated by Arroyo appointees, to invalidate the stock distribution option as a way of cheating the farm workers of Hacienda Luisita.
The competing factions of the ruling class have armed strength by having followers within the reactionary armed forces and police and by maintaining private armed groups. The worst reactionary factions build their private armed groups under various legalized methods such as so-called force multipliers of the army and police with such names as CAFGU, CVO, CAA, bodyguards with special gun permits and private security agencies.
The intensifying competition for bureaucratic loot and the political rivalry among the reactionary factions are objectively favorable to the revolutionary movement as they split and weaken the ruling system. Under the current circumstances, the revolutionary forces can augment their own strength by employing broad united front tactics to oppose the worst reactionary faction, which is targeted as the enemy.
The mass movement of workers, peasants, fisherfolk, the national minorities, urban poor, women, youth, teachers, lawyers, health professionals and other patriotic and progressive forces is surging. The various mass organizations are determined to give voice to the socio-economic and political demands of the people and to act militantly in pursuing compliance with these just and reasonable demands.
The workers demand respect for their trade union and other democratic rights, for job security and better wage and living conditions for stopping the ceaseless layoffs and for national industrialization so that employment expands and they do not have to leave their families to seek employment abroad. The mass layoffs in low value-added semi-manufacturing for export and in private construction and the dismal trend abroad against foreign migrant workers are pressing hard on the entire Philippine economy.
The peasants demand genuine and thoroughgoing land reform, not the bogus land reform law CARPER; recovery of staple-food production, credit and technical assistance, and development of production for industrial processing. The revolutionary forces and the people are carrying out minimum land reform as the general line and maximum land reform wherever possible.
Many people are pleased that the protracted struggle of farm workers to own Hacienda Luisita has been rewarded as a result of the final decision of the Supreme Court, though belated, to scrap the Stock Distribution Option and allow the distribution of the land to the farm workers.  However, it is still unclear how much the farm workers would be made to pay for the land. Aquino and his Cojuangco relatives are demanding so-called current market value, absolutely way beyond the paying capacity of the farm workers. The farm workers, on the other hand, see the immeasurable misery they had to endure and the unearned largess appropriated by the Cojuangcos over the decades as more than enough payment for the land to be distributed to them.
The fisherfolk demand respect for their rights, a stop to the preemption of fishing areas and markets by the big fishing corporations, the right of small fishermen to operate and the provision of credit and technical assistance. They oppose the reactionary government's policy of allowing the fishing magnates to monopolize fishing in lakes and bays, and foreign fishing vessels and factory ships to encroach on the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines in violation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
The national minorities demand respect for their right to self-determination and ancestral domain. They demand that their land must not be taken away from them, that they are not displaced from their home grounds by foreign and local corporations that plunder the forest, mineral and water resources. Together with the rest of the people, the national minorities applaud the NPA offensives to dismantle and shut down the operations of foreign and big comprador mining firms in Mindanao and throughout the country.
The urban poor that include workers, oddjobbers, small vendors and poor self-employed demand their right to livelihood, housing and other democratic rights. They demand that they must not be subjected to eviction, demolition of their dwellings and deprivation of nearby sources of livelihood as well as to all kinds of indignity, harassment, physical attacks and dispossession. They fight to oppose the demolition of their dwellings to make way for the interests of real estate developers and actively resist the deployment of police and military to intimidate and attack them.
The women demand respect for their right to gender equality, enjoyment of equal opportunities in all socio-economic activities, a systematic stop to violence against women and to women trafficking. They demand respect and support for the children who suffer victimization under the dire economic and social conditions and campaigns of military suppression. They demand the right to gender equality and against discrimination that extends to lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transgendered.
The youth demand their right to education, an increase of state appropriations for public education at all levels, a stop to the wastage of public resources on military spending, debt service and bureaucratic corruption. They oppose the soaring prices of basic commodities, unemployment, the rapid rise of poverty, and the reduction of public funds for public schools. They demand respect for the democratic right to speak and act in the interest of the students,  youth and the entire people. They condemn and oppose the increasingly violent reaction of the Aquino regime to mass protest actions, as exemplified by the repeated brutal dispersal of the youth attempting to hold a camp-out protest at Mendiola earlier this month.
The professionals, small entrepreneurs and the entire middle class demand a stop to the imposition of higher taxes, fees and other onerous burdens, the judicious use of their tax and other contributions, instead of being wasted on bureaucratic corruption, military expenditures and debt service. The urban petty-bourgeoisie is ever more ready to join the toiling masses as a revolutionary force. The middle bourgeoisie is concerned about the surrender of national rights to foreign powers and monopoly firms.
More than ever, the crisis conditions are providing fertile ground for the growth in strength and advance of the people's war and the people's army. The escalation of oppression and exploitation incites the people to engage in mass protests and to rise up in arms against the reactionary state and to build the people's democratic state. The conditions for armed revolution are exceedingly favorable.
The people and the revolutionary forces represented by the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) are willing to negotiate with the reactionary government to address the roots of the armed conflict by forging agreements on social, economic and political reforms in order to lay the basis for a just and lasting peace. But the Aquino regime is hellbent on using the US-instigated Oplan Bayanihan to destroy the revolutionary movement of the people. It is obsessed with using the peace negotiations as a mere tool for psywar and as a way to seek the capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary forces.
The Aquino regime is not seriously interested in peace negotiations with the NDFP. It is preconditioning the peace negotiations with demands for the capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary movement. It is backtracking on and invalidating previous bilateral agreements by qualifying and putting them aside. It has not rectified the Arroyo policy of abducting, torturing and murdering NDFP consultants in the peace negotiations. It has condoned and upheld the actions of the Arroyo regime to have the NPA, the CPP and the NDFP chief political consultant in the peace negotiations maintained in the terrorist list of the US and other foreign governments; and likewise to have the NDFP chief political consultant arrested and detained in 2007 by the Dutch government for criminal charges, which the Dutch court in The Hague dismissed as baseless and politically motivated. It refuses to release imprisoned NDFP consultants and to comply with the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG).
It has condoned gross and systematic abuses of human rights in violation of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) under the Arroyo regime and is emboldening the military, police and paramilitary forces to further commit atrocities. It refuses to release hundreds of political prisoners who are accused of participation in the revolutionary movement but are falsely charged with common crimes in violation of the CARHRIHL and the Hernandez political offense doctrine.
The reactionary government recurrently demands ceasefire for this or that reason in order to avoid negotiating the substantive agenda of the peace negotiations and in effect obtain the capitulation and pacification of the revolutionary movement. But it refuses the NDFP offer of truce and alliance on the basis of a ten-point general declaration of common intent regarding national independence, democracy, economic development, social justice and other important demands of the people.
It conducts sham peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) like it does with the NDFP by backtracking on previous agreements and nullifying them and ever wishing to trick or bend the opposite party towards capitulation and pacification. It has blocked real progress in the peace negotiations with the NDFP as well as the MILF. The GPH has gone as far as scamming and racketeering by recycling the CPLA and the RPA-ABB surrenderees and hirelings as rebel groups and using their names to malverse public funds.
It is advantageous for both the NDFP and the MILF to continue fighting against their common enemy. Although waged separately, their revolutionary armed struggles support each other. The reactionary government has increasing difficulties in trying to fight on two major fronts. The crisis will further reduce the capabilities of the reactionary state and all its coercive apparatuses. The reactionary state and its armed forces will further weaken upon the growth in strength of the NDFP and the MILF separately and simultaneously.
The broad masses of the Filipino people are acutely aware of the growing US military intervention in the Philippines under the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty and the Visiting Forces Agreement. Such intervention is aimed at perpetuating US control of the Philippines and using the Philippines as a strategic base for securing US hegemony in East Asia. The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces are prepared for the escalation of US military intervention and to wage a war of national liberation against US imperialism.

III. The growing strength of the Party

The CPP continues to strengthen itself and perform its role of leading the Philippine revolution by resolutely and vigorously engaging in ideological, political and organizational work. In this connection, we are confident that we can successfully carry out our plan to advance from the strategic defensive to the strategic stalemate in the people's war.
Strengthening our Party is the most important of the political prerequisites for realizing our plan. Ideological work ensures that all our cadres and members have a basic level of knowledge of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the Philippine revolution and continue to raise their level of knowledge through revolutionary practice and higher study courses (intermediate and advanced).
To remain in superb fighting shape, the Party should keep constant watch and wage persistent struggle against bourgeois and other reactionary influences and tendencies within the Party such as bourgeois reformism, modern revisionism, empiricism, dogmatism, right and left opportunism, liberalism, bureaucratism, complacency and desire for ease and comfort. Through vigilant and conscious struggle against these pernicious influences, the Party strengthens its proletarian revolutionary line, raises its fighting capacity and develops the militant style of work that is well-appreciated by the masses.
Party units and committees at different levels have undertaken summings-up and assessments of revolutionary work, conducted regular criticism and self-criticism and in so doing, identified shortcomings and errors in order to rectify them. Through self-criticism and prompt and conscientious correction of errors and shortcomings, the Party continuously improves its work and style of work and truly becomes the proletarian vanguard of the revolution.
The number of Party cadres and members educated in the ideological line of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the political line of people's democratic revolution through protracted people's war are increasing and are therefore in a position to perform the various tasks and functions in the revolution. They guarantee the revolutionary character and direction of the struggle of the proletariat and the people.
However, our efforts in training and developing cadres in number and quality are still way below the level required by the next and even the current stage of the people's war. Our educational work and cadre training must be given greater attention by leading Party committees at all levels. Problems and difficulties arising from lack of training personnel and facilities and the ruthlessness and exceeding fluidity of our people's war have to be overcome step-by-step by more persistent effort, better planning and taking full advantage of every available resource and opportunity.
We have identified the factors and reasons in previous years and decades for the slow growth of the Party, especially lack of planning and diligence and insensitivity to the desire of advanced mass activists to become Party candidate-members and of the latter to become full members according to the time frame and reasonable requirements stipulated in our Party Constitution.
To a large extent, we have learned to overcome the obstacles and are now providing the basic Party education promptly to the old stock and the new flow of Party candidate-members and are promptly swearing them in as full members after they complete the basic Party course.
To ensure that the majority of our members who come from the working class and the peasantry can effectively undergo the necessary training and education, we have simplified study materials and audio-visual aids in various Philippine languages and more important, we have trained instructors who can explain Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in terms comprehensible to our comrades who come from the ranks of the working people.
The Party is now ideologically stronger than before and is in a better position to engage in political work and lead the revolutionary movement. We have Party cadres and members who grasp the principles, policies and line of the revolution and who are at the head and at the core of the revolutionary mass movement. As a result, the mass movement, the revolutionary armed struggle and the united front are resolutely and militantly growing in strength.
Party groups and branches are at the core of the trade unions and other mass organizations as well as in units of the people's army. Thus, the mass movement continues to grow and becomes firmer and vigorous in the urban and rural areas. The message of the people's democratic movement resounds among the people in their millions throughout the archipelago. We also have Party groups in certain offices of the reactionary government as well as in educational, social service, religious and other kinds of institutions.
The Party ensures that the NPA integrates revolutionary armed struggle with land reform and mass base building. Party committees, branches and groups within the people's army work hard to carry out the general policy of minimum land reform and, wherever possible, maximum land reform and to conduct mass work for building the mass organizations and the local organs of political power.
We are well on the path of increasing the number of guerrilla fronts, whose millions of people are the direct reliable mass base of the people's war and the people's army. The mass organizations of workers, peasants, youth, women, children and cultural activists are growing in strength. They are the broad mass base of the organs of political power.
These organs constitute the people's democratic government of the workers and peasants opposing the city-based reactionary government of the big compradors and landlords. The revolutionary government comprehensively renders public services through the working committees in charge of mass education, mass organizing, land reform and production, health care, defense, arbitration and cultural activities.
As the guerrilla fronts gain in strength in political and military terms, the reactionary and puppet state has unleashed even larger, more prolonged and more intensive attacks against them. To frustrate the enemy offensives, it is imperative to force the enemy to spread itself thin by expanding and intensifying guerrilla warfare on a nation-wide scale, strengthening inter-front coordination and mutual support, accelerating the rate of expansion and consolidation of the guerrilla fronts, and developing in an all-rounded way the military and political forces and struggles of the masses.
But in some old guerrilla bases and zones, serious losses have been incurred in organizational, political and military strength not only and not so much due to the intensified enemy attacks but as a result of passivity in military work; long-running neglect of the mass organizations, the antifeudal class struggle and political education among the masses; and deterioration of the basic Party units which have come under strong influence by rich peasant elements, thinking and practices. These reflect errors and shortcomings not only at the basic level but also in Party and army work and leadership in the higher levels.
The participation and support of the people have enabled the NPA to launch tactical offensives and win victories. The people are the inexhaustible source of strength for the people's army. The people's militia, acting as the local police forces of the local organs of political power, and the self-defense units of the various mass organizations, reinforce and amplify the strength of the people's army.
NPA tactical offensives have been intensified and have resulted in increased number of arms for creating new combat units. Casualties on enemy troops are increasing and causing demoralization among their ranks. The NPA units have destroyed or disabled enemy transport and supply lines, depots and vehicles. They have broken up large landed estates in the course of conducting land reform.
They have dismantled or paralyzed business enterprises and landed estates that violate the laws of the people's democratic government. These violations involve ruining the environment and agricultural production, taking away land from the people, opposing and preventing land reform or exporting mineral ores at the expense of future industrialization.
The broad masses of the people welcome the tactical offensives of the people's army against the armed personnel and military facilities of the reactionary state; the arrest and trial of despotic landlords, human rights violators, plunderers, drug lords and other criminal elements; and the dismantling of mining and logging enterprises and plantations that are grievously harmful to the people and the environment.
By intensifying the people's war, the NPA has captured an increasing number of weapons from the enemy and has enlarged the people's army and increased the guerrilla fronts. In turn, the greater number of people in more guerrilla fronts helps the people's army to achieve greater feats in the people's war. At various levels of the Party and the NPA commands, guidelines and plans for tactical offensives are developed and implemented according to the capabilities of NPA units concerned.
All NPA units are keenly conscious of their duty to carry out offensives that they can win. They wage operations to ambush or raid enemy units as well as operations to destroy enemy facilities. They carry out extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare on the basis of ever widening and deepening mass base. They therefore engage in mass work, production and cultural activities in order to complement and pave the ground for the tactical offensives.
The Party has achieved successes in employing the united front policy to strengthen the basic alliance of the workers and peasants, the progressive alliance of the toiling masses with the urban petty bourgeoisie, the patriotic alliance of the aforesaid progressive forces and the national bourgeoisie and the broad alliance with such temporary and unreliable allies among factions of the ruling system that fight the ruling clique as the common enemy.
The united front is aimed at uniting various forces to oppose the common enemy. The legal patriotic and progressive forces form multisectoral, sectoral and issue-based alliances in order to reach the broadest ranks of the people. At the same time, the united front is principally aimed at facilitating the advance of the people's war.
The Aquino regime has amply shown its lack of sincerity and seriousness in peace negotiations with the NDFP. We should dispel any illusion that the regime is interested in addressing the roots of the armed conflict and forging agreements with the NDFP on social, economic and political reforms. Clearly, it is hellbent on destroying the Party and the revolutionary movement.
The formal meetings in the GPH-NDFP peace negotiations cannot be held unless the GPH addresses the prejudicial issues being raised by the NDFP and makes amends. However, we continue to express our desire for peace negotiations in order to prevent the enemy from claiming falsely that we are not interested in a just and lasting peace and also to keep open the possibility that the enemy regime would be compelled by the crisis and/or by our significant victories in people's war to seriously seek negotiations. Indeed, the only way to compel the enemy to engage in serious negotiations is to inflict major defeats on it and make it realize the futility of its attempt to destroy the revolutionary movement, especially the people's army.
Our Party is highly respected in the international communist movement and in the global anti-imperialist movement because of our revolutionary achievements in the Philippines and because of our well-known concern and support for overseas Filipinos. We have extensive relations with Marxist-Leninist and anti-imperialist parties and organizations abroad. Our international united front policy has enabled us to have well-developed relations with revolutionary and anti-imperialist mass organizations, social movements and other progressive formations.
By our revolutionary struggle in our country, we have contributed significantly to the development of the anti-imperialist and socialist movement on a global scale. Our Party delegations have participated in various international conferences, forums and seminars aimed at strengthening the ideological and political position of communist and workers' parties against imperialism and all reaction and for national liberation, democracy and socialism.
We uphold and advance proletarian internationalism and the anti-imperialist solidarity of the world's peoples. We look forward to a new and higher level of development in the international communist movement through the revolutionary victories of communist and workers' parties in various countries and continents.

IV. Urgent fighting tasks for advancing the revolution

  1. We must further strengthen the Party as the leading force in the democratic revolution and in the socialist future of the Filipino people. We must exert all efforts to further strengthen the Party ideologically, politically and organizationally.
    Still greater attention and effort must be exerted in bolstering and consolidating Party education and training. Study and instruction guides and aids must be completed and produced in adequate quantities; more cadres selected, trained and mobilized for instruction work; and more study courses conducted involving more students at all levels.
    Summings-up and assessments must be done regularly and whenever needed to take stock of the situation of revolutionary forces and work, identify and solve problems, and clarify tasks, policies and priorities . Researches and investigations must be conducted to probe, analyze and solve important issues and problems. Problems must not be allowed to fester and pile up, but must be promptly confronted and solved. Work and study conferences must be held to involve more cadres from different areas and lines of work in discussions about policy and theory, making decisions and plans, and summing up and exchanges of experiences.
    We must strengthen the Party committee system and Party leadership at all levels. Tens of thousands of cadres must be developed and trained to fill up positions of responsibility and serve as core elements in different levels and areas of work. Party committees must be kept strong and vigorous through the bold promotion of the most dedicated and most capable cadres, the replacement of those who have deteriorated or failed to advance, and the combination of old and experienced cadres with young and more energetic ones. The system of regular and special reports must be improved as an essential requisite of strengthening democratic centralism and Party leadership.
    We must accelerate the recruitment of Party candidate-members from the ranks of advanced mass activists. We must follow the requirements for facilitating the process of raising candidate-members to full members as stipulated by our Party Constitution. All Party members must finish the basic Party course and advance in due time to higher courses. They must fulfill tasks in their Party branches in units of the people's army and in the mass organizations to which they belong.
    We must tirelessly expand and deepen the Party underground in urban and rural areas and steel Party cadres and members in strict underground rules and methods. This is an absolute necessity if we are to persevere and advance in revolutionary work and struggle in the face of the fascist and puppet state's unremitting attacks and schemes to crush and decapitate the Party as well as the wide-ranging and intensifying intelligence and special military operations by the US which categorizes the Philippine revolutionary movement as a target in its global antiterror war.
  2. We must expand and intensify the mass movement in both the urban and rural areas. We must encourage the urban-based mass organizations to uphold, defend and advance national independence and democracy. We must develop the mass movement resulting directly from our mass work in the guerrilla fronts.
    We must encourage the mass activists in the urban areas to learn from the workers and peasants, render service to the people and devote their lives to the worker and peasant movements. We must encourage and help the mass activists based in both urban and rural areas to support and work for the expansion of the people's army.
    We must lead and support the peasant masses in carrying out widespread mass struggles against feudal and semifeudal exploitation and against brutal campaigns of suppression of military, police and paramilitary forces of the state. We must encourage the peasant masses to rise up in their hundreds of thousands in mass campaigns to demand and carry out land reform, take over abandoned and idle agricultural lands for tilling, and promote production and the people's livelihood.
    We must boldly expand the revolutionary mass organizations and continuously broaden and strengthen them through political education and mass campaigns and struggles. Neglect and other shortcomings in planning and guidance by the Party of mass work and the mass movement must be rectified resolutely and thoroughly.
  3. We must intensify the people's war and accelerate efforts to fulfill the plan to advance from the strategic defensive to the strategic stalemate. We must carry out the tactical offensives to deliver lethal blows to the enemy, increase our NPA fighting units, carry out land reform, build mass organizations and organs of political power and create new guerrilla fronts.
    We must encourage workers and the educated youth to join the people's army or render rural service. We must redeploy some cadres and weapons from one region to another in the communist spirit of the relatively stronger helping the relatively weaker. We must recognize the uneven development of our revolutionary forces and decide how the stronger forces in a region help weaker ones in other regions.
    We must hamper and prevent enemy intrusions into the guerrilla fronts through ambushes and other actions, including sniper fire, grenade attacks, mortar and land mines. We must destroy the transport and supply lines and depots of the enemy. We must give the enemy forces no rest by launching attacks on their camps and detachments whenever possible, even at night. When enemy personnel hide in fortifications, we can wait for them to take the road and expose themselves to our attacks.
    We must arrest and try landlords who violently oppose land reform, the human rights violators, the plunderers, drug lords and enemy spies. We must interdict and dismantle enterprises that violate the laws and regulations of the people's government and destroy the environment and agricultural production, plunder natural resources and prevent land reform and national industrialization.
  4. We must implement united front policy along the correct class line: rely on the basic worker-peasant alliance, win over the urban petty bourgeoisie to develop the alliance of basic revolutionary forces, further win over the middle bourgeoisie to form the patriotic alliance and broaden the united front through temporary alliances with sections of the reactionary classes to isolate to the utmost and defeat the enemy in the shortest possible time. We must employ the united front to reach the masses and arouse, organize and mobilize them in their millions and to promote the people's war.
    We must unite all the patriotic and progressive forces to fight the US imperialists and their die-hard puppets. When possible and necessary, we must develop temporary and tactical alliances with reactionaries who oppose the worst of the reactionaries as the enemy target. We must pursue the tactic of defeating the reactionaries one by one. We must maintain our independence and initiative and avoid being completely or mainly integrated or subordinated into the reactionary political system.
  5. We must continue to develop the anti-imperialist solidarity of all peoples and contribute to the steady advance of the international communist movement on the basis of the growing strength of proletarian revolutionary parties in their home countries amidst the most favorable conditions arising from the global crisis.
    We must build the broadest possible international united front of all anti-imperialist forces. We must relate with various communist forces through bilateral and multilateral meetings and conferences as means of promoting proletarian internationalism, exchanging ideas and experiences and raising the level of common understanding and practical cooperation.

Sunday, December 25, 2011

struggle against revisionism and 'leftism' is marxism-leninism-maoism , theory applied to praxis

Today parties and organisations mlm have two problems:
first - building mlm parties in every country, applyng teory to praxis, in the fear of class struggle and with real relations with proletarians and masses
second - re-building international mlm organisation after collapse of RIM,  principally for action of postmlm avakianism and revisionist line in PCUNnepal.

Internet can aid the solutions of these problems if it serves this road, if real parties and real organisations that exist in the reality of class struggle can inform, debate, struggle for the affirmation and application of mlm in the real class struggle.

Interned damages this road if it becomes a paranoic camp of cybermaoists, that can tell every thing in the name of 'perfect mlm', always in the history and in the today situation, a cover of ' scientific theory ' for an 'fantastic' praxis , all in their head.

all parties, organisations and also every comrade mlm can and must choice road and life in this context.

maoist road
december 2011

Wednesday, December 21, 2011

les camarades canadiennes sur la deuxieme revolte en egipte

Faux-semblant électoral et révolte populaire en Égypte
Partisan No14Le 9 décembre 2011
Depuis quelques semaines maintenant en Égypte, des manifestations importantes se sont tenues dans la plupart des grandes villes du pays, plus particulièrement au Caire, dans ce que certains ont baptisé de «Tahrir II», en référence au mouvement de l’hiver dernier. Le mouvement actuel est caractérisé par un profond ras-le-bol populaire devant l’absence de changements politiques et sociaux dignes de ce nom. La chute forcée de l’ancien président Moubarak en février avait semé l’espoir et la joie parmi les masses. Mais celle-ci fut de courte durée.
Les masses populaires ont vite réalisé que les efforts et sacrifices consentis lors du mouvement de contestation se sont heurtés aux forces autrefois liées à l’ancien dictateur, c’est-à-dire la bourgeoisie ainsi que la caste militaire qui favorise le statu quo. Tout au plus a-t-on accepté que le peuple puisse choisir qui gouvernera pour le compte de la classe dominante, par le biais d’une élection.
Le processus électoral en trois phases annoncé après les évènements d’il y a dix mois par le conseil suprême des forces armées (CSFA), qui a pris la relève de Moubarak, a débuté il y a deux semaines par un scrutin qui s’étalera jusqu’en janvier 2012 pour la chambre des députés, et jusqu’en mars prochain pour le sénat.
Avec des dispositions et règlements très stricts, qui prévoient notamment que le CSFA aura la main haute sur le processus de nomination des ministres clés dans le prochain gouvernement, la classe dominante traditionnelle s’est assuré de garder le contrôle et de sauvegarder ses privilèges. Elle tient à tout prix à maintenir le système capitaliste corrompu qui prévalait sous l’ère Moubarak. Malgré une façade de renouveau, la classe dominante n’a pas l’intention de perdre quoi que ce soit et n’hésitera pas à utiliser son appareil répressif, comme on l’a vu au cours des derniers jours, alors que l’armée et la police ont tué au moins une trentaine de manifestants.
Avec un taux de participation officiel de 62 % – dont plusieurs pensent qu’il est surévalué – et des partis d’opposition opportunistes qui ne sont intéressés qu’à s’intégrer au système bourgeois, les frustrations légi­times des masses ont explosé dans la rue.
Les Frères musulmans et les autres partis religieux présentés comme l’alternative électorale la plus organisée n’ont pourtant jamais remis en question les rapports économiques capitalistes du pays ni défendu les intérêts des travailleurs, des travailleuses et des masses populaires. Ce sont celles-ci qui ont été la vraie force du mouvement de contestation qui a ébranlé le régime, sur fond de pauvreté et d’inégalités généralisées.
En participant au conseil de transition avec l’armée après le départ de Moubarak et en poursuivant leurs calculs et stratégies électoralistes, les partis religieux se sont en fait éloignés de la rue. Ils n’ont d’ailleurs pas hésité à concocter des excuses bébêtes pour ne pas participer aux diverses manifestations qui ont pourtant mobilisé des centaines de milliers de gens, qui n’étaient pas dupes des tractations opportunistes.
Plusieurs éléments positifs ressortent tout de même des nombreuses actions qui ont eu lieu depuis presque un an, lorsque les premières contestations d’envergure sont apparues en Égypte, à la suite du réveil du peuple tunisien. Le fait que les classes populaires aient réussi à ébranler un système qui les maintenait opprimées depuis si longtemps, et qu’elles n’aient pas accepté les changements de façade qui ont suivi en dit long sur le bond politique qui s’est produit.
Reste à voir si les éléments les plus avancés parmi le prolétariat et les classes populaires s’organiseront à long terme dans un parti authentiquement révolutionnaire qui prendra le relais du mouvement actuel, qui semble avoir atteint ses limites, dans le sens où les possibilité de réforme du système en place s’avèrent pour le moins limitées.
Il faut être solidaire avec le peuple égyptien et soutenir son combat pour le renversement de la bourgeoisie et l’édification d’un pouvoir populaire.

Open Letter From I.P.C. (Internationalist Proletarian Committee) to C.P.I. (Maoist)

the question is

IPC ..suport or does not support International campaign 14-22 jenuary in spain ?

maoistroad

Open Letter From I.P.C. (Internationalist Proletarian Committee) to C.P.I. (Maoist)

From the spanish state the IPC sends its most brotherly salute to CPI(Maoist) and to the Indian Revolution in process.

The makeup of the IPC in the spanish state comes from the internationalist and proletarian initiative, consisting in giving international support to the revolution that is going on in the present day in India, in particular, and takes care, in general, of the international solidarity given from the spanish state to the revolutionaries all over the world.

To the IPC, the events and the struggle developed in India by the CPI(maoist), represent actually one of the spearheads of the Proletarian World Revolution. Revolution in India, forged in the middle of a People´s War, is overcoming all odds and difficulties imposed by the Indian state and the imperialists, marching on victoriously.

After UCPN-M betrayal, the International Communist Movement is aware of the development of the events in India, for it is of great importance in practice the fact of its determination on carrying on with the People´s War in India towards its revolutionary objective, and take the power to destroy the Old State. For the International Communist Movement, triumph of People´s War in India would mean the triumph of a revolutionary line over the revisionist and conciliatory thesis, promoted, for example, by the UCPN-M or the RCP-USA, on a global basis.

The events going on today in India represent, as far as international communist politics concern, the practical facts to which revolutionaries against revisionism can hold on to. People´s War aiming to take control of the old bourgeois state and the creation of the new worker state, is incompatible with the illusions of “parliamentary socialism under the bourgeois state”, that class conciliators promulgate.

Today, Revolution in India keeps a great expectation before the eyes of the communists, on one hand, and on the other, to the eyes of workers and peasants without land or poor all over the world, because People´s War in India makes revisionists and reactionaries all over the world tremble. People´s War in India is the focal point of other new People´s Wars over the globe.

IPC, on its hand, will do everything it can do to help from the international solidarity frame, the final triumph of revolution in India. We show our support to revolution in India as a great heroic deed of the workers, peasants and all of the oppressed in the country in their struggle against imperialism.We also show our support to CPI(Maoist) as the ruling party of this revolution, which with great determination stands firm and still before the attempts of the enemy to finish them up.

We also would like to take this opportunity this letter gives us to show our deep respect for comrade Kishenji and condemn with all our hate the violence that is serving capital and its assassins. We want to express our most energic rejection before what has happened.

We have only one thing left to say, and that is to wish our indian comrades the biggest success.

We send you a Revolutionary Salute,

IPC LONG LIVE PEOPLPE´S WAR IN INDIA!!!

HONOR AND GLORY TO THE INDIAN REVOLUTIONARY WARRIORS!!!

HONOR AND GLORY TO COMRADE KISHENJI!!!

LONG LIVE REVOLUTION IN INDIA, WHICH GOES ON AS PART OF THE PROLETARIAN WORLD REVOLUTION!!!

EXCEPT POWER, ALL IS ILLUSION!!!

LONG LIVE COMMUNISM, DEATH TO REVISIONISM!!!

LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!!!

December 2011

IPC

PCm Italy MANOVRA E ART. 18: NON IN NOSTRO NOME!!

Dopo le lacrime e sangue della prima parte della manovra che toglie ai lavoratori e alle masse popolari, ai pensionati per difendere i capitali, i patrimoni, la casta del parlamento, arriva ora la fase due più politica e strategica della manovra: quella che deve togliere i diritti dei lavoratori, eliminare l’art. 18 e dare piena libertà ai padroni di licenziare, quando e chi vogliono.
In maniera perversa, questo governo porta avanti un paradosso (chiaramente solo apparente): da un lato con l’allungamento dell’età pensionabile, al solo fine di fare cassa, costringe lavoratori e lavoratrici a rimanere fino a quasi 70 anni al lavoro, dall’altra eliminando l’art. 18 dice ai padroni che possono cacciare gli operai.
Ma c’è soprattutto una maniera falsa e odiosa che il governo e la ministra Fornero stanno utilizzando per presentare l’intervento sulla riforma del mercato del lavoro e in particolare l’art. 18, come quello sulle pensioni, lo si spaccia come risposta ai problemi dei giovani, come favorevole all’ingresso dei giovani nel lavoro.
NON IN LORO NOME!
Con l’aumento dell’età pensionabile, si impedisce che nei settori del Pubblico Impiego vi sia un turn over che permetta nuove assunzioni – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Con la intera manovra sulle pensioni, si condannano centinaia di migliaia di giovani precari, di giovani che tardi trovano lavoro, a non avere mai la pensione – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Ora con la manovra sul mercato del lavoro e art. 18, oltre i lavoratori adulti, saranno tanti giovani che hanno finalmente trovato un posto di lavoro che potranno essere licenziati perché dopo i primi anni di benefici contrattuali e retributivi per le aziende non sono più convenienti – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Ora le aziende che potranno licenziare operai a tempo indeterminato, e potranno assumere “carne fresca e a buon mercato” da sfruttare, pagando ai giovani un miseria di salario per poi, sempre, licenziarli – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!

D’altra parte questa squallida ipocrisia sui “giovani” viene subito alla luce non appena sono proprio i giovani in prima fila a rivendicare con la lotta il loro futuro. Questo è successo il 15 ottobre, dove l’ipocrisia ha lasciato il posto alla realtà questa sì vera, fatta di lacrimigeni, cariche della polizia, arresti.

PCm Italy

Usa against uprisings in North africa and the Middle East

Uprisings, Clashes Shake North Africa and the Middle East

Inspired by an uprising that drove out a hated imperialist-backed tyrant in the North African country of Tunisia, millions of Egyptian people defied the torture chambers and tanks of the Mubarak regime, driving him from power. For decades the U.S. considered Mubarak one of its closest and most important allies in the world, and provided his regime with billions of dollars in aid, even as they were fully aware of the Mubarak regime’s savage repression and robbery of the Egyptian people. The U.S. imperialists, through their tight ties with the Egyptian army, continue to work to repress the Egyptian people’s aspirations for liberation while maneuvering to contend with and control conservative and reactionary Muslim fundamentalist forces. Through twists and turns, the Egyptian people have continued to resist and look for ways to break out of the “options” offered by the current world order.
January 19: People in Tunisia demonstrate against holdovers from the regime of the just ousted dictator President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. In December of 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old unemployed university graduate, set himself on fire in protest of the U.S.-backed regime. His sacrifice became a rallying cry and by January 19, Ben Ali had fled. This uprising challenged all views that the oppressive order in North Africa and the Middle East was unchangeable and unchallengeable.
In a very inspiring development, on May 15 tens of thousands of protesters converged on, and in some cases heroically crossed the borders of Israel from Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza to commemorate the Nakba (the ethnic cleansing on which Israel was founded in 1948). Israeli troops opened fire on these unarmed protesters, killing at least a dozen on the Lebanon, Gaza and Syria borders.
In these courageous mobilizations on the borders of Israel, one could see a seed of the potential strength of the people of the world. Israel is an extremely important “prop” and enforcer of U.S. imperialist domination of people throughout the region (and the world). And the oppression of the Palestinians is central to the whole setup that maintains the peoples of the region (and beyond) in poverty and brutal repression.
The mass uprisings across the Arab world in 2011 rocked the U.S., the main power dominating the region. At the same time, the U.S. rulers have been maneuvering ferociously and viciously to protect and promote their interests. The U.S. imperialist godfather oversaw a NATO military assault on the North African country of Libya to overthrow the Qaddafi regime. Obama declared that “The future of Libya is now in the hands of the Libyan people.” The reality is nothing of the sort. The war had nothing to do with liberating Libya or assuring self-determination for the nation of Libya. It was aimed at strengthening imperialism’s grip on Libya, and the overall region.
The U.S. also continued to back its reactionary allies in the face of upheavals shaking the region: the main attack dog for the U.S. in the region, the state of Israel; the fundamentalist monarchy in Saudi Arabia; the military regime in Egypt following the fall of longtime U.S.-backed ruler Hosni Mubarak; and vicious regimes in Bahrain and other countries.
Beyond the Middle East, in Afghanistan, the U.S. continues a brutal war—with bombings of villages, night raids on homes, covert assassinations, massive detentions and torture, and all-around terror—that has meant horrible suffering for the masses of people.
The U.S. (along with Israel) has also been intensifying a covert war and threats of open war against the Islamic regime in Iran; a bloody military campaign with drones in Pakistan; and intervention in a number of African countries.

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Egypt: trial of strength continues

Egypt: trial of strength continues
 
19 December 2011. A World to Win News Service. By Samuel Albert. An Egyptian army attack on an occupation in front of the cabinet building near Tahrir Square 15 December set off yet another explosion of  revolt.
 
Since the fact that the protesters numbered only a few hundred and sometimes less, Egypt's ruling military and their media called them an isolated minority. They probably figured they could easily crush this small but persistent sign of defiance. Yet the harder the military tried to break the rebels' back, the more support for the rebels swelled. The military found itself if not isolated, then at least losing ground.
 
Protesters have occupied Tahrir Square or nearby areas for a month now, at a cost so far of about 55 dead, many hundreds of serious injuries and arrests that bring torture and prison. Their numbers have ebbed and flowed from a few dozen at some moments to hundreds, often thousands and at one point tens of thousands. A major demonstration has been called for 23 December.
 
The movement seemed at a low point on 19 November when police swooped down on Tahrir at dawn to drive out a small group that had set up tents there. Over the next few days possession of the the square went back and forth between the police and the protesters, as young reinforcements and older activists poured in, culminating in a huge and triumphant rally. Then came days of hard fighting as youth attacked the nearby Interior Ministry building.
 
Along with clubs, tear gas and gunfire, the military also deployed political manoeuvres to stop the protests. They discarded their faceless prime minister and put in a more experienced politician, Kamal Gonzouri, once PM under President Hosni Mubarak before distancing himself from the regime that Tahrir brought down last February. They also held parliamentary elections and promised that next year would see a civilian president.
 
The smaller numbers of protesters who persisted during and after the elections moved from Tahrir to the nearby cabinet building, where they symbolically blocked the nomination of a new cabinet. They demanded Gonzouri's resignation and an immediate end to military rule.
 
On 15 December soldiers beat up individuals leaving the sit-in. A young man was kidnapped, taken into the adjacent parliament building and tortured. This brutality brought more demonstrators and fighting began. At dawn the next day military police attacked, firing shots into the air. Using tactics seen repeatedly in the last year, men on the rooftops of government buildings, some in uniform, pelted the crowd below with lethal objects – stones, tiles, wooden panels and furniture. People began throwing stones back at the troops on the ground. 
 
The soldiers seized about 20 people and took them into the parliament building. They were beaten with clubs and iron bars and given electric shocks. Among them were a leading young woman activist and an Al Jazeera reporter. They did the same to a new young Member of Parliament who had signed a complaint against the head of the military junta, Field Marshall Tantawi.  While torturing him they yelled, "This is what we think of your … parliament." 
 
Eight members of the advisory council the military had just appointed to give itself a civilian cover resigned in protest against what they called the military's attacks on non-violent demonstrators. The rest voted to stop meeting.
 
A senior Muslim scholar who had come to show his solidarity with the protesters was shot in the heart, apparently by military police. Nine other people were also shot, two of them killed, according to the Health Ministry. The popular cleric's funeral the next day brought together thousands of people, including leading Muslim and Coptic Christian religious authorities and secular activists. Then they marched to Tahrir Square.
 
Fighting continued in front of the parliamentary building, and soldiers repeatedly charged the square. They invaded field hospitals set up in nearby mosques and churches, burning medical equipment, arresting doctors and carrying off patients. 
 
They also burst into apartments and hotel rooms overlooking the square to smash and steal reporters' cameras and other equipment. On the ground anyone with a camera became a target.
 
Nevertheless, unbearably shocking footage was soon posted on the Net. Several clips show groups of soldiers surrounding, beating and stomping on a fallen demonstrator and then dragging the unconscious or dead body away. One shows a charging soldier drawing a pistol and shooting into a group of retreating people. Photos of mutilated bodies bear witness to the soldiers' savagery.
 
Although the fighting in front of the parliamentary buildings mainly involved young men and boys, there were women in the square, and they seemed to be targeted with a special fury. Probably the best-known video of the 17 December assaults shows soldiers grabbing a young woman by her head scarf and stripping her half naked. A soldier can be seen raising a booted foot to kick her in the stomach as she is dragged away. In another a well-known older woman activist is seen standing by herself, watching. Soldiers surround her and begin to club her, dragging her away as well.
 
At some point a petrol bomb hit the Egyptian national archives next to the parliament building where both sides were hurling them. Soldiers attacked demonstrators who tried to put out the fire and carry some of the documents to safety. The contents of the archives go back to the records of Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798.
 
Compelled to issue a political self-defence, a spokesman for the military council denied that soldiers had clubbed or shot anyone, and proclaimed that the demonstrators were not "the youth of the revolution." This was interpreted as a reference to the large number of apparently lower class youth at the centre of the fighting, just as they were during the first Tahrir revolt that toppled Mubarak. He also said that the violence was caused by "counter-revolutionaries" and a "foreign hand", a reference to Israel and/or Mubarak regime remnants who are supposedly paying poor youth and street children to riot. This might seem like a bit much coming from a military that was built up by the US for the purpose of, among other things, protecting Israel from the Egyptian people, but portraying itself as the protector of the nation (and  now the "revolution") has long been a core part of the Egyptian army's political strategy.
 
Although by 19 December the army had brought in the Central Security Forces, Mubarak's supposedly "civilian" anti-protest police, these clashes were unusual in that for most of the time the army alone conducted the fighting. The first time that this happened on such a large scale was in October, when soldiers assaulted marchers protesting attacks on Coptic Christians, killing 27 people. Such open people/army confrontations represent a political problem for the military, which has tried to distance itself from the almost universally hated police and claim that its solders are present at demonstrations to protect demonstrators.
 
These events have also been problematic for Egypt's rulers in that once again the country's turbulent political configuration has been centred on Tahrir Square. The fighting in the streets has been the main event, while the parliamentary elections taking place at the same time have been a sideshow. This is no minor setback, since the electoral process was supposed to produce a regime with some legitimacy in a country where over the last year authority at every level came to be not only despised but defied and often driven out, starting at the top and working down. The army certainly has the power, but the naked injustice of its violence has gravely tarnished the legitimacy it can't do without.
 
This is probably why US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said she was "deeply concerned"  by the violence, although she attributed it to both sides, as if it were not the Egyptian regime and it alone that is attacking and killing civilians. For an official fond of calling for sanctions and bombardment of other Middle Eastern governments not to Washington's liking, it is notable that she did not threaten to cut off the US life support system for Egypt's living dead generals.
 
Egyptian reactionaries have tried to take up a slogan of the Occupy movement in the US and turn it upside down, taunting the Tahrir occupiers by proclaiming "We are the 97 percent, you are the 3 percent", a reference to the fact that the leftist political parties won about 3.5 percent of the seats in the first round of parliamentary elections. This is not an accurate picture of a complex and contradictory situation.
 
A Gallup poll conducted earlier this year proclaimed that most people had confidence in the army (not necessarily the ruling generals), but also found that almost everyone considered violence against civilians never justified, a figure not matched by Gallup surveys taken in Israel and the US, for example.
 
Further, there seems to be an enormous gap between many people's deepest aspirations and the political choices they feel that practicality dictates. When the regime has attacked the Tahrir rebels, the resulting polarization for-or-against Tahrir, and especially for-or-against violent repression of Tahrir, has not been favourable for the military.
 
So far, the military has sought to deal with this by trying to crush the rebels. They have not exhausted their potential for killing.
 
Some of the people arrested, tortured or shot have been well-known activists and regime enemies. The murdered cleric, Sheik Emad Effat, for example, was popular for opposing Mubarak, the junta and the authorities who dominate the religious establishment. The concern that the generals may be targeting specific iconic individuals increased when a member of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) speaking on television denounced Mohamed Hashem, the owner of Merit Publishing, as one of a handful of people behind the violence. Hashem is well-regarded in Egypt and the Arab world for his iconoclastic secularism and personal courage as well as his literary perspicacity. His standing among intellectuals is matched by the affection of Tahrir youth he sheltered in his offices near the square. Accused of handing out helmets and gas masks to youth battling soldiers, he simply replied that he would never stop helping revolutionaries. A number of artists and other prominent people signed an emergency "statement of appreciation" supporting him against the military.
 
But the army's political strength has not been exhausted, not only among those who fear social change but also among many who yearn for it. Even among people who consider themselves deeply committed to what they think Tahrir stands for, many feel that the military is their only hope to stop the Islamists from imposing a fully religious state.
 
In this highly complex situation, it is true that the various reactionary forces – including the military, the Islamists and the proudly pro-Western representatives of Egypt's private sector big capitalists – are not united. In fact, the Tahrir movement has made it harder for the people's enemies to unite. For instance, right now neither the Islamists nor secular politicians care to be associated with the SCAF, although they have demonstrated their appetite to share its power. One reason why the military employs elderly Mubarak regime members as its civilian figureheads is that no one else wants the job. The revival of the revolt has somewhat spoiled the party for the Muslim Brotherhood, the big winner in the elections for a parliament that is in danger of being discredited before it is even seated. But the Brotherhood has continued to portray itself as the the only party that can restore order.
 
Such divisions among the reactionaries were a source of dangerous illusions among the people when the military dumped Mubarak. They still are, even though people have gone from chanting "The people and the army are one hand" at the time of Mubarak's downfall last February to "The people want the downfall of the army" and even "The people want the execution of Tantawi" today.
 
But these divisions – and the persistent crisis of legitimacy that exists in a dynamic relationship with that – also still represent a favourable set of circumstances for the emergence of an entirely different political pole: a movement seeking not to reconfigure but to overthrow the existing power structure and establish a revolutionary state, one that could build an entirely different kind of society able to satisfy the people's deepest interests and aspirations. The emergence of that kind of clearly defined and scientifically guided revolutionary movement could completely transform the current political landscape.
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