The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan responds to the Avakianites (pdf of CmPA document included for download)The Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan [CmPA] has begun its response to that pompous 58 page critique the Revolutionary Communist Party USA [RCP-USA] which was sent to the Afghanis and those international revolutionary parties and organizations who have been trying to restart the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement [RIM]. In the process of this restarting, the CmPA and other organizations have launched significant theoretical attacks against the RCP-USA's "Avakianite" revisionism (a term that is indeed used by the CmPA in its current response) and thus the RCP-USA, eager to defend its dogmatic obsession with a theoretical deviation that is neither "new" or a very significant "synthesis", wrote over 50 pages attacking the international maoist movement.
Although I am generally of the mind that people should just ignore the RCP-USA now since, whatever its past significance, it is now a dwindling and cultish organization filled with dogmatists who, incapable of critical thought, are similar in form to the Spartacist League. At the same time, however, because of its past in the RIM and connection to other organizations––because its "new synthesis" is now wreaking havoc in organizations like the Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)––it is worth confronting. Better yet, the CmPA's response to the RCP-USA is similar to those polemical exchanges Marx and Engels would have had, for example, with Proudhon and Duhring; now we do not read The Poverty of Philosophy or Anti-Duhring primarily because they are responses to Proudhon and Duhring––we read them because of the theoretical content they exposit in the process of their response.
Indeed, there is a lot of important theoretical content in the first chapter of the CmPA's response to the RCP-USA that it is worth reading for its own sake. (And yes, this giant document is only the first chapter of a serialized response.) Due to this importance, and because the formatting on the CmPA's home-page is rather messy, I'm providing a link to a clean pdf copy where the formatting is fixed up for english readers:
Download PDF of "A Response to the RCP-USA" by the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan.
What I find most interesting in this part of the CmPA's response to the RCP-USA is that it spends a lot of time examining the dialectical tension of "continuity-rupture" which I have often discussed on this blog and elsewhere. They also outline what they mean by "post-MLM" and why their claim that "post-MLM" is revisionism is not due to unimaginative dogmatism but to their belief that people who ascribe to this post-MLM theory (paradigmatically, for the document, the RCP-USA, but they feel it also applies to a general revisionist tendency) are engaged in rupturing from Marxism as a whole by refusing to recognize any historical continuity. Thus, whereas the RCP-USA had sophistically accused the CmPA of ignoring the dialectical unity of "continuity-rupture", the CmPA responds by outlining what this dialectical unity is (even giving a brief explanation of dialectics) and demonstrating that the RCP-USA's argument is dishonest and rhetorical because the RCP-USA, in the very act of flaunting this concept to attack their theoretical enemies, are actually not recognizing this dialectical unity.
I look forward to the next chapters and hope that, when the document is finished, the CmPA will consider collecting the entire document into a single booklet.
Friday, November 30, 2012
“…el primer paso de la revolución obrera es la elevación del proletariado a clase dominante, la conquista de la democracia.” Manifiesto del Partido Comunista. C. Marx y F. Engels
Conforme se va acercando el proceso de las elecciones burguesas en el Ecuador, corresponde a los comunistas y revolucionarios insistir en la demarcación de posiciones respecto de la táctica proletaria y la revisionista. Pese a que ya en anteriores documentos y comunicados hemos dado nuestra posición sobre la democracia burguesa, lo volvemos hacer, conscientes de que para imponer las tesis del proletariado “no hay que decir una vez, sino cien veces; no hay que decir a pocos, hay que decir a muchos” como sabiamente lo enseñó Mao Tsetung.
La reacción y el revisionismo buscan a como dé lugar arrastrar a las masas hacia el parlamentarismo burgués, pretenden inclusive mostrar que quien o quienes no participan de las elecciones son unos “desadaptados”, “infantiles”, “retrógrados”, etc. Frente a esa ofensiva derechista, el secretariado de nuestra organización ha desarrollado el presente documento con dos objetivos fundamentales: por un lado, cerrar filas dentro de las fracciones comunistas que asumimos el Maoísmo y las que caminan hacia allá, es decir blindarnos contra toda la basura electorera burguesa; y, por otro lado, combatir a las distintas camarillas revisionistas que como el PS-FA, viejo PC, MPD y PK vienen confundiendo al pueblo arrastrándolo detrás de una u otra facción de la gran burguesía.
-EL MARXISMO NO ES UN DOGMA, SINO UNA GUÍA PARA LA ACCIÓN
Desde los albores del pensamiento revolucionario del proletariado, es decir desde la publicación del Manifiesto del Partido Comunista, siempre se insistió en que el marxismo era y es una guía para la lucha de clases del proletariado y no un dogma o una receta petrificada.
Esto siempre fue defendido por los clásicos: Carlos Marx, Federico Engels, Lenin, Stalin y Mao Tsetung. Al decir que es una guía para la acción nos referimos a que sus principios generales, fundamentales, son de validez universal, pero que su aplicación, su especificación, son diferentes de un continente a otro, de una época a otra, de un país a otro, inclusive de una región a otra dentro de un mismo país. Comprender esto es básico pues los clásicos del marxismo jamás pretendieron elaborar una teoría que tenga en cuenta de una vez y para siempre los casos que pueden darse tanto en Alemania como en EEUU, en China, Rusia o los países africanos, ya sean de principios de 1900, 1950 o del año 2012…Es demasiado evidente esto, que quien sostenga lo contrario se verá envuelto en pensamientos absurdos y ridículos. Los clásicos jamás pretendieron hacer algo así porque eran materialistas y no idealistas, sabían que la teoría revolucionaria solo podría brotar de la experiencia práctica de millones de personas y a la vez serviría como guía de nuevas luchas, pero nunca como una receta, a lo sumo como una brújula, como un faro de luz que alumbra la lucha del proletariado y las masas populares en cada etapa por las que atraviesa la lucha de clases rumbo al Comunismo.
El revisionismo pretende justificar su cretinismo parlamentario utilizando dos o tres planteamientos de los clásicos –sacados de contexto y de forma mecanicista- para decir que si no se participa en las elecciones burguesas se es “infantil”; ellos piensan que el marxismo es algo así como una receta de cocina donde el “chef” dice de una vez y para siempre cuántos ingredientes se deben poner, cómo y en qué cantidad, receta que pasará de generación en generación con ninguna o casi ninguna modificación y así por los siglos de los siglos “amén”…
Por eso, para entender cuál es la verdadera táctica proletaria frente a las elecciones burguesas debemos partir del análisis concreto de la realidad concreta en este tema.
-LAS ELECCIONES BURGUESAS EN EL CAPITALISMO DE LIBRE EMPRESA
En los siglos XVIII y XIX, el capitalismo representaba un paso adelante en el desarrollo de los modos de producción, en el desarrollo de la humanidad. En aquellos tiempos la burguesía cumplía un papel democrático y revolucionario pues enfrentaba al feudalismo y las monarquías; al respecto Carlos Marx nos plantea:
“Las revoluciones de 1648 y de 1789 no fueron revoluciones ni inglesa, ni francesa; fueron revoluciones de estilo europeo. No representaban el triunfo de una determinada clase de la sociedad sobre el viejo régimen político; eran la proclamación de un régimen político para la nueva sociedad europea. En ellas había triunfado la burguesía; pero la victoria de la burguesía significaba entonces el triunfo de un nuevo régimen social, el triunfo de la propiedad burguesa sobre la propiedad feudal, de la nación sobre el provincialismo, de la concurrencia sobre los gremios, de la partición sobre el mayorazgo, del sometimiento de la tierra al propietario sobre el sometimiento del propietario a la tierra, de la ilustración sobre la superstición, de la familia sobre el linaje, de la industria sobre la pereza heroica, del derecho burgués sobre los privilegios medievales. La revolución de 1648 fue el triunfo del siglo XVII sobre el XVI, la revolución de 1789 fue el triunfo del siglo XVIII sobre el XVII. Esas revoluciones expresaban mucho más las necesidades del mundo de entonces que las necesidades de aquellas partes del mundo en que se habían desarrollado, es decir, de Inglaterra y Francia.” LA BURGUESIA Y LA CONTRARREVOLUCION
En esas condiciones, de un capitalismo floreciente y revolucionario contra el feudalismo y el andamiaje medieval, nació el moderno proletariado industrial y como tal fue paulatinamente adquiriendo conciencia de clase en medio de cruentas luchas y episodios.
Los comunistas, con Carlos Marx y Federico Engels a la cabeza, comprendieron que por un lado, el proletariado debía luchar conjuntamente con la burguesía contra el feudalismo, pero por otro lado que debía constituirse en partido independiente, con línea política y programa propios, para que una vez derribado el feudalismo comience inmediatamente la lucha contra la burguesía.
Consecuentemente con esto, los comunistas adoptaron la siguiente táctica en torno a la democracia burguesa: en primer lugar desenmascararon y advirtieron a las masas proletarias y campesinas del carácter de clase de dicha democracia para que no se hicieran falsa ilusiones respecto a la misma, es ahí cuando Carlos Marx plantea que “A los oprimidos se les autoriza, una vez cada tres o seis años, decidir que miembros de la clase dominante han de representarlos y aplastarlos en el Parlamento”. Y simultáneamente, como correspondía a lucha contra el feudalismo, plantearon que el proletariado podía participar en las elecciones burguesas en determinadas condiciones y países concretos, con fines específicos como fue el caso de las elecciones presidenciales de los EEUU en 1864, donde Abraham Lincoln representaba las posiciones democráticas y anti-esclavistas. “Saludamos al pueblo americano con motivo de la reelección de Ud. por una gran mayoría. Si bien la consigna moderada de su primera elección era la resistencia frente al poderío de los esclavistas, el triunfante grito de guerra de su reelección es: ¡muera el esclavismo!” A Abraham Lincoln, Presidente de los Estados Unidos de América. Carlos Marx
Como vemos la táctica comunista frente a las elecciones burguesas en la época del capitalismo de libre empresa era aceptar la participación del proletariado en determinadas condiciones y países, con fines específicos, pero sin dejar de denunciar ni por un instante el carácter de clase de esa democracia y tampoco perder la perspectiva de que el proletariado debía conquistar el poder.
Los mejores representantes del proletariado, Carlos Marx y Federico Engels, fallecieron hacia fines del siglo XIX, objetivamente alcanzaron a vivir y luchar en la fase del capitalismo de libre empresa.
-LAS ELECCIONES BURGUESAS EN EL CAPITALISMO MONOPOLISTA
A inicios del siglo XX el capitalismo se transforma en monopolista, pasa a su fase superior y última, el imperialismo. Esto trajo consecuencias profundas en todo el sistema económico, social y político del mundo entero. Ya no había un capitalismo floreciente sino moribundo, la burguesía ya no era revolucionaria sino profundamente reaccionaria, el capitalismo dejó la libre empresa para el pasado y se concentró cada vez en más reducidos círculos del capital financiero internacional, en adelante el destino de naciones enteras y de cientos de millones de trabajadores estaba en las manos de un puñado de grandes empresarios y banqueros; en síntesis el capitalismo ya no podía ofrecer nada nuevo y progresista a la humanidad, se había agotado, debía ser derribado para dar paso a la etapa de la revolución proletaria, a un nuevo modo de producción, el socialismo.
Esto fue comprendido por los revolucionarios bolcheviques, quienes bajo la dirección de Lenin y Stalin, lograron determinar que el mundo había ingresado en la fase del imperialismo.
Lenin, de quien las masas proletarias decían “es el Marx de nuestros días”, publicó su célebre libro “El imperialismo, fase superior del capitalismo”, en 1916 cuando se desarrollaba la Primer Guerra Mundial imperialista. De entre muchas lecciones que nos da ese libro, se pueden resumir en dos: por un lado que el imperialismo “es la reacción en toda la línea”, y por otro lado que vivimos en la etapa del “imperialismo y las revoluciones proletarias”.
En estas condiciones la táctica del proletariado debía reajustarse partiendo del análisis concreto de la realidad concreta.
Lenin siguió conservando lo medular del marxismo frente a la democracia burguesa, concerniente a desenmascararla sin tregua para que las masas de trabajadores no se hagan la menor ilusión respecto de un cambio a través de esas elecciones. “La democracia burguesa, constituyendo un gran progreso histórico en comparación con el medioevo, sigue siendo siempre –y bajo el capitalismo no puede dejar de serlo- estrecha, castrada, falsificada, hipócrita; un paraíso para los ricos y una trampa y un engaño para los explotados, para los pobres”. Lenin
Simultáneamente, los bolcheviques aplicaron el boicot armado contra las elecciones de 1905 convocadas por el Zar, totalmente amarradas por las clases dominantes rusas y en un momento en que la lucha combativa de las masas iba en ascenso. Y cuando el tema de la asamblea constituyente estuvo al orden del día en la lucha de clases en Rusia, los comunistas decidieron participar en ella pero de un modo revolucionario como lo cita a continuación un documento partidario: “la realización de la república democrática en Rusia es posible únicamente como resultado de la insurrección popular victoriosa, cuyo órgano será el gobierno provisional revolucionario, único capaz de garantizar una libertad completa de agitación electoral y convocar, a base del sufragio universal, igual, directo y secreto, una Asamblea Constituyente que exprese efectivamente la voluntad del pueblo;” Numeral 2 de la resolución del III Congreso del P.O.S.D.R. (bolcheviques). *Tomado del libro de Lenin: Dos tácticas de la socialdemocracia en la revolución democrática.
Es decir, participar de una Asamblea Constituyente pero sobre la base de que sea convocada por un gobierno provisional revolucionario, surgido del triunfo de la lucha armada de las masas; esto es totalmente distinto a lo que hacen los revisionistas que con el cuento de “acumular fuerzas en el parlamento” participan de asambleas constituyentes reaccionarias, convocadas por la gran burguesía y sus partidos, en medio de la vigilancia del Ejército y la Policía, con las masas desarmadas, en definitiva sirviendo objetivamente a la reacción.
Siguiendo la experiencia de la revolución de Octubre, Lenin, máximo dirigente de la Internacional Comunista, escribió en 1920 el libro “La enfermedad infantil del izquierdismo en el comunismo” en el que en resumidas cuentas nos plantea: “Indudablemente, quien de un modo general siguiera sosteniendo la vieja afirmación de que abstenerse de participar en los parlamentos burgueses es inadmisible en todas las circunstancias, estaría en un error. No puedo intentar formular aquí las condiciones en que es útil el boicot, porque el objeto de este artículo es más modesto: se reduce sólo a analizar la experiencia rusa en relación con algunas cuestiones actuales de táctica comunista internacional.” La enfermedad infantil del izquierdismo en el comunismo. Lenin.
Son muy claras y aleccionadoras estas palabras del gran maestro de comunistas. Lenin jamás se propuso crear una “receta” para la táctica de los comunistas frente a las elecciones burguesas, lo que si se propuso fue aclarar que una cosa era la participación del proletariado en las elecciones burguesas en la etapa de libre empresa a lo que se refiere como la “vieja afirmación”, y que otra muy distinta es la táctica del proletariado en la época del imperialismo, en la época de la “reacción en toda la línea” cuando el proletariado puede optar por utilizar las elecciones burguesas exclusivamente con fines de agitación y propaganda o incluso el boicot armado dependiendo del grado de desarrollo de cada proceso revolucionario y por la etapa que esté atravesando.
Posteriormente la revolución china comandada por Mao Tsetung confirmó esta verdad universal, de que con las elecciones burguesas no se logra ningún cambio para el pueblo, sino mediante la lucha de las masas con fusiles creando Nuevo Poder. El imperialismo norteamericano junto al Kuomintang pretendieron, en 1945, descarrilar la lucha armada de las masas populares chinas para lo cual ofrecieron curules parlamentarios a cambio de que el Partido Comunista entregue los fusiles y desmovilice las Bases de Apoyo. Esto fue apoyado dentro del PCCH por LiuShao-chi pero es derrotado en medio de la lucha de dos líneas por Mao Tsetung, logrando que la revolución democrática de nuevo tipo avance hacia la conquista del poder en todo el país en octubre de 1949.
-EL CRETINISMO PARLAMENTARIO EN ECUADOR
Está comprobado históricamente hasta la saciedad, que por medio de las elecciones burguesas el proletariado no obtendrá ningún cambio verdadero, a lo sumo unas cuantas reformas aisladas que serán constantemente barridas por las clases dominantes.
En nuestro país el cretinismo parlamentario destruyó muchas organizaciones, dirigentes, militantes, masas del pueblo, frustró proyectos y esperanzas; sobretodo comprueba que cuando los comunistas no asumen el marxismo y lo aplican a la realidad concreta, cuando se dejan llevar por la coyuntura, por la frase “el movimiento lo es todo, el fin no es nada”, acabarán inevitablemente autodestruyéndose, convirtiéndose en viejos burócratas vende-obreros, al servicio del gran capital, en simples fichas de ajedrez de las clases dominantes, y lo peor es que no se hunden solos sino que van arrastrando a importantes franjas de las masas populares detrás de ellos.
En 1945, después de la insurrección conocida como la “Gloriosa”, el viejo Partido Comunista, el de los miserables Pedro Saad y René Maugé, participó en las elecciones burguesas junto al oligarca Velasco Ibarra, haciendo que toda esa efervescencia de las masas se diluya en la asamblea constituyente de entonces. Luego crearon la Unión Democrática Popular con la cual se metieron en las comunidades campesinas para decir a las masas que “voten por ellos” para “hacer la revolución”, cuánta confusión crearon en el campo y también a los obreros en la ciudades.
Llegó un tiempo de tanta aberración de los revisionistas del viejo PC que prácticamente toda su “vida partidaria” giraba en torno a las candidaturas, a inscribir frentes electorales, a ver cuántos votos han sacado, inclusive el discurso de “tomar el poder” quedó totalmente de lado. Y cuando hicieron su “último esfuerzo” creando el Frente Amplio de Izquierda, FADI, se dedicaron a las alianzas con los partidos de la burguesía en el parlamento. Por eso no es de extrañar que en la actualidad estén apoyando a un gobierno fascista como el de Correa con el cuento de “hacer la revolución”.
Otros que practican el cretinismo parlamentario son el MPD, partido archi-electorero, oportunista y profundamente revisionista. Cuando el PCMLE sufrió un terremoto en su interior y abandonó el marxismo-leninismo-pensamiento Mao Tsetung, entonces perdió el horizonte revolucionario y se pasó al hoxhismo, producto de esa línea negra, oportunista de derecha, nació el MPD. Al inicio decían “combinación de todas las formas de lucha”, luego hablaron de que había que co-gobernar con la burguesía para “presionar desde adentro”, casos de Lucio y Correa, hasta que han acabado planteando que luchan por la “seguridad”, por la “democracia y la tolerancia” tal cual es el discurso socialdemócrata de Acosta.
Los Villacís, Terán, Palacios, Rojas, Atariguanas, son verdaderos clanes familiares que a nombre de la revolución mantienen una cierta base social engañada, manipulada, cautiva, todo para acomodarse ellos, sus familias y sirvientes en puestos burocráticos, son buenos sirvientes del gran capital y el viejo Estado.
De Pachakutic y el Partido Socialista Frente Amplio se repiten historias parecidas, de oportunismo sin límites de sus líderes, de acomodos, de apoyo a las distintas facciones de la gran burguesía, inclusive no olvidemos cuando el PSFA apoyó como candidato a Alcalde de Quito a Rodrigo Paz, un empresario accionista del grupo empresarial monopólico Supermaxi; o cuando Nina Pacari de Pachakutic se fue a entrevistar con George Bush en el 2003, cuando Luis Macas fue ministro de agricultura de Lucio Gutiérrez y defendió a los terratenientes, la candidatura de AukiTituaña con el banquero Gullermo Lasso, etc.
En el curso de la lucha de clases y frente a la nueva gran ola de la revolución proletaria mundial que se avecina, el imperialismo y las clases dominantes seguirán aplicando las elecciones burguesas como un mecanismo para descarrilar la lucha de las masas, para frenar o destruir los procesos de lucha armada revolucionaria, para seguir perpetuándose en el poder.
Por esto, corresponde a los comunistas y revolucionarios las siguientes tareas:
-Afirmarse permanentemente en la línea roja del proletariado, en el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, aplicándolo creadoramente a la realidad concreta, para no dejarse confundir por la ofensiva reaccionaria y revisionista en este tema.
-Desenmascarar por todos los medios y de forma permanente el carácter de clase de la democracia burguesa, debemos deslegitimarla, demostrar en la teoría y en la práctica que es una falsa democracia, como dice Lenin un paraíso para los ricos y un engaño para los pobres.
-Combatir implacablemente al revisionismo pues sin la colaboración de éste, las clases dominantes no podrían arrastrar tan fácilmente a las masas populares detrás del parlamentarismo burgués.
-Levantar la propuesta del proletariado en torno a la democracia, según la etapa que corresponda; en nuestro país masificar el planteamiento de la Revolución de Nueva Democracia bajo la enseñanza de Mao Tsetung: “La política de Nueva Democracia, que preconizamos, consiste en derrocar la opresión extranjera y liquidar la opresión interior feudal y fascista, para luego establecer un régimen político de frente único de todas las clases democráticas…” Sobre la Nueva Democracia.
-Insistir en que en la época del imperialismo, los comunistas y revolucionarios solo tenemos dos opciones frente a las elecciones burguesas: utilizarlas exclusivamente con fines de agitación y propaganda o aplicar el boicot armado, según el grado de desarrollo de cada proceso.
-El voto nulo o el no votar, no deben ser planteados de forma mecanicista, sino de acuerdo al análisis concreto de la realidad concreta.
-Consecuentemente con lo anterior, nuestro Partido en las actuales condiciones de la lucha de clases en el Ecuador, plantea utilizar las elecciones burguesas exclusivamente con fines de agitación y propaganda, llamar al voto nulo y difundir la propuesta de la Revolución de Nueva Democracia, todo esto sin perder ni por un instante la perspectiva de preparar e iniciar la Guerra Popular para el futuro mediato.
First Anniversary of death of Comrade Kishanji: Remembering Kishanji his impact on West Bengal by Amit Bhattacharyya
Picture: Comrade Kishanji
All men must die, but death can vary in its significance. The ancient Chinese writer Szuma Chien said,
"Though death befalls all men alike, it may be weightier than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather."
To die for the people is weightier than Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and die for the exploiters and oppressors is lighter than a feather.
Comrade Kishanji died for the people, and his death is indeed weightier than Mount Tai .
Mao Zedong - Serve the People
amended by Democracy and Class Struggle
based on September 8th 1944 article
First Anniversary of death of Comrade Kishanji: Remembering Kishanji his impact on West Bengal by Amit Bhattacharyya
On 24 November 2011, the body of the Maoist leader Kishanji, with multiple injuries all over the body, was found in the Burishole jungle of the Jhargram area of the West Medinipur district of West Bengal. One of the main operatives of the Chidambaram-Mamata joint forces, Mr. Vijay Kumar, the DG of the CRPF, described it as a ‘clean and successful operation’. The mutilated body bore marks not only of bullet wounds, but wounds of four types. One was the bullet wounds; the second was the wounds caused by sharp weapons; the third was wounds caused by burning; and the fourth was the wound caused by pounding parts of the body such as fingers by heavy instruments. Facts such as these drive home the truth that Kishanji was captured in some other place, tortured to death and then his dead body was placed on the spot and a drama concocted in defence of the so-called encounter theory. The WB chief minister, after keeping mum for three days came out with a theory at a by-election campaign meeting that the joint forces told Kishanji over the microphone to surrender before shooting him down—a claim refuted by the villagers themselves in their conversation with the 22-member investigation team formed by civil rights bodies that visited the spot and adjoining areas on 1 December 2011. And this so-called encounter was engineered at a time when the process of dialogue between the government interlocutors and the Maoist state leadership of WB was on. The revolutionary intellectual, Varavara Rao, one member of the group that came to take Kishanji’s body to his native Peddapally town in Karimnagar district, declared that for the last 43 years he had been witnessing dead bodies—killed either in real or fake encounters—but never before was he the witness to a body that bore marks of so much injury. This brutal killing of the Maoist leader, Kishanji by the Chidambaram-Mamata combined forces will go down in history as a crime against humanity.
The 37-year long revolutionary political life of Mallojula Koteswar Rao could be narrated and analyzed only by those who had been his close comrades-in-arms in times of adversity and joy. For a person like me, who basically belongs to an academic world, who seeks to study the Maoist movement from a distance, and did not have any opportunity to have exchange of views with him, to write on Kishanji is inevitably to confront a lot of difficulties in this attempt.. I would request the readers of this small piece of mine to keep that limitation of mine in mind.
After the death of Kishanji, people of different walks of life have been expressing their opinion about the whole thing, most of which are about his political line. I would not write on his political line(this is not the context for it also), because Kishanji’s political line is no different from CPI(Maoist)’s political line. And comments on the political line should best come from those who themselves take part in revolutionary practice to make those meaningful. While stating so, I also acknowledge the fact that truth and wisdom can also lie in socially-conscious, sensitive people. I do not know much about the context against which the Maoist leader was arrested and killed. In the editorial of Bandibarta(Prisoners’ Bulletin, a journal in Bengali) no.4(November-December 2011 issue), I have expressed my opinion on it. In this piece, I will write on some aspects of the fallen hero and the impact that he as a revolutionary Communist leader had on West Bengal.
Mallojula Koteswar Rao was born in 1954 in Koddapally town in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh. As a high school student, he actively took part in the movement for a separate Telangana state in 1969. Like many of his contemporaries, the Naxalbari struggle of 1967 and the Girijan struggle in Srikakulam that came in its wake influenced his mind profoundly. He was then a graduate student at SSR College at Karimnagar. In 1974, after the end of the first phase of the CPI(ML) struggle, he joined the party as an activist. He joined the RSU(Radical Students’ Union) and went underground during the emergency under Indira Gandhi regime. He worked in the villages and played an active role in exposing the 20-Point programme of the ruling Congress party. The second conference of the RSU was held in February 1978 and the first conference of the RYL(Radical Youth League) in May 1978. These two gatherings were important in young Koteswar Rao’s political career. He took part in the “to the village” movement—a movement that was initiated after Naxalbari by Charu Mazumdar when he gave the call to the youth and students to go to the village and integrate with the poor and landless peasants as a preliminary step towards revolutionary transformation—a step that subsequently became part of revolutionary communism in India. That appears to be Kishanji’s first step towards baptism in the process of integration with the peasantry. In September , 1978, he took part in a peasant movement known as “Jagityal Joitrajatra” (Victory March to Jagityal) which was the culmination of the mass movement for occupying the land by landless peasantry in as many as 150 villages covering Karimnagar and Adilabad districts. It was this movement that gave birth to such future Maoist leaders as Ganapati, Kishanji and others. He was, by then, the secretary of the CPI(ML)COC, in Karimnagar district. According to media reports, he was associated with the Adilabad-Karimnagar joint committee, Karimnagar district committee, AP state committee as the secretary and took organizational and military responsibilities in many parts of Dandakaranya. From the mid-1990s, he assumed the leadership of the movement in the Jangalmahal region of West Bengal as also in other states. It is said that Kishanji was personally involved in both Singur and Nandigram movements. All of us have heard about his leading role during the historic movement centring Lalgarh. From then on, the name of Kishanji became a household name in West Bengal.
Kishanji called the Lalgarh movement “the second Naxalbari”. From the historical point of view, Naxalbari is unique—a watershed in the history of India. That movement was short-lived in the place of its birth. However, the message of that rising—that of the revolutionary transformation of Indian society through the path of agrarian revolution under the guidance of Mao Tse-tung Thought—spread far and wide. The Lalgarh movement spread throughout the Junglemahal region and was a qualitative leap forward after Singur and Nandigram. What we witnessed in Lalgarh is the blending between the democratic movement of the adivasis, dalits and other lower class people on the one hand, and the armed revolutionary struggle, on the other. A large variety of steps were initiated—such as the formation of the People’s Committee Against Police Atrocities(PCAPA), equal representation of men and women within the PCAPA, men and women youth wings of the PCAPA, fight for dignity despite brutal state repression, anti-liquor movement, fight for a new culture with songs and poems reflecting the struggles of the people and drawing sustenance from the past adivasi rebellions, fight against environmental pollution caused by the establishment of sponge iron factories, adoption of new methods of struggle, flexibility, and along with these, alternative models of development—land distribution, making of dams for irrigation, construction of roads, planting of tube-wells, setting up of health centres and free coaching centres—all these bear the imprint of the DK Maoist model of development. Whether historians or social scientists accept it or not, they keep a safe distance from those movements and are sustained in their intellectual pursuits by such movements and actually owe a lot to those who are the real creators of history.
Two years back, Kishanji became a much-talked about man and media played a role in it. Instances such as Kishanji’s telephonic conversation with the media, the abduction of Atindralal Roy, the OC of Sankrail PS, release of 15/16 women prisoners–hailing from the Junglemahal area—from the Medinipur Central Jail in exchange of the release of the police officer, Kishanji declaring Roy as a prisoner of war and releasing him before the media, appearance of Kishanji in front of the media with one aged adivasi woman whose family has been subjected to police harassment and torture before the release of Roy—all these now have become part of history. That was a time when youngsters sat before the TVs to listen to the voice of Kishanji. Telugu-speaking Kishanji’s Bengali accent, his speech and responses to the media, his boldness, his dedication to the cause he had been fighting for and his self-sacrifice made a deep impression among people irrespective of their views; people treated him with respect, awe and admiration. There was a time when Kishanji was the most attractive personality in the eyes of the media. Some honoured him with the title “Man of the Year”; as he covered his face with a towel for security reasons, he was described also as “the ghost who walks”. There were several reports about where he was or what he was planning to do. There were reports about he being injured in an alleged encounter in the Bankishole jungle.
I can distinctly remember my days at Presidency College, Kolkata in the early 1970s, when Charu Mazumdar became a legend during his lifetime. Many stories were in circulation among the media about his whereabouts. ‘Today he was in Behala, next day he was in Puri; he has narrowly escaped police dragnet’ and the story went on. Charu Mazumdar died in the Lalbazar police lock-up on 28 July 1972. Charu Mazumdar died during a regime that initiated fake encounter killings. Today, Kishanji is killed under a regime that takes its cue from that earlier regime. Since then till 24 November 2011, almost four decades have gone by. No other revolutionary leader during that long period since 1972 could make such an indelible impression on the minds of the people of West Bengal. One may agree or disagree with the ideology and the methods of struggle advocated by Kishanji; however, all the democratic-minded and honest, sensitive people of the country will hold him in high esteem for his unflinching dedication to his cause, his heroic self-sacrifice, intrepidity and martyrdom with the noble aim of creating a new society where human values would triumph over the lust for profits. In the true sense of the term, Kishanji was a leader of the oppressed people; at the same time, he was also one of them—who treated the sufferings of his countrymen as his own; it was his integration with the people and his personal qualities that must have made him what he really was.
A person like me who is both a student and teacher of History, and is engaged in research in the Maoist movement in its present phase, will face utmost difficulty. One of the main architects of the Maoist movement has departed from this world “like”—to borrow Kabir Suman’s words— “a hero”. Personally I wished to take his interview and to have a lengthy discussion with him over several issues relevant to the contemporary political scenario. That possibility no longer exists. It has thus been an irreparable loss to the study of history.
It is not possible for me to assess the extent to which the death of Mallojula Koteswar Rao would affect the Maoist movement. However, the point is that this Naxalite-Maoist movement has been continuing for forty four years in the face of state brutality of the cruelest kind and also gaining in strength. There must have been a strong social base, strong feeling for basic social transformation among the people, a very solid mass base that made it so long-lasting. Otherwise we can never explain this longest surviving communist revolutionary movement in our country. The basis of this movement lies in the people’s resistance against domestic oppression and domination by foreign capital over our economy and plunder of resources by them in collusion with domestic ruling classes. As long as this ground reality exists, people’s hunger for change will not subside. The killing of a revolutionary leader cannot change this general trend of history. This is the law of History.
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MAOIST)
September 20, 2012
Condemn US Cultural Imperialism Hurting
Religious Sentiments of the Muslims Worldwide
A video film named ‘Innocence of Muslims’ made in the USA by a team of anti-Muslim reactionary Christian religious jingoists and made available on various video-sharing sites in the Web hurt the religious sentiments of the Muslims worldwide by insulting the Prophet. This led to massive protests by Muslims all over the world cutting across regions starting from Libya, Tunisia and spreading to Thailand, Indonesia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Kashmir to India, and particularly in North Africa, West Asia and the Arab World. The CC, CPI (Maoist) is strongly condemning this cultural onslaught of the US imperialists on the religious sentiments of the Muslims and demands unconditional apology from the US government and makers of the film to the Muslims all over the world.
Since 9/11, the US imperialism has been increasingly targeting the Muslims all over the world in the name of so-called ‘War on Terror’ and this offensive has not only been in the political, military and economic spheres but also in social and cultural spheres. This cultural imperialism of the US and its allies ranges from rabid Christian religious chauvinism and the horrors of the Abu Ghraib type tortures to insulting the Prophet and the Quran and other religious symbols of Muslims in cartoons and films in the name of freedom of expression. This cultural onslaught is aimed at maiming the psyche of the Muslims and making them feel inferior so that they would not resist the imperialist aggression and raise against the atrocities committed on them as part of the so-called ‘War on Terror’. But the US imperialists gravely miscalculated. Every insult that is being intended to break the Muslims is boomeranging into a massive protest. Accordingly, the above film has given rise to the biggest protests the world has ever witnessed over a cultural issue ranging from huge demonstrations, protest marches, destruction and burning US flags, property and other symbols to attacks on US embassies and killing of their diplomats.
One must understand that this unprecedented pouring of anger is not just in response to the insulting of the Prophet, but is also part of the pent up hatred against all kinds of atrocities committed by the US imperialists on the Muslim population, particularly in Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan and its blatant support to the atrocities on Palestinians by the Zionist Israel. These protests should be seen in a broad sense as part of the anti-imperialist struggles being waged by the people all over the world in all spheres including culture and not just as protests by a religious community concerning an exclusively religious issue. The wars of aggression US and NATO waged to occupy the countries and grab oil resources in the gulf region and the neo-colonial exploitation and plunder of the resource rich Arab and North African countries are the main reason behind the hatred for the US. This assumed religious tones chiefly due to the premeditated and deliberate anti-Islam propaganda and measures taken by the US to break the resistance of the overwhelmingly Muslim majority population in these countries.
The comprador ruling classes in power in the countries where these protests are raging, true to their character, are trying to suppress the protestors with bullets, tear gas, lathi charges, and arrests. Since decades these ruling classes have been running dogs of the imperialists on the one hand and on the other die-hard dictators over their own people. Even as US drones are pounding the Afghan villages and killings innocent people on a daily basis and the entire Muslim world is erupting in protest against the US cultural onslaught in the form of this film, Karzai is issuing statements that the ‘War on Terror’ must go on and pleading with Obama not to wage this war in Afghan villages. Such puppets are equally responsible for the innumerable atrocities being committed on the Muslims all over the world by the imperialists. They will never uphold the dignity of the Muslim people in the face of such cultural onslaughts and would instead suppress them. It is for the people to expose the true faces of these collaborators.
Stunned by the scale of protests the US government belatedly spent more than 70,000 dollars on advertisements featuring Obama and Hillary Clinton giving messages that US had always respected all religious faiths in a futile attempt to stem the torrent of anger. In the first place, the film was not made by some individual due to his whims and fancies. It is but an integral part of the entire gamut of anti-Islam propaganda that the US government and its allies have sponsored, supported and encouraged overtly and covertly as part of the ‘War on Terror’. It is but the current instance of a series of intentional acts to insult like the burning of the Quran in Afghanistan by US soldiers. If not for this backdrop, such films would not have been so easily made nor found their way to release.
Taking into consideration the huge surveillance system of the US government, believing that the US government was ignorant about the making of this film or its release would at best be innocence and at worst pure deception of self. Even after massive protests the US government has still not taken any steps to arrest the filmmakers, to stop its release or cared to issue an apology to the Muslims. It is trying to buy time and deceive people by issuing namesake and vague condemnations and statements about respecting all religious faiths. History bears witness to the opposite. Moreover it is sending its troops directly into countries like Libya violating their sovereignty on the pretext of protecting its citizens from the protestors.
The Muslim population is not so inexperienced with the malicious tricks of the US imperialism so as not to see through the ruse and that is why with each passing day peaceful as well as violent protests are erupting all over the world against the US and its Western allies. The irresponsible and callous attitude of the Western imperialists, the imperialist era Neros, towards Muslim religious sentiments can be gauged from the fact that even as the world is burning over the film, a magazine published 20 cartoons insulting the Prophet in France and it close down its embassies in 20 countries as a forewarning. With leaders like Hassan Nasrallah of Lebanon with a reputation for having successfully resisted a US-backed Israeli invasion of Lebanon and having anti-imperialist credentials calling for fresh and wide protests against the insulting of the Prophet, the world is witnessing fresh waves of protests.
Every secular-minded person and democrat must participate in these protests and condemn the cultural imperialism of the US and the European imperialists particularly targeting the followers of Islam. Hurting religious sentiments is but one part of this cultural imperialism. The various other tentacles of this cultural imperialist octopus that is trying to strangle the native culture (languages, dialects, eating habits, attire, housing – what not?) in Asia, Africa and Latin American countries must be exposed as part of the protests. Along with demanding an unconditional apology from the US government and the film makers, these protests must turn into broad anti-imperialist struggles, particularly against the US imperialism that is targeting the Muslims in the third world to further its geo-political interests and to grab the oil and other natural resources of those countries.
Central Committee, CPI (Maoist)
we write to you regarding the situation of the website „INDIENKONFERENZ.TK“. As you might have seen there has been some problems with access in the last days. As far as we have been able to investigate this has to do with an attack from reaction who has made the .tk-domain unavailable for us. The page is still available under indienkonferenz.blogsport.de. Please spread this information massively and update your links.
Intensify the people's war and celebrate great victories on the 150th birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio-Communisty Party of the Philippines
National Democratic Front of the
3513 AG Utrecht
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Fax: +31 84 7589930
The history of the Filipino people is a continuum of revolutionary armed resistance against colonial and neocolonial subjugation. The extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare being waged by the NPA forms part of the Filipino people's uninterrupted history of armed resistance.Communisty Party of the Philippines
30 November 2012
Message marking the 149th birth anniversary of Philippine revolutionary and national hero Andres Bonifacio
Intensify the people's war and celebrate great victories on the 150th birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) joins the Filipino people in marking the 149th birth anniversary of working class hero Andres Bonifacio on November 30. Let us usher in celebrations of his 150th year on November 30, 2013 with great revolutionary victories. In the course of the next year, the CPP and the revolutionary forces look forward to further intensifying the people's war nationwide and raising higher the red banner of the national democratic cultural revolution.
The significance of Andres Bonifacio's revolutionary lifestory is not lost on the Filipino people. The oppression and exploitation of the Filipino working class by foreign big companies, their local big business partners and big landlords are not essentially different from the grave socio-economic and political conditions under Spanish colonial rule. Such conditions then and now rouse the Filipino people's fervor for revolutionary change and spur armed resistance and democratic mass struggles.
Driven by patriotism, Andres Bonifacio and the Katipunan rallied the Filipino people around the banner of national freedom to wage a revolutionary war of resistance against three centuries of colonial rule. The Katipunan-led armed uprisings of 1896-1898 succeeded in defeating the Spanish colonial forces and establishing the first independent revolutionary government, before being usurped by the bigger, more modern and extremely brutal US colonialists.
The history of the Filipino people is a continuum of revolutionary armed resistance against colonial and neocolonial subjugation. For the past four centuries, they have launched innumerable armed uprisings and waged guerrilla warfare to resist the brutal suppression of their democratic rights and achieve national and social liberation.
The extensive and intensive guerrilla warfare being waged by the New People's Army (NPA) forms part of the Filipino people's uninterrupted history of armed resistance. For more than four decades now, the NPA, under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), has been achieving unprecedented victories in armed revolution and is bound to achieve even bigger victories in the next few years.
The crisis of the ruling system is ever deepening and worsening. The Filipino people are being pulled down by widespread landlessness, unemployment and low wages. They contend daily with such problems as increases in the prices of oil and other basic commodities and services.
The puppet reactionary government protects and promotes the interests of foreign big capitalists, their local big business partners and big landlords. It imposes one tax burden after another in complete disregard for the people's grave socio-economic conditions. It allows the US and its allied foreign militaries to trample on Philippine soil and exercises no independence in foreign policy. It dishes out empty promises and high-flying rhetoric to cover up festering social wounds, filling the people with false hopes and lulling them to passivity and inaction.
No amount of reactionary propaganda, however, can cover up the people's intolerable conditions of exploitation and oppression. Peasants and farm-workers wage revolutionary struggles for genuine land reform to break up the feudal land monopoly of big landlords, oppose land grabbing by foreign mining companies, and raise production through collective farming and other forms of cooperation. In urban areas, mass struggles, barricades and strikes are being waged by workers, urban poor community dwellers, students, rank-and-file employees, and other oppressed and exploited classes and sectors.
In the countryside, the New People's Army continues to expand with new Red fighters recruited from among the ranks of young workers, students and peasants. They conduct painstaking mass work to build organs of political power to exercise economic, political, military, social, educational and cultural functions. They launch ever more frequent and bigger tactical offensives in order to strengthen and expand the people's revolutionary armed resistance.
By employing the correct strategy and tactics of guerrilla warfare, with a clear understanding of the requisites for growing from small and weak to big and strong, the current people's war has achieved unprecedented revolutionary victories which previous armed resistance movements failed to accomplish. It is bound to expand geometrically and intensify further in the next few years as the NPA builds more guerrilla fronts, acquires more weapons through tactical offensives, and benefits from widespread agrarian struggles and the intensification of the people's revolutionary struggles in various fronts.
As the Filipino working class prepares to mark the 150th year of Andres Bonifacio's birth, the CPP calls on all units of the New People's Army to further intensify guerrilla warfare nationwide by launching more frequent and more numerous tactical offensives to seize more weapons from the enemy. To further succeed in revolutionary armed struggle, the NPA must continue to conduct painstaking mass work to help the peasant masses wage land reform struggles and build their democratic political power. We must heighten efforts to imbue the people with Bonifacio's spirit of armed resistance.
Simultaneous with marking the birth anniversary of Andres Bonifacio, we celebrate the founding anniversary of the revolutionary Kabataang Makabayan (KM, Patriotic Youth). The CPP calls on the Filipino youth to further raise their historical, political and social consciousness by untiringly waging a patriotic and scientific study movement. The CPP calls on the Filipino youth to intensify their participation in social revolution by recognizing the inextricable link that ties their problems with those of the rest of the people, and by deeply integrating with the toiling masses of workers and peasants, imbued with Bonifacio's spirit of serving the people and guided by the principle that the masses are the makers of history.
It is the present generation of Filipino youth that will likely bear witness to the total victory of the war for national liberation and the opening of a new chapter of socialist revolution and construction and the building of a modern and just social system.
Wednesday, November 28, 2012
[See the following statement from CEBRASPO. The rough English translation is followed by the Portuguese original text. -- Frontlines ed.]
CEBRASPO — Brazilian Center of Solidarity with the Peoples
Manga, November 23, 2012Cowardly attack by gunmen against families who occupied the farm Beirada
Cabral and his band of gunmen attacked the peasant families who occupied the Beirada the night of Nov. 22.
Cabral went into the occupation with his truck, said to be the “owner” of Beirada and threatened families.
The gunmen were recognized by the peasants and the people are old acquaintances Manga: Frederick Alencar, Ulysses Alencar, William (farm worker), Arnold (Three Rivers), Adalto (official Didimag), Afonso (Boa Vista), Dico (Boa Vista), Mark (New Brasília), Bira and Fabio (wanted for armed robbery at gas station in Ypiranga Manga), Isaiah, Roger Cabral, Toinzinho (New Brasília). All armed by landowners to keep land in the Beirada completely unproductive, and people in poverty.
On the morning of 22, gunmen attacked the families who were camped in a shed of Beirada. Fired guns at them, dropped bombs, and set fire to the families’ belongings. These cowards fired on children, and raided and burned the rooms where they slept. They threatened them with death.
For several days the gunmen, watchdogs of Cabral, were already threatening members of the League of Poor Peasants in Manga. They called and threatened the peasants, went to the headquarters of the League to try to intimidate the families who fight for the land of Beirada.
Everyone knows that this band of gunmen have heavy weapons and roams the Beirada displaying their weapons.
The gunmen acts in broad daylight in Beirada, under the noses of the police and so-called “authorities.” When the PM was approached at dawn on 23 by peasants who denounced the attempted massacre made by the gunmen, a sergeant blamed the attack of the gunmen on the families. The police defended the latifundia. Even knowing that the gunmen were heavily armed and had reports of suspected abuse and even peasants’ deaths, they said they could do nothing and that it “was expected.” The next day, Lieutenant Veloso defended the attack by gunmen considering they were legitimate and said the landowners have the right to use “force” to evict the peasants. At no time questioned the fact that armed gunmen swagger, threaten the lives of peasants and burned down their belongings.
Attacked in the dead of night, men, women, old people and children had to retreat to the bush with only their clothes. They were beaten, were targets of gunfire and bombs, had to seek refuge in the homes of peasants in neighboring areas, or walk several miles at risk of dying on the road.
Demand punishment and jail for landowner Cabral and his gunmen!
This new attack by gunmen against the peasants is a crime against all the people of the region and Manga.
There is incontrovertible evidence of criminal actions of the landlord: belongings torched, spent shells of high caliber ammunition, the testimony of the peasants who had to spend the night in the bush to avoid being killed, three police reports recorded in charge of Manga PM that detail the events from the threat of attack against farmers since before the occupation of Beirada, and the presence of armed gunmen who continuously threatened the peasants until the attack itself.
We demand punishment and jail for landowner Cabral, principal participant in the attack and the families who occupied the Beirada and against all the gunmen who carried out the attempted massacre of workers and their families!
Land for those who live and work in it!
The lands of Beirada for Peasants!
Conquer the earth! Destroy the plantation!
The people want land, not repression!
Live the Agrarian Revolution!
The National Leagues of Poor PeasantsCEBRASPO — Centro Brasileiro de Solidariedade aos Povos
CEBRASPO — Brazilian Center of Solidarity with the Peoples
CEBRASPO — Brazilian Center of Solidarity with the Peoples
Manga, 23 de novembro de 2012
Ataque covarde de pistoleiros contra famílias que ocupavam a Fazenda Beirada
Cabral e seu bando de pistoleiros atacaram as famílias camponesas que ocuparam a Beirada na noite do dia 22 de novembro.
Cabral foi até a ocupação com sua caminhonete, disse ser o “dono” da Beirada e ameaçou as famílias.
Os pistoleiros foram reconhecidos pelos camponeses e são velhos conhecidos do povo de Manga: Frederico Alencar, Ulisses Alencar, Guilherme (funcionário da fazenda), Arnaldo (de Três Rios), Adalto (funcionário da Didimag), Afonso (da Boa Vista), Dico (da Boa Vista), Marcos (da Nova Brasília), Bira e Fábio (procurados por latrocínio no posto de combustíveis Ypiranga em Manga), Isaías, Rogério Cabral, Toinzinho (da Nova Brasília). Todos armados pelo latifúndio para manter as terras da Beirada no atraso, completamente improdutivas, e o povo na miséria.
Na madrugada do dia 22, os pistoleiros atacaram as famílias que estavam acampadas em um galpão da Beirada. Atiraram, jogaram bombas, colocaram fogo nos pertences das famílias. Esses covardes atiraram contra crianças, invadiram e incendiaram os cômodos onde dormiam. Chamaram os camponeses de porcos, ameaçaram de morte.
Há vários dias os pistoleiros, cães de guarda do Cabral, já vinham ameaçando membros da Liga dos Camponeses Pobres em Manga. Telefonaram para companheiros e fizeram ameaças, foram até a sede da Liga para tentar intimidar as famílias que lutam pelas terras da Beirada.
Todos estão carecas de saber que esse bando de pistoleiros tem armas de grosso calibre e que já rondavam a Beirada exibindo suas armas.
A pistolagem age à luz do dia na Beirada, debaixo do nariz da polícia e das chamadas “autoridades” para tentar impedir o povo de tomar nas suas mãos o direito àquelas terras. Quando a PM foi procurada na madrugada do dia 23 por camponeses que denunciaram a tentativa de massacre feita pela pistolagem, um sargento culpou as famílias pelo ataque dos pistoleiros, dizendo que eles “procuraram aquilo” e defendeu o latifúndio. Mesmo sabendo que os pistoleiros estavam fortemente armados e que havia denúncias de agressões e até mesmo suspeita de mortes, eles disseram que nada poderiam fazer e que aquilo “já era esperado”. No dia seguinte, o Tenente Veloso defendeu o ataque dos pistoleiros considerando-o legítimo e disse que o latifúndio tem o direito de usar “de força” para expulsar os camponeses. Em momento algum questionou o fato de os pistoleiros andarem armados, atentarem contra a vida dos camponeses e incendiarem seus pertences.
Atacados em plena madrugada, homens, mulheres, velhos e crianças tiveram que se retirar para o mato com a roupa do corpo. Foram agredidos, foram alvos de tiros e bombas, tiveram que se refugiar em casas de camponeses em áreas vizinhas ou caminhar vários quilômetros correndo risco de morrer na estrada.
Punição e cadeia para o latifundiário Cabral e seus pistoleiros
Esse novo ataque da pistolagem contra os camponeses é um crime contra todo o povo de Manga e região.
Existem provas incontestáveis das ações criminosas do latifúndio: os pertences incendiados, as cápsulas de munições de grosso calibre, os depoimentos dos camponeses que tiveram que passar a noite no mato para não serem assassinados, os três boletins de ocorrência registrados no comando da PM de Manga que narram os acontecimentos desde a ameaça de ataque contra os camponeses desde antes da ocupação da Beirada, da presença de pistoleiros armados que ameaçavam os camponeses até o ataque propriamente dito.
Exigimos punição e cadeia para o latifundiário Cabral, mandante e participante do ataque contra as famílias que ocupavam a Beirada e contra todos os pistoleiros que executaram essa tentativa de massacre de trabalhadores e suas famílias!
Terra para quem nela vive e trabalha!
As terras da Beirada para os Camponeses!
Conquistar a terra! Destruir o latifúndio!
O povo quer terra, não repressão!
Viva a Revolução Agrária!
Comissão Nacional das Ligas de Camponeses Pobres
Según dan cuenta medios informativos, han aparecido pintas en diversas localidades de Ayacucho en las que se dan vivas al PCP y a la guerra popular. Canal N informa que en la localidad de Huascahura y en la Feria de Canaán estas pintas causaron preocupacion en las autoridades que ordenaron su inmediata ocultación.
» Siraj Sikder Works: Class analysis of East Bengal society First published in 1970 Republished in corrected form in changed political situation in 1972
Siraj Sikder Works: Class analysis of East Bengal society First published in 1970 Republished in corrected form in changed political situation in 1972Posted on November 26, 2012Class analysis of East Bengal societyFirst published in 1970Republished in corrected form in changed political situation in 1972
Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the revolution. The basic reason why all previous revolutionary struggles achieved so little was the the failure to unite with real friends in order to attack real enemies.A revolutionary party is the guide of the masses, and no revolution ever succeeds when the revolutionary party leads them astray. The 23 years long experience of East Bengal revolution and 46 years’ experience of Indian revolution proved that the revisionists, neo revisionists, Trotskytes and Gueverists have misguided people and as a consequence of that, revolution of India and East Bengal could not materialize.We must learn from that treacherous negative example and will materialize people’s liberation by guiding revolution on to the correct path. We must pay attention to unite with real friends to attack upon real enemies.In order to distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make general analysis of different classes of East Bengal society and their respective attitude towards revolution.What is the condition of different classes of East Bengal society?The East Bengal BourgeoisieThe East Bengal bourgeoisie is divided into four sections.First section is lackey to Indian expansionism, second one is lackey to Soviet Social imperialism, and third one is lackey to US led imperialism while the fourth one is national bourgeoisie.Lackey to expansionism, social imperialism and imperialism the bourgeoisie has a close relation to East Bengal feudal. This class represents the most backward reactionary production relation of East Bengal and hinders the development of production force. Their position is contradictory to the perspective of East Bengal revolution. They take the side of feudalism and foreign, and they always play very much reactionary role.They are the bureaucratic bourgeoisie class.High officials of state owned industries, business and other companies of East Bengal also belong to this class.The fourth section of bourgeoisieThey are oppressed by Indian expansionism, imperialism and their lackeys and chained by internal feudalism. This is why they have contradiction with both the two. In this aspect they are one of the revolutionary forces.As oppressed by Indian expansionism, Soviet social imperialism, imperialism and feudalism, this section of bourgeoisie show some aspiration in struggle against the above mentioned enemies.On the other side, they are not able to carry this struggle to final stage because politically and economically they are irresolute and still they have economic tie with feudalism and foreign exploiters. Their this aspect becomes clear when people’s revolutionary force strengthens itself.From the duel character of national bourgeoisie we see, sometimes, in some extent, they may take part in struggle against foreign and feudal exploitation and in this way, can be treated as revolutionary force. But in other times, they themselves may follow the lackey-traitor bourgeoisie.The national bourgeoisie never had any political party of its own, nor do they have now.At present, not only they are separate from the lackey-traitor bourgeoisie and feudal lords but also they are ally of revolution. This is why we must necessarily have a correct line on national bourgeoisie.That line is the principle of unity and struggle. Proletarians will on the one hand unify national bourgeoisie by maintaining its own independence, sovereignty and initiative, and on the other hand, will be vigilant and struggle against their vacillation and treachery.Petit bourgeoisieApart from peasants, those who are included in this class are:a) Vast intellectualsb) Petit businessmenc) Handicraftsmend) ProfessionalsTheir social condition resembles with middle peasants. All of them are being exploited, pauperized and destroyed by Indian expansionism and its lackeys, social imperialism, imperialism and feudalism. This is why different sections of petit bourgeoisie class are a motive force of revolution and is close ally to proletariat. They can liberate themselves only under the leadership of proletariat. Now, let us analyze its different strata.Firstly: IntellectualsStudents & youths, teachers of primary and secondary schools, lower rank government functionaries, small clerk etc. (are intellectuals). They are not separate class or strata. At the present social condition of East Bengal, they can be classified as petit bourgeoisie by assessing their family origin, livelihood condition and political views.Most of the intellectuals and student, except those who collude with Indian expansionism, social imperialism, imperialism and feudalism, are oppressed and afraid of losing job or study. This is why they use to be revolutionaries, more or less they are familiar with bourgeoisie scientific outlook, have sharp political consciousness and sometimes they play advance role or at the present stage of revolution they play the role of making contact to people. Vast poor intellectuals may embrace workers and peasants to take part in revolution.Like other countries, in our country too, Marxism first got its publicity among the intellectuals and they are the ones who first adopted Marxism. Without revolutionary intellectuals, it is not possible to successfully organize revolutionary forces and organize revolutionary activities.
But the intellectuals often tend to be subjective and individualistic, impractical and irresolute until they have thrown themselves heart and soul into mass revolutionary struggles, or made up their minds to serve the interests of the masses and become one with them.Hence although the revolutionary intellectuals in East Bengal can play a vanguard role or serve as a link with the masses, not all of them will remain revolutionaries to the end. Some will drop out of the revolutionary ranks at critical moments and become passive, while a few may even become enemies of the revolution. The intellectuals can overcome their shortcomings only in mass struggles over a long period.Secondly: small businessmenGenerally, they run small shop and keep one or two executive. They are afraid of being bankrupt with the exploitation of Indian expansionism, social imperialism, imperialism and their lackeys.Thirdly: handicraftsmenThey are huge in number. They have means of production of their own and they do not employ people, only just keep one or two helper or apprentice. Their condition is like middle peasants.Fourth: professionalsDoctors, advocates and other professionals are included in this type. They do not exploit others, or slightly they do. Their condition is like handicraftsmen.These parts of petit bourgeoisie have massive population whom, of course, we will bring to our side and we must protect their interest, because generally they may join revolution or support it. They are our good ally. Their weak aspect is that some of them are easily influenced by bourgeoisie propaganda. We must carry revolutionary propaganda and organize work among them.Petit bourgeoisie may be divided in follows sections:Higher section of petit bourgeoisieThose are included in this section who have some surplus money and food or yearly who earn more than they need to survive themselves by manual or mental labor. These types of people like very much to get rich. Though they don’t want to save huge money, they always want to promote themselves to the level of bourgeoisie. Their mouths water copiously when they see the respect in which those small moneybags are held. People of this sort are timid, afraid of government officials, and also a little afraid of the revolution. Since they are quite close to the bourgeoisie in economic status, they have a lot of faith in its propaganda and are suspicious of the revolution. This section is a minority among the petty bourgeoisie and constitutes its right-wing.Middle section of petit bourgeoisieThey in the main are economically self-supporting. They are quite different from the people in the first section; they also want to get rich, but suffering from the exploitation of the Indian expansionism, social imperialism and their lackeys, they feel they cannot earn enough to live on even by working longer hours. They merely doubt whether revolution can succeed, don’t want to take the risk of movement easily, hesitate to join it and prefer to be neutral, but they never oppose the revolution. This section is very numerous, making up about one-half of the petty bourgeoisie.Lower section of petit bourgeoisieThis section consists of those whose standard of living is falling. Many in this section, who originally belonged to better-off families, are undergoing a gradual change from a position of being barely able to manage to one of living in more and more reduced circumstances, their life is becoming more and more miserable. They are in great mental distress because there is such a contrast between their past and their present. Such people are quite important for the revolutionary movement; they form a mass of no small proportions and are the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie.In normal times these three sections of the petty bourgeoisie differ in their attitude to the revolution. But in times of war, that is, when the tide of the revolution runs high and the dawn of victory is in sight, not only will the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie join the revolution, but the middle section too may join, and even right-wingers, swept forward by the great revolutionary tide of the proletariat and of the left-wing of the petty bourgeoisie, will have to go along with the revolution.Petit handicraftsmenPetit handicraftsmen are called semi proletariat because they very often are compelled to sell labor power partly despite having simple means of production and independent profession. Their economic condition is very similar to that of rural poor peasants. In terms of big burden of livelihood, gap between earning and livelihood expenditure, constant agony of poverty and danger of unemployment, they are more or less similar to poor peasants.Shop assistantsShop assistants are hired workers. They run their family with their small salary. Though price of daily goods increase every year, their salary increases only once. If you have a close conversation with them, they will spontaneously tell you their endless distresses. Their condition is not much different than poor peasants and petit handicraftsmen. They accept revolutionary propaganda very easily.HawkersHawkers may sell products moving or having a shop alongside the road. Their capital is small and earning is small too, by which, they can’t sustain themselves. Their condition is not much different than poor peasants. So, they also need revolution like poor peasants what will change their present situation.Landlord classLandlord has land but he doesn’t take part in labor (or slightly he may do) and live by exploiting peasants. Their main form of exploitation is to collect money from tenancy: contract cropping, share cropping and its share. He may run industry and business.[Usurers whose main income is from interest and who have a better living condition than average middle peasants may also be classified as landlord]Taking care of Oakf property, school and other properties are also included in this exploitation.If a bankrupt landlord doesn’t take part in labor and live a better life than average middle peasants by exploiting others or with the help of relatives and friends, then he also will belong to landlord class.Panchayat member, government employees (Tahshilder, C.O, Police Officers), Mujiv-ist, Pro Moscow local tyrants and evil gentry are representative of Landlord class and they are very much cruel. Very often small local tyrants and evil gentry are political representative of landlord class and are very much cruel. Very often petit local tyrants are found among the rich peasants.Those who help landlord in tenancy of share and contract cropping etc., whose main part of income depends on taking care of landlord’s property and exploitation of peasants by landlord and if their living condition is better than middle peasants, will be included in landlord class.This class is a main pillar of foreign exploitation. They hinder the political, economic and cultural development of East Bengal and they don’t have any progressive role. This is why let alone being motive force of revolution, they are rather target of revolution. At the present time of independence struggle of East Bengal, a section of this class is working as lackey of Indian expansionism while another section is wavering. But a notable extent of middle and small landlords, who have come in touch with capitalist production a little bit, may support independence struggle. We must try to unite them with us under our leadership. They are the rural enlightened gentry.Rich peasantsAs a general rule, rich peasants have lands. Some rich peasants’ some of the lands are usually taken in tenancy of contract or share cropping while rest of the lands belong to them. Some of the rich peasants don’t have any land of their own but they took land in tenancy of contract or share cropping. Generally rich peasants have more than average tilling tools (plough, cows) and more cash. He himself takes part in labor, his main form of exploitation is wage labor (long term wage labor). Apart from that he may give part of his lands to others in tenancy of share cropping or contract and carry exploitation in that way. He may lend money or he may engage in business. Those will be classified as rich peasants who till part of his fertile lands himself without employing any wage labor while carry exploitation by giving rest of the lands in tenancy or lending money or in other ways. Rich peasants regularly carry exploitation and that is the main source of his income.Generally speaking, they may play some role in independence struggle of East Bengal and may remain neutral in revolutionary land struggle against landlord. This is why we will not classify rich peasants as landlord and will not take the line of destroying them immaturely.Middle peasantsMany middle peasants have lands of their own. Some of the middle peasants own some lands while rest of the lands they have are taken in share cropping or contract tenancy. Total or main part of middle peasants’ income comes from their own labor. Generally he doesn’t exploit others, rather by the end of the year, he himself is exploited through giving share of share cropping, contract money, loan interest, increasing government rent, development tax, education tax, village police tax etc. Generally he doesn’t sell labor power (doesn’t engage in wage labor). Though some of the better off middle peasants carry some exploitation, but that is not their regular or main source of income.Middle peasants not only take part in national and democratic revolution but also they will accept socialism. This is why all the middle peasants are close ally of proletariat and an important motive force of revolution. Support or opposition of middle peasants is an important question for the victory or defeat of revolution. This is especially true after agrarian revolution when they are the majority of the population.Poor peasantsSome of the poor peasants have a few lands and tilling tools of their own. Poor peasants usually till land through taking land in share cropping or contract tenancy. Poor peasants are exploited through share cropping (giving share of product), giving contract money, interest of loan, increasing rent of government, development tax, education tax, village police tax, corruption of government employees and above all wage lobor.Generally middle peasants don’t have to sell labor power (that means, he doesn’t have to work as wage labor) while poor peasants have to do. This is the main way of making distinction between middle peasants and poor peasants.Poor peasants easily accept revolutionary propaganda. Working class and its party, of course, by relying on poor peasants, will unite middle peasants, fight against landlord class and carry land reform. Chairman Mao said, “In initial period of revolution middle peasants wavered. It is only after they clearly see the general trend of events and the approaching triumph of the revolution that the middle peasants will come in the side of the revolution.”Poor and middle peasants can free themselves only under the leadership of proletariat. By uniting poor and middle peasants, only proletariat can direct revolution to victory. By peasants we mean agricultural workers, poor peasants and middle peasants.ProletariatModern industrial proletarians of East Bengal are working mainly in Jute mills, sugar mills, textile mills, railway, dock and transport etc. Most of them are chained in slavery of state owned capital. Despite small in number, industrial proletariat represents the new production force of East Bengal. They are the most progressive class of modern East Bengal and the leading force of revolutionary movement. Why do they play the role? The reason is that they are centralized. No other section of people is as centralized as they are. The second reason is that their financial condition is low. They are deprived of means of production. Only things they have are their hands. They don’t have any hope to get rich. Indian expansionism, social imperialism, imperialism and their lackeys behave very much cruelly with them. So, they are vanguard in struggle. Urban daily laborer, Rickshaw and van pullers, peddlers, sweeper, house maid, hotel boy and tobacco workers etc. also have nothing but their hands. Their economic condition is very similar to that of industrial workers. But they are less centralized than industrial workers and their role in production is less important as well.Rural proletariat or rural worker or agricultural workerStill there is very little capitalist agriculture in East Bengal. By rural proletariat we mean yearly, monthly or daily basis hired peasants. These types of peasants neither have land and agricultural tools, nor any capital. They survive only by selling own labor power. Their working day is so long, salary is so little and working condition is so bad and insecure that they are comparatively in worse condition than other workers. In rural areas, these types of people suffer most and their status in peasant movement is important like poor peasants.Lumpen proletariatThere are a lot of unemployed in cities and countryside. As they are deprived of normal livelihood, they adopt unfair means. It created dacoit, thief, beggar, prostitute and many others who sustain by monkhood, snake charming, selling amulet etc. This social strata is temporary. Some of them may be bought by reactionaries while others may join revolution. This type of people lacks of constructive quality and easily be destructive. After joining revolution, inside the revolutionary rank, they are the source of roving rebel banditry and anarchism. So, we must know how to change them and how to resist their destructive tendency.From the above analysis we see our enemy is Indian expansionism and its ruling regime, Soviet social imperialism, US imperialism and their dependent lackey bourgeoisie and feudalists and their dependent reactionary section of intellectuals.The leader of revolution is working class and its party, closest ally is peasant and petit bourgeoisie. We shall have principle of unity and struggle towards national bourgeoisie. We have to try to unite them under our leadership so long as they support national liberation and democracy and do not oppose proletarian party. When they oppose proletarian party, national liberation and democracy, we must criticize them and expose their reactionary character in front of people and struggle against them.