India, the “biggest democracy” of the world, constitutionally promises social justice through affirmative action of preferential treatment to Adivasis and other deprived and oppressed communities but in practice uproots and kills them for facilitating convenient, profitmaking and accumulation by monopoly giants. The firing by CRPF and CoBRA commandos in night of 28th June 2012 at the Adivasis of Rajpenta, Kottaguda and Sarkeguda, the adjacent villages in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh, the gathered in an empty field to discuss the upcoming the bija pondum (seed sowing festival) and also to discuss how to help those without cattle and single women headed households, is yet another recurrence of Jalianwalan Bag[ii]. The Adivasis gathering was surrounded by over 100 CRPF personnel and CoBRA commandos in the cloudy night. At around 10 PM they started firing at the meeting from all the directions killing 17 unarmed innocent people and injuring many. 16 of them including 6 teenagers 4 of them being children (aged 12-16 years) were killed on the spot. The 17th victim Irpa Ramesh ran away during the firing and “made it to the safety of his house and stepped out in the dawn to survey the area. He was fired upon immediately and though hit in the leg, he managed to get back inside his home. CRPF men followed him and clobbered him to death in front of his wife and 3 children[iii]. According to a report, a 14 year old girl was raped before being killed.[iv] It is to be noted that the houses in these villages were ransacked and burnt by Salwajudum. The Adivasis were terrorized to flee in the neighboring areas. They came back in 2009 and are still in the process of rebuilding their habitats[v]. Ever since the government has been harassing the villagers but this time they are determined to stay back and fight. Adivasis of many other villages of Chhattisgarh, due oppression and harassment including rape and murder at the hands of security Forces, have fled to the neighboring areas of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa[vi].
The periodic massacre of Adivasis of Chhattisgarh, rapes and murders of girls and women, burning of their villages have become common affairs. On 5th July 2011, a 16 year old Adivasi girl, Meena Khalko of Nawadih village in Dantewada district in Chhattisgarh, was gang raped and killed in the “encounter” by Police as a top Maoist Commander. Home Minister of Chhattisgarh in a press statement claimed that she “was a Naxal and had habitual sexual contact”[vii] (one of the clichéd justification of rape). When the reality of the “encounter” was found to be fake one, her parents were given a compensation of Rs.2 lakhs as compensation and no action against the erring cops or their political bosses[viii]. On May 22, 2012, four girls aged 14-18 years were picked up by the SPOs of Chhattisgarh Police, tortured and raped, for fear of their lives, they have not returned to their villages[ix]. If one clicks “rapes and murders by Chhattisgarh Police, one would find n number of entries of such heinous stories.
This episode of recent killings by uniformed personnel, is in the sequence and an integral part of the ongoing long term strategy of the governments to oust the Adivasis from their villages to pave the way for corporate giants with whom the central and state governments of mineral rich states have signed many MOUs, which they are not making public, despite repeated demand by the Democratic Rights organizations[x]. Immediately after the massacre in the name of “encounter” with Maoists, echoing the CRPF Chief of the operation, the Home Minister Mr. P. Chidambaram came out with their identity as hardcore Maoists in the same way as during the NDA regime, the then Home Minister, LK Advani would announce the names addresses of the assassinated Muslims and the Pakistani connections immediately after every so-called anti-terrorist encounter[xi]. When his own party members from Chhattisgarh started doubting the authenticity of encounter, Mr. Chidambaram revised the statement that though the killed Adivasis including children were Maoists, but he regrets if any innocent has been killed, absolving himself of blame, though CRPF and CoBRA come directly under the central home ministry[xii] in the same way as Barak Obama regrets the innocent deaths in in so-called anti-terrorist, arbitrary bombing the North-Western Frontier regions of Pakistan by unmanned, US Drone war planes[xiii]. When it has become crystal clear that there were no Maoists, and it was a simple and plain slaughter of unarmed, poor Adivasis, the Raman government, which in its attempt to help the corporate interest has been callously negligent to the interest of the Adivasis, ordered an inquiry by a SDM in the matter. To hush up the things and mollify the agitated villagers over the death of their 17 kinsmen/women sent ration and other relief material to the village, Sarkeguda, the villagers refused to accept the help saying that if they are Naxalites, why government was giving them ration? They rebuked and sent back the officials[xiv]. Now as government is under attack from various quarters for the cold-blooded massacre of unarmed Adivasi villagers in the name of the encounter with Maoist, now, the government has come up with another justification that the Maoists use the common people as human shield and Security Forces should adopt more sophisticated methods to deal with the “menace” of Left Wing Extremism (LWE)[xv].
Where ever there is land movement in India, people are branded as Maoists and harassed. The land movements of Kalinganagar, Niyamgiri, Jagatsinghpur, Kashipur, Narayanpatna in Orissa are just few glaring examples. On 2 January 2006 the Adivasi peasants’ protest rally against the land grab for Tata was fired at by Orissa Police killing 14 and injuring many[xvi]. The death toll by Police action has reached 16 in subsequent actions in the process of breaking the movement. The District magistrate and the Superintend of police, who conducted yet another Jaiyanwanlabag, were rewarded with promotions by the Orissa state government.[xvii] In the dawn of January 2, 2011, the day BBJM celebrates as the martyrdom day by holding rallies and public meeting, 4 villagers, including a 13 year old girl were gunned down in the name of encounter with Maoists and their bodies clandestinely cremated[xviii]. Former President of the Women’s Committee of the Bisthapan Birodhi Janmanch (BBJM) the organization heralding the movement, has been recently arrested under the charge being Maoist[xix]. The heroic on-going struggles of Adivasis and peasants notwithstanding the ongoing allurements, repression, terror and other tactics by the government and the corporate giants to break them[xx], reminds the so-called primitive accumulation and brutally crushed peasants’ resistances against land grab in England during “enclosure movements”. But much water has flowed down the Bay of Bengal, since then and history never repeats, it only echoes[xxi]. People have resolved that they would not flee in fear now and are ready to fight back the nexus mighty Indian state and the corporate giants[xxii].
Duality has been the integral part of capitalism and hence of its political instrument, of liberal democracy, since their respective inceptions itself. It provides rights to people under constitutions but as soon as they start mattering, these rights become null and void under ‘extra-ordinary’ laws like Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) made to deal with the ‘exceptional’ situations[xxiii].
The first acknowledged organic intellectual, John Locke deduced the theory of natural right to property from natural right to life, and that one makes property by mixing one’s labour with nature’s gifts that commonly belong to all. The government is needed for protection of the natural rights, particularly right to property[xxiv]. But it began the journey not with its theological origin in some mythical antiquity as claimed by Adam Smith and his fellow liberal Classical economists[xxv], but by fraudulently expropriating the peasantry under enclosure movement and by uprooting the craftsmen; artisans; small entrepreneurs who had been earning their livelihood by mixing their labour with the gifts of nature and forcing them into wage slavery through bloody legislations; plunder and massacre of the natives of Americans; “conquest and plunder of India India, and the conversion of Africa into a preserve for the commercial hunting of black skins”[xxvi].
Human Rights activist and journalist Seema Azad and her husband Vishwavijay were arrested by UPSTF (Uttar Pradesh Special Task Force) of UP Police were arrested at Allahabad Railway station on 6July 2010. Seema had returned from World Book Fair in Delhi and Vishwavijay had gone to the station to receive her. On June 8, 2012, both were sentenced to life imprisonment and a penalty of Rs.70, 000 by a lower court in Allahabad under the various clauses of UAPA for allegedly waging war against the state. They have been alleged to be members of CPI (Maoist) and of involvement in illegal activities[xxvii]. Seema is Organizing Secretary of the human rights organization, Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and editor of a bimonthly Dastak, which she used for exposing the corrupt nexus between sand mining mafia and the political leaders, the agony of people due to land grab drive by government for the Corporate Real estate and industrialists. Former student activists, Seema and Vishwavijay have been consistently raising their voice against human rights violation in eastern UP in general and in Allahabad and Kaushambi in particular, where politico-mafia police nexus is illegally mining sand, hoarding black money and exploiting and harassing workers[xxviii]. The charge is that they had objectionable literature, which proved that they were Maoists. The government has not defined what objectionable literature is. The lower court judge, seemingly bereft of vision and ignorant of Supreme Court judgements that say that nobody can be convicted for keeping/reading particular literature or even being member of a banned organization until he/she is found indulging in the violence or inciting the violence, accepted the Police story[xxix]. Supreme Court too did not take Suo-moto cognizance of the flagrant violation of its rulings by a lower court. The character of judiciary is the same as the character of the state.
Dr. Binayak Sen’s case is well-known by now. Owing to the pervasive, protracted campaign by prominent intellectuals and activists and his celebrity status as a popular health and rights activist, Dr. Vinayak Sen was eventually granted bail by the Supreme of India after spending two years in Jail under the extra-ordinary law, UAPA. Earlier the Supreme Court had rejected his bail application upholding the decisions of Chhattisgarh High Court. Dr. Sen is a physician by profession and the national Vice President of Peoples’ Union of Civil Liberties (PUCL), involved with peoples’ constitutional rights against the state sponsored extra constitutional armed militia Salwa Judum. Extra constitutional laws are needed to silence such dissenting voices[xxx].
The Adivasi, school teacher Soni Sori’s story too is very well known by now. The Police officer, Ankit Garg, who ordered the barbaric act of stuffing stones into her vagina, was honored with bravery award on the Republic Day[xxxi]. In a meeting in Jadavpur University, when a student asked some inconvenient question on her well-advertised good-Governance, Mamata Banerjee, the West Bengal Chief Minister walked away in rage branding her and many other students and teachers as Maoists. It is said that she has ordered the intelligence agencies to keep vigilance over them[xxxii]
These are just the few subsets of the large set of the suppression of the voices of dissent and exposure of the corrupt anti-people policies of the comprador Indian state, under extra-ordinary laws for exceptional situations. This euphoria of Naxalism and suppression of dissent can be called Neo-McCarthyism[xxxiii].
Marx and Engels polemically wrote in 1948 in the Preface of the Communist manifesto that the specter of Communism was haunting the Europe. After 100 years that specter got transported to the USA. At the outset of the cold war, the US ruling classes and the corporate media created the scare of Communism and Soviet Union as national enemy in the same way as they are doing now by creating “terrorism”, a national fear of to consolidate their grip over political power and international hegemony[xxxiv]. In 1949, Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy presented a list (Hollywood Black list)[xxxv] of people working in Government establishments; Research institutions; Film and theatre; University and school teachers; students and intellectuals and scientists of various fields, who were accused of being Communist or Communist sympathizers and hence Soviet agents[xxxvi]. To inquire into loyalty of such pro-Communist suspects the, Government constituted many Committees — House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC); Senate Internal Security Committee; Senate Permanent subcommittee of on Investigation apart from Anti-Communist cell of FBI headed by Edgar Hoover. These Committees enquired into 179 cases during 1949-54[xxxvii]. The story of Scientist couple of Manhattan project fame, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, who were arrested in 1950, and despite a protracted campaign by Einstein and other intellectuals and Peace activists to save them, were executed in 1953 by being forced to sit on the Sing-Sing chair[xxxviii]. Einstein could be saved by his celebrity status, but his activities were under vigilance, phones taped and letters censored by FBI. Edgar Hoover had a special file on him that could be availed by Fred Jerome who edited and published them in a book; Einstein File. The Communist Control Act, 1954 was passed in both the houses with a thumping majority without much debate. Einstein and other democratic intellectuals, film makers and writers were appealing to Americans to refuge to appear for loyalty test under these Draconian laws[xxxix]. In course of time, McCarthyism became synonym of prosecution and harassment of opponents with the accusation of sedition and spying for Soviet Union. Many private vigilance committees and private security agencies prospered on the behest of the government.
The raising the scare of the specter of Naxalism by the ruling elite of the country and arrests, prosecution, and imprisonment of civil rights activists and opponents of Corporate-oriented anti-people policies under various draconian extra-ordinary laws, reminds the state of affairs in the USA in 1950s. This phase of American history is known as the Second Red Scare, the first being immediately after Russian Revolution. In 1918 it unsuccessfully tried to attack the USSR[xl].
The specter of Naxalism, (ignorant of the fact that CPI (Maoist) is just the one claimant of the legacies of Naxalbari peasants armed uprising against the Feudal oppression and exploitation that changed the agenda of India’s political discourse) is haunting the ruling classes of India in the same way as that of Communism was haunting the ruling classes of USA in 1950s. Today there is no ruling class party that does not raise the euphoria of Naxalism to divert the popular attention from deep rooted corruption; plunder of the peoples’ resources; exploitation and miseries of common people and to blunt the edge of the major contradiction between the imperialist global capitals[xli] and the Indian people. The arbitrary arrests under “extraordinary laws”, torture, manufactured confessions. Trials in special courts and convictions on charges of being Maoists/Maoist supporters resembles arrest, harassment and conviction of anybody without any substantial proof of sedition on charges of being a communist or communist supporters. Honorable Prime Minister of India, Man Mohan Singh or honorable home Chidambaram, whether speaking on deeply ingrained corruption in the government; issue of FDI in retail sector that would eat up millions of unemployment and would place the consumers on the mercy of corporate giants; issue of anti-nuclear movements; suicide of peasants; plight of Adivasis; or any issue, they do not forget to raise the danger of Naxalism as the biggest danger for the country, without what they mean by Naxalism and how is it the biggest danger and they do more loudly after a pilgrimage to the USA. They accept that the CPI (Maoist) prospers due to faulty development of the tribal regions and declare to huge budgets to reach the development to the tribal regions in by enhancing the number of Security forces and equipping them with more sophisticated weapons[xlii].
On 15 June 1998, the then Home Minister, LK Advani, addressing the gathering of 4 chief Minister, termed the Naxalism as the “enemy of the Indian dream” and accused the human right activists and intellectuals of romanticizing them as the saviors of the poor and down trodden and exhorted them to mobilize the political parties; cultural and social organizations; intellectuals and media to uproot it[xliii]. On 13 April 2006, Present and then Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh told the gathering of the Chief Minister almost the same things expressing concern over the spread of Naxalism in over 160 districts of the country, despite the loss of ideological basis 40 years after its beginning and held uneven development and inequality responsible for their support base among the Adivasis and the down trodden[xliv]. After a month, in a meeting with the Chief Ministers of the 14 states Mr. Singh, placing the terrorism and Naxalism at par, emphasized on the “media management strategy” to “co-opt the media” to fight against it[xlv]. If we place the cases of Vinayak Sen; Seema Azad, Soni Sori; Gnanath Patra et al in this context, it becomes clear that the Indian state is scared of the strength of the words of the honest, democratic individuals; in the same way as the US governments feared the might of democratic and progressive intellectuals, artists and film makers. It is reported that The US congress is contemplating legislation against those who expose the human rights violations[xlvi].
This paper aims neither at a detailed analysis of McCarthyism or the inhuman cruelties of American state nor at appraisal of the ideological stand-points or actions of India’s Communist Parties including CPI (Maoist), though their demands through mediators in the recent activities focused on the release of innocent people interned in the false case under UAPA and other draconian laws and activists of democratic land movements like Narayan Patna[xlvii]. Recently, the Union Minister, Jairam Ramesh accepted publically that most of the Adivasis being subjected to inhuman living conditions and torture in the jails Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Orissa and other Maoist affected states are innocent people implicated in the false cases[xlviii]. This aims at showing that the parliamentary democracy with innate contradiction of theory and practice and duality of character remains democratic and tolerates dissent as long as it does not seriously matter and resorts to undemocratic extra-ordinary laws to stop dissent from crossing the limits.
In fact, the “extraordinary”, undemocratic laws under “exceptional” conditions are innate into liberal democracy. In England the stories of innocent people spending years (1974-91) in prison on the basis of suspicion and manufactured confessions under Preventive Detention Act (PDA), 1974 is not in Guildford Four and Birmingham Six (The plot of the popular film: In the Name of Father) cases, is part of history now[xlix]. The stories of arrests and tortures in USA under various extra ordinary laws like PATRIOT in the name of countering terrorism, particularly after 9/11, have become the legends[l]. The “exceptional situation’ necessitating “extraordinary laws” seem to be innate in the democratic governance. In India thousands of people are languishing behind the bars for years on, without trial. The undemocratic, “extraordinary laws” under “exceptional situations ” in India’s democratic politics set aside not only “normal procedure of law but also the principles of justice and democracy” and are “legally and constitutionally recognized and justified as necessary exceptions to the rule of law”.[li]
The history of “extraordinary” laws in independent India can be traced to the year prior to the promulgation of the constitution of independent India to allow military use to suppress the Telangana peasants uprising, Madras suppression of Disturbances Act, 1948[lii]. Immediately after promulgation of the Constitution, in 1950 Sardar Patel, the then home Minister of India, introduced the Preventive Detention Act (PDA) to deal with the Telangana peasants’ movement and other communist activities. “It was in fact the enunciation of a basic policy making what has been termed by Upendra Baxi as the Preventive Detention System (PDS), parallel yet integral component of the Criminal Justice system (CJS)”[liii] The Armed Forces Special powers Act(ASFSA), 1958 giving armed forces personnel unchecked and unaccountable authority and power was introduced to counter the Naga rebellion is in force in most of the North-East and in Kashmir for years. Iroma Sharmila’s hunger strike for its repel would make to Ginny’s book. So much has been written on various forums –virtual (internet social networking forums as well as print, Deeptipriya Mehrotra’s book on her vividly describes the horrid stories atrocities including rape and murder by Indian Army in northeast in general and in Manipur in particular. The necked protest of Manipuri women against the rape and murder of Manorama by army few years ago has become part of history[liv].
The debates over such laws have been gaining ground ever since the emergency (1975-77) against the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) that intensified with Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), 1985 and Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), 2002. Professor Ujjwal Kumar Sigh with a meticulously researched data of enormous misuses of such laws, particularly use of POTA as communal weapon by the NDA ruled governments, takes on the arguments of ‘dilemma of democracy’ framework that considers such laws as ‘indispensable for democracy’ and the ‘Reason of State’ that puts forward the argument of survival of state and tears them to pieces[lv]. There were wide ranging protests and campaigns against POTA, the subsequent UPA government under Congress leadership repelled the POTA to replace it with another draconian law, NSA. After the Mumbai terrorist attacks, the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) 1967 has been amended into UAPA, 2008 that includes most of the draconian clauses of TADA and POTA both[lvi].
Thus the arrests, murders, rape, prosecution and conviction of innocent Adivasis and the prosecution and conviction and life sentences to Democratic Right activists and intellectuals by Indian state under Extra-ordinary laws in the name of dealing with Naxalism, which is considered to be the biggest danger to India. The AFPSA has claimed numerous lives in Jammu and Kashmir and north eastern states apart from horrifying stories of rape and torture. Many cases of fake encounters and other atrocities in J&K are lying with the home ministry for permission of trial[lvii].
After the emergency the extra-ordinary draconian laws e greatly debated and opposed. The fascist laws like MISA were repelled but were replaced by more draconian laws. The atrocities under TADA against many innocent people are part of history now. TADA was eventually repelled after protracted protest great debate. Incorporating all the undemocratic draconian provisions of TADA, POTA was enacted which was generally used against the Muslim minorities for communal polarization of the country by NDA governments. When UPA government took over it repelled POTA but replaced by amended ‘Unlawful Activities Protection Act, 1967 (UAPA) that includes the draconian provisions of TADA and POTA both.[lviii]
The way McCarthyism was used to suppress the democratic thoughts in USA, we are witnessing in India, similar kind of Neo-McCarthyism in the name of specter of Naxalism. In defense of democracy and peoples’ right to life, all the democratic forces need to unite and mobilize against the neo-McCarthyism heralded by Man Mohan and Chidambaram
Ish Mishra, Associate Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Hindu College, University of Delhi
[i] USA, as is well-known came into existence by exterminating the native Americans and its imperialistic invasions continue beginning with the bombing in Japan ongoing occupation of Iraq and destructions in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Obama’s recent complaint against India for not allowing FDI in many sectors may be considered by the US establishment as acting against American interest, probably with the intent and prospect of invasion of India.
[ii] On Sunday 13 April 1919, Brigadier General Dyer of the colonial Indian Army ordered firing on a peaceful meeting of 15,000 to 20,000 people (which included women, senior citizens and children) assembled to discuss the Draconian Rowlett Act 1919, in a walled public garden, Jallianwala Bagh in north the north Indian city, Amritsar. Dyer kept the firing up till the ammunition supply was almost exhausted for about ten minutes. 1,302 men, women and children were slaughtered and scores of them injured. Dyer was, though, removed from duty and forced to retire without any punishment for ghastly massacre, he became a celebrated hero in Britain. Salman Rushdie’s novel, Midnight Children portrays the massacre from the perspective of a doctor in the crowd, saved from the gunfire by a well-timed sneeze. The massacre is depicted in Richard Attenborough’s film, Gandhi depicts most of the details of the massacre as well as the subsequent inquiry by the Montague commission.
[iii] Hindu, 10 July 2012
[iv] Fact finding Report by CDRO (Coordination ofDemocratic Rights Organizations); Hindu, 8 July 2012
[v] Salwajudum was a private Army of Local People raised and sponsored by Chhattisgarh Government that was declared illegal by the Supreme Court but most of its members were reappointed as SPOs (Special Police Officers), who accompany the Police and CRPF in the forest villages, as they are familiar with the terrain. There have been many reports of their involvement in rapes and other crimes against the people.
[vi] Times of India, November 13, 2009. Despite the Supreme Cut Order to rehabilitate the Adivasis of the villages destroyed by Police and Salwajudum but government did not move beyond the lip service. Himanshu Kumar a Ganhian activist motivated and helped rebuilding some villages; the government demolished his Ashram and due to official and unofficial threat from government agencies, can’t live in Chhattisgarh; Interview with him on 17 July, at a protest Dharna at Chhattisgarh. Bhavan, New Delhi.
[vii] Hindu, 8 July 2011
[viii] The Indian Express, 31 August 2011
[ix] Hindu, 29 May 2012
[x] Apart from declared MOUs with Tata, POSCO, Vedanta, Essar etc. whom the state and central governments have gifted peasants lands for mining, industrial plants and real estate and to clear the way for unhindered profit making, Central and state governments are using the state might to uproot the peasants, it is believed that Central and state governments, particularly those of mineral rich states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Orissa have singed a large number of MOUs with global Corporates, which are not being made public.
[xi] Quoted in the Editorial of Samkaleen Teesari Duniya, New Delhi, July 2012
[xii] Hindu 8 June 2012
[xiii] Whenever news of death of innocent people, children and sick (in attacks on schools and hospitals) US Drone attacks and NATO operations and stories of rape and torture become public, US President Barak Obama regrets the innocent deaths and vows to continue with the attacks to defend the “American interest”.
[xiv] www.utube.com 12 July 2012
[xv] Hindu, July 14, 2012
[xvi] Ish Mishra, “Heat and Dust on the Highway at Kalinganagar”, Economic &Political Weekly (10-16 March 2007), Mumbai
[xviii] Pratirodh Ka Swar,(February 2011) New Delhi.
[xix] Interview with the activists of BBJM on 2 January 2011
[xx] Fake cases have been registered against the most of the activists of most Of the land movements. Abhay Sahoo, the President of POSCP Pratirodh Sanghrsh Samiti(PPSS) heralding the anti-displacement movement against the land grab for the stell giant POSCO on 25th November 2011 on some old false charges.
[xxi] Ish Mishra, op.cit
[xxii] Hindu, July 8 2012
[xxiii] Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, The State. Democracy and Anti-terror laws in India(2007) Sage Publications
[xxiv] John Lock, Two Treatises of Government (1690). Chapter V, Second Treatise
xxv Adam Smith, Wealth of nations (1904), edited by Cannan, London Methuen & Co. Ltd.
[xxvi]. Karl Marx, Capital Vol.1 Section VIII(19779), Moscow, Progress Publishers,
[xxvii] Newspapers and leaflets
[xxviii] See the editorial of Samkalin Teesari Duniya (July 2012)
[xxix] Hindu, 16 January 2011
[xxxii] Times of India, 21 May 2012
[xxxiii] McCarthyism was practice in the USA in 1950s to level charges of disloyalty and treason after Senator Joseph McCarthy
[xxxiv] George Bush’s famous statement, while invading, Afghanistan that those who were not with him were with terrorists
[xxxv] See, e.g., Schwartz, Richard A. (1999) “How the Film and Television Black List Worked”. Florida International University.
[xxxvi] Morgan Ted, Reds: McCarthyism IN Twentieth Century America,(2004), . Random House Press
[xxxvii] Robert D. Dean, The Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy , Univcersity of Massachusetts Press, 2001,p 65
xxxviii Fred, Jerome, Einstein File (2004), St. Martin’s Press
[xl] Stone Geoffrey (2004) Perilous Time: Free Speech in War Time from Sedition Act of 1778 to the War on Terrorism, W.W.Norton press
[xli] The Capital has become from international to global as it is no more geo-centric in terms of either its source or investment.
[xlii] If one follows the newspaper reports of last few years, they keep periodically asserting about the LWE being the biggest threat to the country, but they do so more emphatically, whenever they return from visits to the US.
[xliii] Hindu, 16 June 1998
[xliv] Hindu, 14 April 2006
[xlv] Hindu, 6 September 2006.
[xlvi] Hindu, 8 July 20012
[xlvii] In Orissa and elsewhere, where ever the peasants and Adivasis make significant protest and movements, false cases are imposed and arbitrary arrests are made, Narayan Patna is special case where it is not the anti-displacement movement, but the land reclaim movements in which the inhabitants, the Adivasis are reclaiming their land from landlords, money lenders and liquor mafia. Most of the leading activists facing volley of cases are underground. Gan Nath patra, a veteran human rights activist, supporting the Narayan Patna movement was arrested in connection with some fabricated old case, when he had come to Bhubaneswar to meet some intellectuals connected with human rights movements in including Prof. Manoranjan Mohnathy, former Professor of Delhi University
[xlviii] J. Ramesh quoted in the editorial of Samkaleen Teesri Duniya, July 2012
[xlix] Simon Coward, Richard Down & Christopher Perry The Kaleidoscope British Independent Television Drama Research Guide 1955–2010, (2010), Kaleidoscope Publishing, 2nd edition. The Birmingham Six were six men sentenced to life imprisonment in 1975 in England for the Birmingham bombing, 1974, after spending 17 years in jail, their convictions were quashed by the Court of Appeal on 14 March 1991. The six men were later awarded compensation ranging from £840,000 to £1.2 million. Similarly 4 young man and women were sentenced to life imprisonment who were proved to be innocent after spending 15 years in jail (1974-89) for Guildford bombing in 1974; www.telegraph.co.uk
[l] http/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abu_Gharib_torture_and_prisoner-abuse and http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guantanamo_Bay_detention_camp
[li] Singh, Ujjwal Kumar: op.cit. p.313
lii Ish Mishra: “Asadhaaran kaanoon aur Jantantra: Bharat me Navmaikarhtivad” Samkaleen Teesri Duniya, July 2012
[liii] Quoted in Singh, Ujjwal Kumar: op.cit pp 33-34
[liv] Deepti Priya Burning Bright: Irom Sharmila and the Struggle for Peace in Manipur (2009), Penguin, India
[lv] Singh, Ujjwal Kumar: op.cit
[lvi] Ibid pp. 16-19
[lvii] Kashmir valley Under Occupation: Bullet versus stones, fact-finding report by Janhastakshep: campaign against Fascist desines, New delhi,2010
[lviii] Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, op.cit.
This article was first published in Ish Mishra’s blog Radical