Thursday, December 29, 2011

Italy - 27 january 2012: general strike and national demonstration in Rome - PCm Italy supports and organises in various cities this strike

27 gennaio 2012: sciopero generale e manifestazione nazionale a Roma

Il primo stadio della manovra del governo Monti è compiuto, sarà approvata entro Natale, con il consenso di un’ampia e articolata maggioranza parlamentare, che riunisce centro destra e centro sinistra, favorevole a far pagare a come sempre ai lavoratori il costo di una crisi in cui una parte dei padroni, delle banche, degli speculatori e della finanza internazionale continua a intascare profitti e rendita finanziaria.
A questa prima manovra che recepisce in pieno le direttive della BCE e dell’Unione Europea seguirà nei prossimi giorni la seconda fase, centrata sul mercato del lavoro e sulle nuove misure in tema di flessibilità in uscita; si tratta insomma della modifica dell’art.18 e della libertà di licenziare, richiesta a gran voce dalla Confindustria e da Marchionne, con il consenso non solo della destra, più o meno moderata, ma anche dal centro sinistra.
E' ora di dire NO e di ribellarsi
- Ti riducono il potere d'acquisto ed il valore reale di pensioni e salari, a te che non evadi un euro, ma non fanno nulla per recuperare i 120 miliardi annui di evasione fiscale, per tassare i profitti, la rendita finanziaria, i mega stipendi di dirigenti pubblici e privati.
- Ti fanno pagare le tasse sulla prima casa dopo che ti costringono ad acquistarla perché ti sfrattano e perché non ci sono abitazioni in affitto, mentre non intendono nemmeno introdurre una patrimoniale a quel 10% di ricchi che possiedono il 50% della ricchezza del paese.
- Ti aumentano l'IVA, l'Irpef locale, i ticket sanitari e le accise sulla benzina mentre l'inflazione è già al 3,5% ed erode la tua busta paga, mentre la tua pensione e il tuo salario sono bloccati, mentre ti licenziano, sei precario, in cassa-integrazione o in mobilità.
- Ti allungano l'età pensionabile e riducono l’importo delle pensioni con il sistema contributivo e ti costringono a lavorare di più proprio quando sei più stanco e vedevi la linea del “traguardo”, per costringerti a entrare nei fondi pensione, che dall’inizio della crisi stanno azzerando i contributi versati dai lavoratori e lasciando tuo figlio e tuo nipote nel dramma della disoccupazione e della precarietà.
- Ti prendono in giro dicendoti che sei un privilegiato perché ti è rimasto ancora un salario e qualche diritto sul posto di lavoro, perché non possono licenziarti senza un valido motivo e ti promettono con feroce e inaudita strumentalità che tuo figlio troverà sicuramente un lavoro se permetterai al tuo padrone di poterti licenziare con più facilità.
- Ti dicono che le aziende devono essere aiutate in un momento di crisi come l'attuale e mentre a te aumentano le tasse le riducono alle aziende; così Marchionne, dopo aver deindustrializzato interi territori, esteso l'accordo Pomigliano in tutto il gruppo Fiat e nelle aziende metalmeccaniche collegate, cancellato il contratto nazionale ed impresso una svolta autoritaria nelle relazioni sindacali, riesce anche a portare più soldi e più fabbriche all'estero.
- Ti raccontano che Cgil, Cisl e Uil stanno opponendosi alle manovre del governo Monti e vogliono farti dimenticare che il 28 giugno 2011 hanno sottoscritto un accordo con Confindustria che ha “autorizzato” il governo Berlusconi ad approvare il famigerato art. 8 che distrugge diritti e contratto nazionale.
- Ti chiedono di scioperare solo per qualche ora, per ottenere modifiche marginali alle misure del governo e senza un reale progetto complessivo e alternativo, perché l'obiettivo della Cgil è quello di tornare alla concertazione e quello di Cisl e Uil alla “collaborazione” dell'ex ministro “amico” Sacconi.
- Ti vogliono convincere che questo è un governo tecnico, serio, che è nato per “salvare l'Italia” mentre le misure adottate da Monti sono in perfetta continuità con quelle di Berlusconi, sono approvate anche dal centro sinistra e non fanno altro che preparare una nuova crisi, ancora più profonda. Ti dicono che punteranno su sviluppo e formazione e invece non modificheranno neanche la controriforma Gelmini sulla scuola.
In effetti siamo passati “dal governo dei cialtroni al governo dei padroni” che rappresenta gli interessi di banche, finanza internazionale, BCE, Fondo Internazionale Monetario e chi più ne ha più ne metta: cioè tutti coloro che in questi anni si sono arricchiti ed hanno speculato sulle tue spalle e sulla tua vita.
- Ti vogliono far credere che la globalizzazione e il “dio mercato” sono soltanto malati ma che, con un po' di sacrifici – i tuoi – poi tutto tornerà come prima, ma ti nascondono che per decenni questi “mostri ideologici” hanno promesso un “secondo tempo” - mai realizzato - di piena occupazione e salari crescenti, hanno distrutto vite ed interi popoli in altri continenti ed oggi attaccano il cuore della vecchia Europa per il semplice motivo che è qui che è ancora possibile realizzare profitti innalzando il tasso di sfruttamento del lavoro, comprimendo diritti e democrazia.
Se tutto questo è chiaro e condiviso, non è più possibile stare a guardare o “sperare che io me la cavi”, magari a danno di chi ti è più vicino sul lavoro, di tuo padre e di tua madre che non riescono a godersi qualche anno di giusto riposo dopo aver lavorato per decenni, di tuo figlio e di tua figlia che non trovano lavoro e quando lo trovano è precario e sfruttato più di te.
Bisogna alzare la testa e gridare con forza il nostro dissenso, esprimere giorno dopo giorno la voglia di cambiare, di non dire più sempre si, di opporsi e cercare tutti insieme di costruire un'alternativa sul lavoro e a questa società.
Il 27 gennaio scioperiamo contro tutto questo
Scioperiamo contro il governo Monti che rappresenta gli interessi dell'Italia e dell'Europa dei padroni, delle banche e della finanza, perché non vogliamo pagare un debito che non abbiamo contribuito a far crescere, perché è indispensabile costruire un forte movimento sociale e sindacale che parta dai posti di lavoro e si riversi nelle strade e nelle piazze di tutto il paese, perché siamo stanchi di subire e vogliamo riprenderci quello che ci hanno sottratto per decenni.
Il 27 gennaio scendiamo tutti in piazza e dimostriamo che i lavoratori, i pensionati, i precari, i disoccupati, i migranti e gli studenti – uniti e determinati - sono in grado di richiedere ed indicare un forte e concreto cambiamento nella gestione e nel governo del paese in termini sociali, di maggiori diritti e democrazia.
Lo sciopero è indetto da Usb Orsa SlaiCobas Cib-Unicobas Snater SiCobas Usi

maoistroad is an arm of maxist-leninist-maoist movement for debate and struggle for a new unity of international mouvement

the publication of texts that have an interest for marxist-leninist- maoist in the world against revisionist line in nepal and
in the class struggle in the world , is right and correct and it is a continuation of revolutionary and mlm work expressed in the international meetings that MaoistRoad and the communists mlm parties that support maoistroad have organised  in these last years- the last is dedicated to arab revolts 15 october 2011
all parties and organisations mlm, all proletarians and revolutionaries in the world have need of this kind of review and this kind of work

maoist road
29 december 2011

Tuesday, December 27, 2011

france - Long live the revolution in Nepal !

Long live the revolution in Nepal !

Two years ago, in December 2009, we stated: "In Nepal, that's are the Maoists (the United Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist) who won the support of the majority of the population and organized the popular uprising that has made down with the monarchy. Today, at their initiative, a new wave of popular uprisings has just begun in the country to eliminate the power the bourgeoisie which is still powerful in the economy, the government and the army, especially since it has strong support from the superpowers, Indian neighbor in the first place. In the complex situation of a tiny semi-feudal surrounded country, in the debate and the fight of the day, the Maoists of Nepal have to advance the democratic revolution. "

Two years later, it is clear that the revolution has stalled. The line struggle in the party was unable to decide clearly between the two ways of the democratic revolution, the path made of bourgeois legalism, parliamentarism and compromise with feudalism and imperialism and the proletarian way, with popular mobilization for land reform, national independence and democratic rights. The search for unity through compromise, not by democratic centralism, has crippled the party and spared its rightists leaders.

Become, in the elections of the Constituent Assembly in April 2008, the most important political force in the country, then at the head of government for nine months, the UCPN(M) was in danger of opportunism. All who wants a role, a place, benefits, have tried to make the party their instrument.

On September 1st and November 1st 2011, proponents of the bourgeois way in the party have signed government's agreements, providing in particular the surrender of weapons of the People's Liberation Army. Moreover, lands distributed to poor farmers should be return to land-lords, and Workers should observe a "social peace" for four years. This is no more the legitimate debate about the best way to put forward the revolution, is it now a struggle between those who want to continue and those who want to abandon it. It is no more just a line struggle, it is class struggle! These are workers, peasants and people's soldiers who are attacked. Their weapons, lands, and the the right to strike are taking back. On the other hand, the new government is in very good terms with India, and the struggle for national independence seems abandoned.

This betrayal of the revolution has caused strong reactions of many revolutionary leaders in the party. Protests were held across the country. Poor farmers, laborers and workers, youth and women, national minorities and despised castes want the revolution! Under the leadership of those who, in the Maoist party, rejected the bourgeoise way, they will advance in the democratic revolution, to the rejection of capitalism. They rely on their alliance with the Maoists of India. They remain at the vanguard of world revolution! OCML-VP supports them. They are our comrades in struggle!

On December 5th 2011,

Marxist-Leninist Communist Organization � Proletarian Way (France)

Monday, December 26, 2011

leftist-cyber maoists make a joint declaration.. what is their real objective ?

They attack to 'PCm Italy' but their real ennemies are the possibility to save and advance nepal revolution and the rebuilding of an real international mlm organisation with parties and organisations that make the revolution in the praxis.
  These are the same ennemies of imperialism and revisionism in the world.
They hope and wish that communists mlm to leave free camp to 'avakian postmlm' and Prachanda-Battarai revisionist road...


maoistroad
december 2011





 t
THE INTERNATIONAL UNITY OF THE COMMUNISTS

REQUIRES THE DEFEAT OF REVISIONISM AND CENTRISM!


The impetuous rise of class struggle in the world has exposed the subjected capitulation of prachandist revisionism in Nepal and the disappearance of the leading role of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement - RIM.

It has appeared that the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - CPN (M), being a RIM member, has raised in the name of Maoism against Marxism Leninism Maoism, clutching a revisionist platform of renunciation of destroying the old reactionary state, of betraying the People's War by renouncing to it, by disarming the people, by dismantling the bases of popular power already conquered and by dissolving its People's Liberation Army in the reactionary army of exploiters, and finally by merging with the revisionist party Mashal in the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) - UCPN (M), and by compromising with all others opportunist parties to defend the class dictatorship of the landlords, the bourgeoisie and imperialism, and to serve to run over the people.

It is likewise evident that the Committee of the RIM has, remaining silent facing the revisionist line and the betrayal carried out by the CPN (M), resigned in practice the role of being the international leading center, and compromising the prestige of the RIM. It has cost a high price to the world revolution and the international unity of the communists, allowing the coexistence of opportunistic trends within the RIM, by the incorrect method of restrict the lines struggle, and hiding the discussions to the International Communist Movement - ICM and to the world proletariat.

Hence, facing the new problems caused by the deep world contradictions of imperialism in the last decades, both the CPN (M) and the Revolutionary Communist Party of the United States, seeing only the living appearance of imperialism without going to the very agonizing core of capitalism, have reached to the same revisionist conclusion: to declare null and void the principles of revolutionary Marxism, and insufficient the universal theory of Marxism Leninism Maoism to solve the problems of the revolution in this century and, therefore, declared it overstepped in its "novel" revisionist theories, made today under the ostentatious name of "Avakian's new synthesis". Contrary to its hopelessness pessimism in the proletariat and in the revolution, the new problems of our times have unleashed the world forces of work against the imperialist parasitism, showing the orphanhood of a world communist leadership, and with it the urgency for the international unity of the marxist leninist maoists.

Against such a need that requires to differentiate and to break completely with opportunism, rises again the familiar centrist tendency known in the history of communist movement for its "conciliator" role between Marxism and revisionism. A centrist tendency, headed today by the Communist Party (Maoist) of Italy, direct continuation of the centrism in the RIM yesterday, and mainly in its Committee.

In the open bourgeois degeneration of prachandism, the centrists, who yesterday praised his theory, ignored the treason in Nepal and supported bourgeois parliamentarism of the PCNU (M), declare today themselves to be against Prachanda, but actually without breaking with prachandism.

They remain supporters of a fraction of prachandism that no longer recognizes Prachanda as leader, but Kiran. They repudiate the current symbolic acts of Bhattarai and Prachanda in the surrender of the revolution, but deny the revisionist nature of the party and escape its responsibility in the real political betrayal of People's War conducted in the Peace Agreement of 2006.

Centrism both reconciles and calls "red" a fraction of the revisionist right in Nepal, and fights angry against the revolutionary communists whom are called "dogmatic-revisionists" and "opportunistic liquidators" for their struggle against revisionism and centrism.

It fears the complete rupture, ideological, political and organizational, with the revisionist line of the UCPN (M), a condition without which it is not possible to conceive a true revolutionary line in Nepal, able to return to the People's War and lead it, to conquer the triumph of the Revolution of New Democracy in the whole country.

Before the visible collapse of the RIM, centrism that yesterday gave legitimacy to the silent complicity, now denies that the RIM was defeated by the revisionist line which it was unable to fight in their midst, and attempts to revive it with the support of UCPN (M), but without the hegemony of the RCP, USA.

Thus, centrism hides the main danger that represents revisionism for the unity of the ICM, minimizing its treason to the world proletariat and its outrages against the people of Nepal, opaque the vision of the communists and prevents the workers of the world to clearly understand the role of revisionism in the defeat of their political movement, contributing to keep them away from the political problems of their revolution.

It is our unwavering commitment to fight for the international unity of the Marxist Leninist Maoists, which requires the demolition of the false revisionist theories and the eclectic positions of centrism, drawing a deep demarcation between Marxism and opportunism in the whole general line of the International Communist Movement, as firm foundation of unity to build the new International that has to lead the grandiose battles of the world proletarian revolution against imperialism and all its lackeys.


¡AGAINST REVISIONISM AND CENTRISM: LONG LIVE MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM!

¡FOR A NEW COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL BASED ON MARXISM LENINISM MAOISM: FORWARD!


December 26th - 2011



Arab Maoists

Colectivo Odio de Clase - Estado Español

Parti Communiste Marxiste-Léniniste-Maoïste - France

Partido Comunista del Ecuador Sol Rojo

Partido Comunista del Perú - Base Mantaro Rojo

Partido Comunista Popular Maoísta - Argentina

Partido Comunista (Marxista-Leninista) de Panamá

Proletarian Party of East Bengal (PBSP) (Maoist Unity Group)/Bangladesh

Unión Obrera Comunista (MLM) - Colombia

Sunday, December 25, 2011

struggle against revisionism and 'leftism' is marxism-leninism-maoism , theory applied to praxis

Today parties and organisations mlm have two problems:
first - building mlm parties in every country, applyng teory to praxis, in the fear of class struggle and with real relations with proletarians and masses
second - re-building international mlm organisation after collapse of RIM,  principally for action of postmlm avakianism and revisionist line in PCUNnepal.

Internet can aid the solutions of these problems if it serves this road, if real parties and real organisations that exist in the reality of class struggle can inform, debate, struggle for the affirmation and application of mlm in the real class struggle.

Interned damages this road if it becomes a paranoic camp of cybermaoists, that can tell every thing in the name of 'perfect mlm', always in the history and in the today situation, a cover of ' scientific theory ' for an 'fantastic' praxis , all in their head.

all parties, organisations and also every comrade mlm can and must choice road and life in this context.

maoist road
december 2011

Wednesday, December 21, 2011

les camarades canadiennes sur la deuxieme revolte en egipte

Faux-semblant électoral et révolte populaire en Égypte
Partisan No14Le 9 décembre 2011
Depuis quelques semaines maintenant en Égypte, des manifestations importantes se sont tenues dans la plupart des grandes villes du pays, plus particulièrement au Caire, dans ce que certains ont baptisé de «Tahrir II», en référence au mouvement de l’hiver dernier. Le mouvement actuel est caractérisé par un profond ras-le-bol populaire devant l’absence de changements politiques et sociaux dignes de ce nom. La chute forcée de l’ancien président Moubarak en février avait semé l’espoir et la joie parmi les masses. Mais celle-ci fut de courte durée.
Les masses populaires ont vite réalisé que les efforts et sacrifices consentis lors du mouvement de contestation se sont heurtés aux forces autrefois liées à l’ancien dictateur, c’est-à-dire la bourgeoisie ainsi que la caste militaire qui favorise le statu quo. Tout au plus a-t-on accepté que le peuple puisse choisir qui gouvernera pour le compte de la classe dominante, par le biais d’une élection.
Le processus électoral en trois phases annoncé après les évènements d’il y a dix mois par le conseil suprême des forces armées (CSFA), qui a pris la relève de Moubarak, a débuté il y a deux semaines par un scrutin qui s’étalera jusqu’en janvier 2012 pour la chambre des députés, et jusqu’en mars prochain pour le sénat.
Avec des dispositions et règlements très stricts, qui prévoient notamment que le CSFA aura la main haute sur le processus de nomination des ministres clés dans le prochain gouvernement, la classe dominante traditionnelle s’est assuré de garder le contrôle et de sauvegarder ses privilèges. Elle tient à tout prix à maintenir le système capitaliste corrompu qui prévalait sous l’ère Moubarak. Malgré une façade de renouveau, la classe dominante n’a pas l’intention de perdre quoi que ce soit et n’hésitera pas à utiliser son appareil répressif, comme on l’a vu au cours des derniers jours, alors que l’armée et la police ont tué au moins une trentaine de manifestants.
Avec un taux de participation officiel de 62 % – dont plusieurs pensent qu’il est surévalué – et des partis d’opposition opportunistes qui ne sont intéressés qu’à s’intégrer au système bourgeois, les frustrations légi­times des masses ont explosé dans la rue.
Les Frères musulmans et les autres partis religieux présentés comme l’alternative électorale la plus organisée n’ont pourtant jamais remis en question les rapports économiques capitalistes du pays ni défendu les intérêts des travailleurs, des travailleuses et des masses populaires. Ce sont celles-ci qui ont été la vraie force du mouvement de contestation qui a ébranlé le régime, sur fond de pauvreté et d’inégalités généralisées.
En participant au conseil de transition avec l’armée après le départ de Moubarak et en poursuivant leurs calculs et stratégies électoralistes, les partis religieux se sont en fait éloignés de la rue. Ils n’ont d’ailleurs pas hésité à concocter des excuses bébêtes pour ne pas participer aux diverses manifestations qui ont pourtant mobilisé des centaines de milliers de gens, qui n’étaient pas dupes des tractations opportunistes.
Plusieurs éléments positifs ressortent tout de même des nombreuses actions qui ont eu lieu depuis presque un an, lorsque les premières contestations d’envergure sont apparues en Égypte, à la suite du réveil du peuple tunisien. Le fait que les classes populaires aient réussi à ébranler un système qui les maintenait opprimées depuis si longtemps, et qu’elles n’aient pas accepté les changements de façade qui ont suivi en dit long sur le bond politique qui s’est produit.
Reste à voir si les éléments les plus avancés parmi le prolétariat et les classes populaires s’organiseront à long terme dans un parti authentiquement révolutionnaire qui prendra le relais du mouvement actuel, qui semble avoir atteint ses limites, dans le sens où les possibilité de réforme du système en place s’avèrent pour le moins limitées.
Il faut être solidaire avec le peuple égyptien et soutenir son combat pour le renversement de la bourgeoisie et l’édification d’un pouvoir populaire.

Open Letter From I.P.C. (Internationalist Proletarian Committee) to C.P.I. (Maoist)

the question is

IPC ..suport or does not support International campaign 14-22 jenuary in spain ?

maoistroad

Open Letter From I.P.C. (Internationalist Proletarian Committee) to C.P.I. (Maoist)

From the spanish state the IPC sends its most brotherly salute to CPI(Maoist) and to the Indian Revolution in process.

The makeup of the IPC in the spanish state comes from the internationalist and proletarian initiative, consisting in giving international support to the revolution that is going on in the present day in India, in particular, and takes care, in general, of the international solidarity given from the spanish state to the revolutionaries all over the world.

To the IPC, the events and the struggle developed in India by the CPI(maoist), represent actually one of the spearheads of the Proletarian World Revolution. Revolution in India, forged in the middle of a People´s War, is overcoming all odds and difficulties imposed by the Indian state and the imperialists, marching on victoriously.

After UCPN-M betrayal, the International Communist Movement is aware of the development of the events in India, for it is of great importance in practice the fact of its determination on carrying on with the People´s War in India towards its revolutionary objective, and take the power to destroy the Old State. For the International Communist Movement, triumph of People´s War in India would mean the triumph of a revolutionary line over the revisionist and conciliatory thesis, promoted, for example, by the UCPN-M or the RCP-USA, on a global basis.

The events going on today in India represent, as far as international communist politics concern, the practical facts to which revolutionaries against revisionism can hold on to. People´s War aiming to take control of the old bourgeois state and the creation of the new worker state, is incompatible with the illusions of “parliamentary socialism under the bourgeois state”, that class conciliators promulgate.

Today, Revolution in India keeps a great expectation before the eyes of the communists, on one hand, and on the other, to the eyes of workers and peasants without land or poor all over the world, because People´s War in India makes revisionists and reactionaries all over the world tremble. People´s War in India is the focal point of other new People´s Wars over the globe.

IPC, on its hand, will do everything it can do to help from the international solidarity frame, the final triumph of revolution in India. We show our support to revolution in India as a great heroic deed of the workers, peasants and all of the oppressed in the country in their struggle against imperialism.We also show our support to CPI(Maoist) as the ruling party of this revolution, which with great determination stands firm and still before the attempts of the enemy to finish them up.

We also would like to take this opportunity this letter gives us to show our deep respect for comrade Kishenji and condemn with all our hate the violence that is serving capital and its assassins. We want to express our most energic rejection before what has happened.

We have only one thing left to say, and that is to wish our indian comrades the biggest success.

We send you a Revolutionary Salute,

IPC LONG LIVE PEOPLPE´S WAR IN INDIA!!!

HONOR AND GLORY TO THE INDIAN REVOLUTIONARY WARRIORS!!!

HONOR AND GLORY TO COMRADE KISHENJI!!!

LONG LIVE REVOLUTION IN INDIA, WHICH GOES ON AS PART OF THE PROLETARIAN WORLD REVOLUTION!!!

EXCEPT POWER, ALL IS ILLUSION!!!

LONG LIVE COMMUNISM, DEATH TO REVISIONISM!!!

LONG LIVE PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM!!!

December 2011

IPC

PCm Italy MANOVRA E ART. 18: NON IN NOSTRO NOME!!

Dopo le lacrime e sangue della prima parte della manovra che toglie ai lavoratori e alle masse popolari, ai pensionati per difendere i capitali, i patrimoni, la casta del parlamento, arriva ora la fase due più politica e strategica della manovra: quella che deve togliere i diritti dei lavoratori, eliminare l’art. 18 e dare piena libertà ai padroni di licenziare, quando e chi vogliono.
In maniera perversa, questo governo porta avanti un paradosso (chiaramente solo apparente): da un lato con l’allungamento dell’età pensionabile, al solo fine di fare cassa, costringe lavoratori e lavoratrici a rimanere fino a quasi 70 anni al lavoro, dall’altra eliminando l’art. 18 dice ai padroni che possono cacciare gli operai.
Ma c’è soprattutto una maniera falsa e odiosa che il governo e la ministra Fornero stanno utilizzando per presentare l’intervento sulla riforma del mercato del lavoro e in particolare l’art. 18, come quello sulle pensioni, lo si spaccia come risposta ai problemi dei giovani, come favorevole all’ingresso dei giovani nel lavoro.
NON IN LORO NOME!
Con l’aumento dell’età pensionabile, si impedisce che nei settori del Pubblico Impiego vi sia un turn over che permetta nuove assunzioni – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Con la intera manovra sulle pensioni, si condannano centinaia di migliaia di giovani precari, di giovani che tardi trovano lavoro, a non avere mai la pensione – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Ora con la manovra sul mercato del lavoro e art. 18, oltre i lavoratori adulti, saranno tanti giovani che hanno finalmente trovato un posto di lavoro che potranno essere licenziati perché dopo i primi anni di benefici contrattuali e retributivi per le aziende non sono più convenienti – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!
Ora le aziende che potranno licenziare operai a tempo indeterminato, e potranno assumere “carne fresca e a buon mercato” da sfruttare, pagando ai giovani un miseria di salario per poi, sempre, licenziarli – e questo sarebbe in nome dei giovani!

D’altra parte questa squallida ipocrisia sui “giovani” viene subito alla luce non appena sono proprio i giovani in prima fila a rivendicare con la lotta il loro futuro. Questo è successo il 15 ottobre, dove l’ipocrisia ha lasciato il posto alla realtà questa sì vera, fatta di lacrimigeni, cariche della polizia, arresti.

PCm Italy

Usa against uprisings in North africa and the Middle East

Uprisings, Clashes Shake North Africa and the Middle East

Inspired by an uprising that drove out a hated imperialist-backed tyrant in the North African country of Tunisia, millions of Egyptian people defied the torture chambers and tanks of the Mubarak regime, driving him from power. For decades the U.S. considered Mubarak one of its closest and most important allies in the world, and provided his regime with billions of dollars in aid, even as they were fully aware of the Mubarak regime’s savage repression and robbery of the Egyptian people. The U.S. imperialists, through their tight ties with the Egyptian army, continue to work to repress the Egyptian people’s aspirations for liberation while maneuvering to contend with and control conservative and reactionary Muslim fundamentalist forces. Through twists and turns, the Egyptian people have continued to resist and look for ways to break out of the “options” offered by the current world order.
January 19: People in Tunisia demonstrate against holdovers from the regime of the just ousted dictator President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. In December of 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26-year-old unemployed university graduate, set himself on fire in protest of the U.S.-backed regime. His sacrifice became a rallying cry and by January 19, Ben Ali had fled. This uprising challenged all views that the oppressive order in North Africa and the Middle East was unchangeable and unchallengeable.
In a very inspiring development, on May 15 tens of thousands of protesters converged on, and in some cases heroically crossed the borders of Israel from Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza to commemorate the Nakba (the ethnic cleansing on which Israel was founded in 1948). Israeli troops opened fire on these unarmed protesters, killing at least a dozen on the Lebanon, Gaza and Syria borders.
In these courageous mobilizations on the borders of Israel, one could see a seed of the potential strength of the people of the world. Israel is an extremely important “prop” and enforcer of U.S. imperialist domination of people throughout the region (and the world). And the oppression of the Palestinians is central to the whole setup that maintains the peoples of the region (and beyond) in poverty and brutal repression.
The mass uprisings across the Arab world in 2011 rocked the U.S., the main power dominating the region. At the same time, the U.S. rulers have been maneuvering ferociously and viciously to protect and promote their interests. The U.S. imperialist godfather oversaw a NATO military assault on the North African country of Libya to overthrow the Qaddafi regime. Obama declared that “The future of Libya is now in the hands of the Libyan people.” The reality is nothing of the sort. The war had nothing to do with liberating Libya or assuring self-determination for the nation of Libya. It was aimed at strengthening imperialism’s grip on Libya, and the overall region.
The U.S. also continued to back its reactionary allies in the face of upheavals shaking the region: the main attack dog for the U.S. in the region, the state of Israel; the fundamentalist monarchy in Saudi Arabia; the military regime in Egypt following the fall of longtime U.S.-backed ruler Hosni Mubarak; and vicious regimes in Bahrain and other countries.
Beyond the Middle East, in Afghanistan, the U.S. continues a brutal war—with bombings of villages, night raids on homes, covert assassinations, massive detentions and torture, and all-around terror—that has meant horrible suffering for the masses of people.
The U.S. (along with Israel) has also been intensifying a covert war and threats of open war against the Islamic regime in Iran; a bloody military campaign with drones in Pakistan; and intervention in a number of African countries.

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Egypt: trial of strength continues

Egypt: trial of strength continues
 
19 December 2011. A World to Win News Service. By Samuel Albert. An Egyptian army attack on an occupation in front of the cabinet building near Tahrir Square 15 December set off yet another explosion of  revolt.
 
Since the fact that the protesters numbered only a few hundred and sometimes less, Egypt's ruling military and their media called them an isolated minority. They probably figured they could easily crush this small but persistent sign of defiance. Yet the harder the military tried to break the rebels' back, the more support for the rebels swelled. The military found itself if not isolated, then at least losing ground.
 
Protesters have occupied Tahrir Square or nearby areas for a month now, at a cost so far of about 55 dead, many hundreds of serious injuries and arrests that bring torture and prison. Their numbers have ebbed and flowed from a few dozen at some moments to hundreds, often thousands and at one point tens of thousands. A major demonstration has been called for 23 December.
 
The movement seemed at a low point on 19 November when police swooped down on Tahrir at dawn to drive out a small group that had set up tents there. Over the next few days possession of the the square went back and forth between the police and the protesters, as young reinforcements and older activists poured in, culminating in a huge and triumphant rally. Then came days of hard fighting as youth attacked the nearby Interior Ministry building.
 
Along with clubs, tear gas and gunfire, the military also deployed political manoeuvres to stop the protests. They discarded their faceless prime minister and put in a more experienced politician, Kamal Gonzouri, once PM under President Hosni Mubarak before distancing himself from the regime that Tahrir brought down last February. They also held parliamentary elections and promised that next year would see a civilian president.
 
The smaller numbers of protesters who persisted during and after the elections moved from Tahrir to the nearby cabinet building, where they symbolically blocked the nomination of a new cabinet. They demanded Gonzouri's resignation and an immediate end to military rule.
 
On 15 December soldiers beat up individuals leaving the sit-in. A young man was kidnapped, taken into the adjacent parliament building and tortured. This brutality brought more demonstrators and fighting began. At dawn the next day military police attacked, firing shots into the air. Using tactics seen repeatedly in the last year, men on the rooftops of government buildings, some in uniform, pelted the crowd below with lethal objects – stones, tiles, wooden panels and furniture. People began throwing stones back at the troops on the ground. 
 
The soldiers seized about 20 people and took them into the parliament building. They were beaten with clubs and iron bars and given electric shocks. Among them were a leading young woman activist and an Al Jazeera reporter. They did the same to a new young Member of Parliament who had signed a complaint against the head of the military junta, Field Marshall Tantawi.  While torturing him they yelled, "This is what we think of your … parliament." 
 
Eight members of the advisory council the military had just appointed to give itself a civilian cover resigned in protest against what they called the military's attacks on non-violent demonstrators. The rest voted to stop meeting.
 
A senior Muslim scholar who had come to show his solidarity with the protesters was shot in the heart, apparently by military police. Nine other people were also shot, two of them killed, according to the Health Ministry. The popular cleric's funeral the next day brought together thousands of people, including leading Muslim and Coptic Christian religious authorities and secular activists. Then they marched to Tahrir Square.
 
Fighting continued in front of the parliamentary building, and soldiers repeatedly charged the square. They invaded field hospitals set up in nearby mosques and churches, burning medical equipment, arresting doctors and carrying off patients. 
 
They also burst into apartments and hotel rooms overlooking the square to smash and steal reporters' cameras and other equipment. On the ground anyone with a camera became a target.
 
Nevertheless, unbearably shocking footage was soon posted on the Net. Several clips show groups of soldiers surrounding, beating and stomping on a fallen demonstrator and then dragging the unconscious or dead body away. One shows a charging soldier drawing a pistol and shooting into a group of retreating people. Photos of mutilated bodies bear witness to the soldiers' savagery.
 
Although the fighting in front of the parliamentary buildings mainly involved young men and boys, there were women in the square, and they seemed to be targeted with a special fury. Probably the best-known video of the 17 December assaults shows soldiers grabbing a young woman by her head scarf and stripping her half naked. A soldier can be seen raising a booted foot to kick her in the stomach as she is dragged away. In another a well-known older woman activist is seen standing by herself, watching. Soldiers surround her and begin to club her, dragging her away as well.
 
At some point a petrol bomb hit the Egyptian national archives next to the parliament building where both sides were hurling them. Soldiers attacked demonstrators who tried to put out the fire and carry some of the documents to safety. The contents of the archives go back to the records of Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798.
 
Compelled to issue a political self-defence, a spokesman for the military council denied that soldiers had clubbed or shot anyone, and proclaimed that the demonstrators were not "the youth of the revolution." This was interpreted as a reference to the large number of apparently lower class youth at the centre of the fighting, just as they were during the first Tahrir revolt that toppled Mubarak. He also said that the violence was caused by "counter-revolutionaries" and a "foreign hand", a reference to Israel and/or Mubarak regime remnants who are supposedly paying poor youth and street children to riot. This might seem like a bit much coming from a military that was built up by the US for the purpose of, among other things, protecting Israel from the Egyptian people, but portraying itself as the protector of the nation (and  now the "revolution") has long been a core part of the Egyptian army's political strategy.
 
Although by 19 December the army had brought in the Central Security Forces, Mubarak's supposedly "civilian" anti-protest police, these clashes were unusual in that for most of the time the army alone conducted the fighting. The first time that this happened on such a large scale was in October, when soldiers assaulted marchers protesting attacks on Coptic Christians, killing 27 people. Such open people/army confrontations represent a political problem for the military, which has tried to distance itself from the almost universally hated police and claim that its solders are present at demonstrations to protect demonstrators.
 
These events have also been problematic for Egypt's rulers in that once again the country's turbulent political configuration has been centred on Tahrir Square. The fighting in the streets has been the main event, while the parliamentary elections taking place at the same time have been a sideshow. This is no minor setback, since the electoral process was supposed to produce a regime with some legitimacy in a country where over the last year authority at every level came to be not only despised but defied and often driven out, starting at the top and working down. The army certainly has the power, but the naked injustice of its violence has gravely tarnished the legitimacy it can't do without.
 
This is probably why US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said she was "deeply concerned"  by the violence, although she attributed it to both sides, as if it were not the Egyptian regime and it alone that is attacking and killing civilians. For an official fond of calling for sanctions and bombardment of other Middle Eastern governments not to Washington's liking, it is notable that she did not threaten to cut off the US life support system for Egypt's living dead generals.
 
Egyptian reactionaries have tried to take up a slogan of the Occupy movement in the US and turn it upside down, taunting the Tahrir occupiers by proclaiming "We are the 97 percent, you are the 3 percent", a reference to the fact that the leftist political parties won about 3.5 percent of the seats in the first round of parliamentary elections. This is not an accurate picture of a complex and contradictory situation.
 
A Gallup poll conducted earlier this year proclaimed that most people had confidence in the army (not necessarily the ruling generals), but also found that almost everyone considered violence against civilians never justified, a figure not matched by Gallup surveys taken in Israel and the US, for example.
 
Further, there seems to be an enormous gap between many people's deepest aspirations and the political choices they feel that practicality dictates. When the regime has attacked the Tahrir rebels, the resulting polarization for-or-against Tahrir, and especially for-or-against violent repression of Tahrir, has not been favourable for the military.
 
So far, the military has sought to deal with this by trying to crush the rebels. They have not exhausted their potential for killing.
 
Some of the people arrested, tortured or shot have been well-known activists and regime enemies. The murdered cleric, Sheik Emad Effat, for example, was popular for opposing Mubarak, the junta and the authorities who dominate the religious establishment. The concern that the generals may be targeting specific iconic individuals increased when a member of the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) speaking on television denounced Mohamed Hashem, the owner of Merit Publishing, as one of a handful of people behind the violence. Hashem is well-regarded in Egypt and the Arab world for his iconoclastic secularism and personal courage as well as his literary perspicacity. His standing among intellectuals is matched by the affection of Tahrir youth he sheltered in his offices near the square. Accused of handing out helmets and gas masks to youth battling soldiers, he simply replied that he would never stop helping revolutionaries. A number of artists and other prominent people signed an emergency "statement of appreciation" supporting him against the military.
 
But the army's political strength has not been exhausted, not only among those who fear social change but also among many who yearn for it. Even among people who consider themselves deeply committed to what they think Tahrir stands for, many feel that the military is their only hope to stop the Islamists from imposing a fully religious state.
 
In this highly complex situation, it is true that the various reactionary forces – including the military, the Islamists and the proudly pro-Western representatives of Egypt's private sector big capitalists – are not united. In fact, the Tahrir movement has made it harder for the people's enemies to unite. For instance, right now neither the Islamists nor secular politicians care to be associated with the SCAF, although they have demonstrated their appetite to share its power. One reason why the military employs elderly Mubarak regime members as its civilian figureheads is that no one else wants the job. The revival of the revolt has somewhat spoiled the party for the Muslim Brotherhood, the big winner in the elections for a parliament that is in danger of being discredited before it is even seated. But the Brotherhood has continued to portray itself as the the only party that can restore order.
 
Such divisions among the reactionaries were a source of dangerous illusions among the people when the military dumped Mubarak. They still are, even though people have gone from chanting "The people and the army are one hand" at the time of Mubarak's downfall last February to "The people want the downfall of the army" and even "The people want the execution of Tantawi" today.
 
But these divisions – and the persistent crisis of legitimacy that exists in a dynamic relationship with that – also still represent a favourable set of circumstances for the emergence of an entirely different political pole: a movement seeking not to reconfigure but to overthrow the existing power structure and establish a revolutionary state, one that could build an entirely different kind of society able to satisfy the people's deepest interests and aspirations. The emergence of that kind of clearly defined and scientifically guided revolutionary movement could completely transform the current political landscape.
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