The
Past v the Future
On
August 28th
the Alliance of 33 parties led by the newly revived Communist Party
of Nepal (Maoist) CPN(Maoist) announced an ongoing programme of
protest aimed at boycotting and disrupting the Constitutional
Assembly elections scheduled for November 19th.
This agitation would commence on September 11th,
culminating in a general strike on September 25th
and 26th.
The
four party syndicate set on the election are led by Nepali Congress
(NC), Unified Marxist-Leninists (UML), Unified Communist Party of
Nepal (Maoist) United Democratic Madeshi Front (UDMF).
If
you forget the nomenclature this is essentially a battle between the
right and the left, with the 4 parties representing the status quo
and the 33 party alliance (which includes social-democrats, ethnic
Janjatis, as well as other revolutionary communists) representing the
radicals.
The
stand-off arises because of the years of failure following the 2006
Comprehensive Peace Accord to deliver a ‘New Nepal’, a
pro-peoples federal republic, including land reform (Nepal is still
neo-feudal) the inclusion of Janjatis, Dalits, women and justice for
all the previously oppressed marginalised communities in the hills
and the Terai.
This
was despite the original CPN(Maoist) which fought and led the
People’s War from 1996 to 2006 being elected – following the
overthrow of King Gyanandra’s autocracy in alliance with the banned
parliamentary parties – as the largest single party with 40% of the
vote in a mixed electoral system based on 42% first past the post
(FPTP), the remaining with proportional representation (PR).
Great
hopes were thus vested in the subsequent Prachanda-led administration
in alliance with the UML which were quickly dashed by ousting of that
government at the instigation of Dehli caused by Prachanda’s
attempt to bring the Nepalese Army under civilian control.
India’s
role should be stressed at this point; given that Nepal is
effectively a neo-colony of Indian, its economy, finance sector are
controlled by Indian interests, it has a pervasive cultural influence
through religion and Bollywood and finally every politician from the
status quo is in its pocket. That includes every
party in the four party syndicate – some to a greater degree than
others. (The British had effectively reduced Nepal to a neo-colony
in the 19th
century – under the Ranas and Indian quickly took over the same
great expansionist power-play and imperial mind-set following
Independence in 1948).
India
had played a great role in facilitating the peace talks that led to
CPA. Its reasons were, by hook and by crook, to draw the teeth of the
Maoist revolution on its borders. |It particularly did not want a
successful one, as a beacon to its millions of already distressed,
oppressed and hungry rural and urban masses and where it was, and
still is, facing a growing Maoist revolution of its own.
That
is why on the one hand it instigated the military coup against
Prachanda – while relying on the treachery and corruption of the
UML leaders also to abandon his administration.
With
the existing parties no more than puppets they also engaged on the
task of suborning the Maoist leadership – a task rendered easier
that the fact that both Prachanda and his erstwhile rival –
Bhatterai were looking for a way out their party’s revolutionary
commitment. Prachanda’s scarcely concealed larcenous nature proved
easy meat for them and in a matter of years he has become a
multi-millionaire with a huge mansion in residential Lazimpat and
among other interests – a 50% stake in Republica – an English
language version of Nagarik (citizen) which is itself partnered with
the International Herald Tribune – practically a CIA house journal!
That
he has regular meetings with the Indian security service – Research
and Analysis Wing (RAW), is an open secret (in fact he had one last
Wednesday (August 28th).
Bhatterai
had always responded to the flattery of the Indians – from his
early academic days and as he moved towards reformist parliamentary
politics he played a great role in downplaying Indian expansionism
where ‘he stated that; ‘domestic feudalism was greater enemy than
progressive Indian capitalism’.
Prachanda’s
treachery and corruption came as a shock to many but at least
Bhatterai was always politically and ideologically consistent
–carrying proudly the title of ‘Mr India’.
As
well as settling in to the game of ‘parliamentary cretinism’ they
also facilitated the destruction of the People’s Liberation Army
(PLA) – billeted in UN cantonments – at the behest of domestic
and foreign reaction. To the extent that Bhatterai – as then Prime
Minister - allowed the unreformed NA – in a coup de grace to storm
the camps and seize the weapons laagered there.
That
is why the revolutionary communists split from the UCPN(M) last year
in June 2012 – the Two-Line struggle between comrades had become
two world-views – bourgeois and proletarian – confronting each
other.
*(At
this point of writing I heard ‘zindabad – zindabad (victory –
victory) in the street outside. It was a flying convoy of young
Maoists on motor-bikes as part of the boycott ‘Stir’ (the quaint
term the papers use for agitation.) They offered me a place on the
back of a bike and to take part in the ‘Thulo Julus’ (Great
Demo).)
The
residual UCPN(M) rump has thus become another comprador, status-quo
party and has joined with the traditional pro-Indian parties on the
right facing the democratic, revolutionary and patriotic parties on
the left.
This
proposed election is more than just a simple electoral exercise it is
a stark choice between reaction and progress; with the left for
advancing to People’s Democratic Republic and the right
capitulating to comprador, feudal and bureaucratic capitalism and
while the radicals are calling for an independent, sovereign country,
free from unequal treaties and Indian expansionism, the right want to
accept the neo-colonial status-quo and even deepen Nepal’s
subservience as the vassal state.
The
right is also playing these electoral politics as a trap, intended
to catch the left – which they think is unprepared - and in all
events use any success in this charade as a mandate to block any hope
of necessary change in Nepal. They would rather it continue – like
Big Brother India – as another failed capitalist state as long as
their own minority and class interests are protected.( As a
ruling-class they are not only deeply corrupt but absolutely fucking
useless at any kind of practical government. Again like Big Brother –
the world’s biggest failed state. The arrogance of the Delhi
Brahmins in wanting to export this recipe for failure and indeed
impose it on others is quite breathtaking.)
Thus
India in openly and secretly involved in seeing this process through
– along with all the other forces of international reaction, from
the US, the EU, the UN and their ragbag of lickspittle, 5 star hotel
NGOs. Even Jimmy Carter has got in on the act, American
social-fascism with a human face. But, while the US has begun to
‘Egyptianise’ the NA with billions of dollars, it is still Delhi
who calls the political shots. In this respect Deepak Thapa – a
noted radical journalist
remarked on a story from the Kantipur press that the head of RAW’s
external agency has flown to Kathmandu to instruct
Nepal’s political elite to make sure that the election was held on
November 19th.
The evidence that this was accepted lay in the circumstantial event
that the following day one of the awkward squad in Madeshi politics –
Upendra Yadav – after strenuously opposing any election ( albeit
for purely personal, political tactical reasons) suddenly came on
board and signed-up with the four-party syndicate. Apparently there
was a crush of supplicants and acolytes to get into the meeting with
RAW.
Now
hold your breath on this one; there are reckoned to be at least
25,000
Indian national
members of RAW in Kathmandu alone! They are not here on some
mass-Himalayan jolly.
Similarly
there were talks talking place at which the High Level Political
Committee (HLPC) (from which the CPN (M) had been excluded despite
having a sizeable number of seats in the Constituent Assembly) met
with the 33 party alliance ostensibly to see if common ground could
be reached. Mainly the left wanted a commitment to a full PR
electoral mechanism and a round-table conference to thrash out the
outlines of a progressive constitution– (given the abject failure
of the CA to deliver one since 2006 and its subsequent retreat into
being a nest for thieves, that harked back to the blatantly corrupt
‘Pajero Years’ post-1990.) About two weeks ago those talks
collapsed – almost overnight – and it was reported that Delhi had
stopped them by simply lifting the phone fearing too many concessions
were being won by the wily Maoists.
“The
talks which were moving ahead positively terminated dramatically as
per the instruction of foreigners.”
(Ram
Bahadur Thapa, General Secretary, CPN(Maoist), August 30th)
Even
now the repressive apparatus of the state which thanks to the US and
India is manned-up and armed with 90,000 soldiers and 40,000
para-militaries – is being prepared to ‘police’ the election.
Furthermore, the undemocratically installed Chief Justice Regmi’s
administration today (September 4th)
announced the aim of hiring another 50,000 temporary police enabling
them to deploy at least a 100,000 security personnel across just to
cover 18,000 polling booths.
The
Maoists have taken a principled position and said that even though
they are prepared to see this boycott actively through as things
presently stood yet are still prepared for ongoing talks to resolve
the crisis.
But
the challenge is clear – the class lines are clear; at a mass rally
of the People’s Volunteer Bureau (which if occasion demands will be
core of new red army) GS Thapa said that sixteen years ago the party
launched the People’s War because the then government refused to
meet just demands. He went on:
“We
will not go back to the jungle this time. Rather we will organise
urban-centric agitation – people’s revolt.”
Further
saying that it would be capital centric and that the party’s
energetic and committed youth wing is ready to combat any attempts at
repression.
Finishing
by saying that the elections were an attempt by India to ‘Sikkimise’
Nepal and incorporate it under Delhi’s hegemony in the same way
that in 1975 it had ended that country’s sovereign independence by
use of Quisling forces and Indian military
occupation.
He
concluded:
“We
want to save our country from becoming a new Sikkim. Boycott of the
planned elections will help thwart any move aimed at Sikkimisation.”
This
boycott is not a battle against democracy – it is a battle for
democracy and national independence.
Peter
Tobin (September 4th,
Kathmandu)
PS
Photos at head taken at CPN (M) march and rally of Party’s youth
wing, August 30th.
On the backs of the
specially issued T-shirts read the slogan:
“Boycott
this so-called election!
The
cadres were selected to represent areas in the Kathmandu urban and
Valley area and also from the surrounding Tamsaling region.
They
started at New Baneshor and marched in two lines – with close order
kept – six kilometers through every main thoroughfare in central
Kathmandu - before arriving at Basantapur where they were addressed
by – among others the GS – Ram Bahadur Thapa (nomme
de guerre – Badaal)
– a summary of whose words conclude the article.
PPS
On a personal observation I was – of course – impressed by the
commitment, energy and discipline of these cadre but what also struck
me was the sheer sense of fun and exuberance in all those I met.
It
is a rare combination and one that the otherwise hopeless idealist –
Bergson – would have recognized; where joie
d’esprit plus esprit de corps egale élan vital. (Strong
personal spirit plus love of comrades and cause equals vital
(martial) force).
Truly
comrades we live in great times.
Peter
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