AWTWNS
"The road of racial
rainbows and imaginary class harmony without mobilising the people to get rid of
the existing state and uproot the underlying system and its relations appealed
to many, especially the middle classes among the oppressed: it is an easier road
than revolution. But the problem is, as the bitter experience of South Africa of
the recent past 20 years has shown once again, it is entirely illusory – and
imaginary." (from AWTWNS 15 March 2010, "Two decades after
Mandela's release – 20 years of freedom in South Africa?")
_________________
Since his death on 6
December at age 95, people the world over are paying tribute to Nelson Mandela,
to the man who spent long years in the apartheid regime's prisons as part of the
righteous struggle against settler colonialism and who went on to become the
first black president of South Africa. Many people are celebrating Mandela's
life because they believe he staunchly opposed injustice and is a symbol to the
oppressed. Other people may not necessarily know, or agree with what the world's
leaders are tirelessly praising him for: this boils down to Mandela's historic
role in defusing the revolutionary situation and stopping the high tide of the
struggle of the black majority that tore down the apartheid regime at the end of
the 1980s and might have gone much further. The mainstream media
salutes Mandela's consistent
fight against the oppression of apartheid, often reducing this to racism, but
their acclaims focus on the message of his extending the hand of tolerance and
forgiveness to the oppressors, as he and Reverend Desmond Tutu put it so
frequently.
In 1994 when he took
over as head of state, Mandela announced "Never, never and never again will this
beautiful land experience the oppression of one by another." The media have
tried to conflate the history of the struggle of the people and its various
political organisations with Mandela's own personal trajectory and political
vision of change that he led the ANC to implement. This was a vision of
embracing capitalism while promising the people that the ANC could and would
reform it in the interests of eliminating the poverty, inequalities, degradation
and injustices in so many domains that they suffered under apartheid. So one of
the serious questions about Mandela's legacy is, how is it possible to embrace
capitalism and all that goes with it and never again experience
oppression?
The
non-revolutionary road of partial, peaceful reforms and cooperation with the
existing state apparatus that the ANC followed, under Mandela's leadership at
the beginning of its mandate, was in large part based on preserving much
of the old system as a whole and the relations between people rooted in
centuries of land dispossession and the ideology of white supremacy, in the
exploitation of the black majority and subservience to foreign capital and
imperialism. This was a road that not only has not liberated people and
has not unleashed their potential to transform society, but one that has
actually increased the gap between rich and poor and sharpened forms of
oppression while the new rulers continue to try to stifle the struggle of the
people that has accelerated in all sectors of society as frustration has
steadily grown over the past 20 years of ANC rule. "We are tired of waiting," one hears frequently in the
streets and fields of South Africa, and "what good did the vote do us if we
continue to live like this?"
The South African
people had huge expectations from the fall of apartheid. The ANC and forces
supporting it knew this and much of their appeal to the black population before
and after the first democratic elections was founded upon a mountain of promises
not just for services and houses, but for freedom and radical social change
under a black government. Mandela – along with many others – played a decisive
role in convincing the people that their struggle was no longer necessary, that
they should put down their weapons and anger and forgive the oppressor in the
name of the greater public good, social peace and racial harmony.
It is not that the
ANC led by Mandela betrayed its own political outlook and programme – which
never had the goal of making revolution, despite the occasional media accolades
about Mandela the revolutionary. In fact the ANC delivered more or less what its
1955 Freedom Charter and its 1994 Reconstruction & Development Programme
(RDP) always promoted – power sharing and social democratic reforms with lots of
unrealisable anti-system garnish. (Nationalisation of key industries was always
a point of internal differences and subject to compromise.) However, Mandela and
the ANC cloaked the appeal of a black takeover of political power in talk of
liberation: this was the betrayal of the people who fought in such large numbers
over decades to overthrow the apartheid system and for a society that did away
with all the misery, oppression and racial degradation. Many within this
politically aroused generation saw this as a movement for truly
revolutionary change.
Other
political forces fiercely condemned the ANC's reformist Freedom Charter. Yet as
intense as the polemics were and as heroic as the sacrifices
and struggle of the people to bring down apartheid, a solid revolutionary organisation and
leadership did not develop in a way that could challenge the solution
that the powers-that-be had decided: to "bank on" - the conciliation of Mandela
as a well-known freedom fighter and political prisoner together with the reform
objectives of the ANC. The ANC and Mandela also always conceived of the very
limited armed struggle they organised and carried out in the early 1960s as
primarily a bargaining lever in achieving these aims, not as part of building up
a mass revolutionary base
to bring down and uproot the system.
Many political
forces contributed to bringing theory to and mobilizing the people and some with
far more radical theories recognized the need for revolution and fought for it.
A range of political organizations the regime had banned emerged or re-emerged,
seeking a way out, with different views on what national liberation and changing
society required, and providing leadership to different sections and strata of
the anti-apartheid struggle. Among these were Pan-Africanists who split from the
ANC, Marxist-Leninists closer to Mao's revolutionary China, various workerist
groupings and later those connected to black consciousness developed by Steve
Biko. Although it aimed to do away with apartheid rule, this broader movement of
forces, including ANC organisations, was also an intense political laboratory of
contending lines and visions about how to do that, sometimes involving sharp
clashes among the masses, and sometimes fomented by the regime and vigilante
traditionalist groups it armed (see AWTW magazine
1995/20
for
background).
However,
while the factors for a revolutionary situation were sharpening and converging
in a very explosive and powerful way, the crucially needed leadership that could
develop it towards a revolutionary goal was lacking. The loss of socialist China
and its support of revolutionary national liberation movements as it turned into
a bastion of state capitalism in the late 1970s was one of the unfavourable
factors for a genuine revolutionary leadership emerging. The apartheid enemy
played a major role in this and paid a great deal of attention to stopping the
development of revolutionary forces by assassinating leaders, torturing and
arresting many thousands of activists and general intimidation, within the
general lockdown that apartheid meant for the people – restrictions on
movements, on assembly; on access to "inflammatory" and revolutionary literature
and protest culture. Suffering in these hellholes was a fate the brutal settler colonialist regime meted
out to thousands of political prisoners of varying political tendencies who
opposed it, many of whom either gave up a large part of their life there, or
died in detention. In the face of all this the people resisted and this
resistance – paradoxically – is often identified with the imprisoned Mandela and
ANC leaders in exile, although the ANC historically represented only one part of
it; nor did the ANC develop a strong presence and organisation in the vast rural
areas of South Africa, by its own admission, all of which was more a reflection
of their reformist perspective than their size or potential influence.
Why
Mandela was chosen in a revolutionary crisis
People
around the world were inspired by the rising resistance to the hated apartheid
state, as a new generation of high school
students refusing to be taught in Afrikaans, seen as the language of the
oppressor, courageously took
to the streets in the 1976 Soweto Rebellion. Their fearless confrontations with
the state's violent machine spread to and increasingly drew in broader sections
of the people, including workers and older generations, unleashing a storm of
struggle that lasted over a decade, with ups and downs. By the early and
mid-1980s apartheid society was out of the rulers' control. Despite minor
reforms and heavy repression, massive arrests and killings, particularly in the
burning townships where most black people in the urban areas lived and fought
pitched battles with police, the mass struggle became unstoppable. People
refused to live in the old way and the state could not rule in the old way.
The
apartheid regime alternated between a few further reforms and even harsher
repression to try to crush the unprecedented social upsurge and attenuate the
mammoth political and economic crisis that began to have international
repercussions, greater economic
consequences and to raise fears about further escalation into a civil war
between whites and blacks. But it is important to remember as the world's
leaders give unending tribute to a peaceful transition, that the period leading
up to negotiations was extremely bloody and deadly for black South Africans: in
addition to the thousands who lost their lives in the 1980s, at least 13,000
more blacks were killed in the early 1990s alone, after negotiations
began.
The apartheid
rulers, together with Western states that in the main had continued to support
and do business with them throughout the period of white supremacist rule,
sought a compromise solution. Mandela began to negotiate in secret with the apartheid
state from his house arrest at a Cape Town minimum security prison as early
as 1986. For both the
local rulers and their imperialist western partners he came to represent the
best option to alleviate the crisis and especially to prevent the revolutionary
situation from developing into an outright movement to tear apart the state and
its reactionary authority. FW DeKlerk of the ruling National Party was brought
in as the last apartheid president at the height of the state's political and social
crisis in 1989. Not only did Mandela agree to share a Nobel peace prize in 1993
with DeKlerk, and retrospectively winning the peace prize can be seen as very
likely a part of the negotiations process. But as part of being democratically
elected as head of state, Mandela also agreed to share political rule in
1994 in a National Unity Government together with the National Party that
had been the executors and executioners of apartheid, responsible for so much of
the people's suffering and injustice. The masses of people are still
bearing the brunt of the effects of this strategy of Mandela and the ANC. This
negotiated transition was a carefully organised plan aimed at "laying to rest"
Africa's explosive and 'last independence struggle' against settler colonial
rule.
The ANC,
like the South African Communist Party, were supporters of the 1950s and 60s
Soviet model of liberation in the colonies without thoroughgoing revolution. In
turn the
Soviet Union had promoted both Mandela and the ANC internationally through
pro-Soviet governments like Cuba and Libya as well as extensive networks in the
anti-apartheid movement in many countries. Changes in the international
situation, notably the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s and
the end of the 'Cold war' also became key factors in the organisation of ending
apartheid rule. Since the ANC's previous alliance with the Soviet Union then
assumed much less importance in an increasingly unipolar world centred around US
imperialism, two things happened: the apartheid rulers' role in opposing the
Soviet bloc in Africa suddenly became essentially irrelevant and secondly,
western governments made overtures to woo the then politically orphaned ANC and its principal political figure,
Mandela in particular, for a compromise solution to the political
crisis.
In life as well as
in death Mandela was turned into an iconic figure. The international movement
against the hated apartheid system and in support of the oppressed black masses
was a broad and important public-opinion creating factor bringing additional
pressure on the regime and their western government backers (that included the
US, Britain, Germany, Japan, France, Switzerland, Netherlands, Israel among
others). Older generations remember not only product boycotts, the refusal of
artists to perform in South Africa, demonstrations against Western universities
and corporations that invested in the apartheid economy, as well as the broader
movement for sanctions. This movement also encompassed different political
understandings of the system that gave rise to and underlay apartheid. But on
the whole it helped politically train a generation of people in the ugly and
criminal nature of colonialism (and the role of imperialist states propping it
up) and what the apartheid regime's fist continued to reserve for black South
Africans for decades after formal independence had been won or granted in
most of the rest of Africa. After a series of bitter struggles and wars of
independence, some militarily successful, this was a period in which national liberation leaders
were not able to resist the grip of imperialist aid and domination, so South
Africa was a key test – for both sides.
What about the
argument that the ANC's troubles and continuing inequalities today are not
Mandela's doing?
Mandela's death does
call for looking at the situation in South Africa that he left behind (analysed
in some detail in the 15 March AWTWNS article) and his role in helping to
shape it. The South African state did gradually change character beginning in
1994 under shared ANC-NP rule and it lifted formal apartheid laws that helped
structure the previous state. Since then further reforms have taken place, a
democratic Constitution was debated and written, if difficult to implement, and
important incremental changes have occurred, particularly for the emerging black
middle class. In some poor areas the small "RDP houses" have been built and
electrified and water pipes installed where there were none. The nature of the
democracy the ANC has been able to bring to South Africa, aside from formal open
elections, continues to be a hot topic almost everywhere.
As regards one of
the main feats attributed to Mandela – building a "rainbow nation with racial
harmony" – it should be stressed that this evokes different things to different
social classes. Among the still poorer sections of people it is an idea that is
widely made fun of or hated. People see well-off blacks in the government, but
they feel their chances of getting out of their own situation are few or
non-existent. Racial discrimination is still plain to see and feel in every
sphere, even if it is legally abolished. White supremacy is also alive and well
in South Africa, albeit in mutated forms, sometimes subtle, sometimes as openly
crass and racist as under apartheid. Racial unity among the oppressed in South
Africa and those who will struggle on their side must be built on the basis of
opposing this system, not by reconciling with it and succumbing to the divisions
it reinforces among the people.
The racially-based
division of the land was a central anchor of the apartheid social order and this
remains true in the current social order too, with modifications. This is about
both the apartheid social engineering between the "white areas" and the
Bantustans "reserved" for the rural black population on the one hand, and about
who owns and controls the land on the other. These two features still
shape how especially rural society is organised and the choices that blacks
have. ANC policies and neoliberal (more market, supposedly less state
interference) capitalism have strengthened and concentrated private landholding
primarily among whites, particularly on the commercial farms. These capitalist
farms produce more and more for export rather than local food needs and are more
and more tied into global financialisation. For most black people seeking land
they previously had no right to own or occupy, except in the reserves, the ANC's
very stingy land reform has merely rubbed salt in an open wound. White
landowners also have strongly resisted it. So trying to seriously uproot the old
land ownership system flies in the face of the ANC's capitalist route – already
visible in the 1994 RDP of Mandela's time in power. And the old master and
servant relations between boss and farm tenants – while somewhat modernised with
wages and minimally applied labour laws on some white farms – still underpin
much of the oppressive situation this very poor section of the South African
people face, and the capitalist "modernisation" aspects have in many ways
intensified exploitation in agriculture.
One of the main
aspects we might add to the situation since the article in 2010 that explains
the ways in which the economic and social situation have been governed, is that
dissatisfaction with the politics and the outcome of the ANC's , and Mandela's,
programme has markedly increased. This has been reflected in social struggles in
many different sectors from civil service, to farm workers to continued service
delivery protests in many areas, struggles over school closings and the poor
quality of education in black schools, and many others. When a mass movement of
miners striking over wages in the Northwest platinum belt in August 2011 dared
to go against the ANC-led trade union and carry out wildcat actions against the
Lonmin Mining company, the ANC state shot down 35 of them in cold blood,
unleashing a torrent of political fury and debate over the nature of this ANC
state protecting capitalist interests, both foreign and local. Cyril Ramaphosa,
the main emcee at the Mandela memorial on 10 December, is the very same man who
sits on the board of this imperialist mining company. Serving also as the ANC's
deputy president, he had great difficulty explaining why and how the democratic
ANC-led state carried out this massacre. In 1999 Mandela backed Ramaphosa, a
former ANC union leader who has since turned billionaire, in his unsuccessful
bid to be the ANC's presidential candidate (see AWTWNS 5
November 2012).
Conclusion
In many other ways
the ANC's image of an organisation standing for liberation has long worn off
among those who hoped it would do something different running the state. In
addition, numerous internal conflicts are wracking the ANC, while it struggles
to preserve its hold over both the black masses who have lost faith in its
promises and over the capitalist plantation it manages for big capital, much of
it foreign. Even some of those who have remained loyal to the ANC did not sign
up for this nightmare, much less the masses of people who fought and died for
national liberation.
But it is important
not to shy away from the truth that whatever the intentions, this was the road
that Mandela led the ANC to take – not by himself, but not separate from it
either, as many commentators are trying to skilfully spare him from in their
eulogies. There was no revolution in South Africa. This is most what the
powers-that-be are celebrating about Mandela's contribution to the struggle
against apartheid. The "historic compromise" and all that led up to it was
intended to prevent a revolution from developing, to extinguish the fires of
mass struggle and to substitute false promises of equality for the people's real
hopes and expectations that radical change was within reach, as the apartheid
rulers' crisis came to a head and their hold crumbled over the reactionary
society they led.
Is this what Mandela
and the ANC intended when they organised protests in the 1950s against carrying
passbooks and started an intermittent armed struggle that never really took hold
inside the country? Yes and no. Much of the current mess in South Africa is
undoubtedly not what Mandela wanted and like others he is often pardoned for
holding illusions that a third path of "humanitarian" capitalism
was possible.
Is it Mandela's
fault that things turned out this way? Not single-handedly but in the end he was
thrust forward as the first 'post-independence' black president signalling the
end of formal apartheid and thus became a leader: so he will inevitably be
evaluated by past and present history in terms of what he did, thought and what
he did not do or try to do. It is his political vision and programme as part of
the ANC that are decisive.
His personal leadership contributed significantly to suppressing the
massive people's uprising in order to broker a political agreement acceptable to
his enemies; this was part
and parcel of the ANC's programme that in no way challenged imperialism's grip
on the country and the world. Indeed instead it helped to strengthen it, in the
process helping the country to assume a position of dominance within the African
continent as a whole. The negative example of bowing down and giving up when the
oppressors were weakened and "on the run" that Mandela and the ANC also set for
the millions of oppressed people around the world – who deeply hoped that
liberation rather than accommodation would be the result of this colonial
conflict – was also not a minor political and ideological achievement for the
imperialists. For Mandela to establish a false social peace and to put a new
spin and face on the old state that sits atop a stifling, exploitative system
did not offer any kind of solution for the oppressed. For the people of South
Africa, this situation remains a prison that must be broken out of and it
requires conscious revolutionary leadership with the aim and vision of a
completely different society to do so. Many in South Africa are looking for just
such a way out.
-end item-
The following
article from AWTWNS
15 March 2010 is reprinted below because it provides much of the background
material for understanding the situation in South Africa since the fall of
apartheid.
Two decades after
Mandela's release – 20 years of freedom in South Africa?
15 March 2010. A World to Win News
Service. The world watched elatedly 20 years
ago as Nelson Mandela was finally freed from 27 years in South African jails in
February 1990, so hated was the apartheid regime and all the injustice it stood
for. Mandela, as one of the world's longest-held political prisoners had become
a sort of living legend. Apartheid's jails regorged with thousands of political
prisoners from the decades of struggle against apartheid representing different
organisations and different perspectives. Many fighters, leaders and soldiers
died in detainment or were hanged in police stations, thrown out of upper-story
windows and never saw a wigged white apartheid judge go through the motions of a
trial. Treason was a common charge. And the masses of South African people had
made enormous and heroic sacrifices during the struggle and periods of upsurge
over the previous decades. Although Mandela's enemies secretly began
negotiations with him in 1988, it was never a secret that their
releasing political leaders and unbanning opposition groups in 1990 was a
calculated step in the dismantling of apartheid and reorganisation of political
rule in South Africa.
At the end of the 1980s the apartheid
system of enforced racial segregation and oppression in which the black majority
(including people of Indian and mixed race origin) was legally forbidden the
most elementary rights was rotting at the seams under the combined weight of
major social, political and economic crisis. It was a revolutionary situation,
which the white settler regime fully realised as it could no longer contain the
political upsurge that had been shaking the country in waves since 1976 and
reached a peak in the mid-1980s. Despite police invasion of the townships where
most blacks lived, these became bases to stage different forms of struggle.
Youth, students and workers, including foreign migrant workers, organised mass
boycotts, stay-aways (from school, businesses and work), strikes, fighting with
police and then funeral marches after people were gunned down. In the rural
areas too, where most Africans were forced to live in phony ethnic-based
reserves, people rioted against the despised bantustan authorities and their
vigilante squads, fought for better land and resisted force removals as part of
apartheid's territorial consolidation. While vast sections of blacks were
mobilised in one form or another to fight white rule, many thousands were also
actively involved in organisations fighting for national liberation and
revolution, and passionately debating the future.
President P.W. Botha's
counter-revolutionary strategy, combining some reforms and modest social welfare
with divide and conquer tactics among the anti-apartheid forces; utterly failed
to stabilise the situation. The situation was so out of control by 1986 that the
apartheid government declared emergency rule with curfews and a doubled police
force that occupied the exploding townships. In the late 1980s four to five
thousand people were killed.
Every funeral was turned into another round of struggle. The intensity of
the upsurge led the regime to ban 31 black political organizations in 1988,
provoking the creation of numerous new local committees to carry on. The
struggle remained at a high level into 1990.
The apartheid rulers, advised by the
West, sought Nelson Mandela's help to end the crisis and smother the escalating
revolutionary movement by lending credibility to a negotiated settlement with
anti-apartheid organisations. They were able to buy precious time while they
reorganised South Africa's political rule in ways that did not fundamentally
change the socio-economic system it served and the country's role as powerhouse
of Africa and guardian of imperialist interests in the region.
As it was designed to, the negotiated
compromise in South Africa had a terrible effect, helping to snuff out the
revolutionary aspirations of the millions of people who, at the cost of great
sacrifice including their lives, threatened to pull down the regime in order to
end white rule and all the vicious oppression and suffering it represented. This
immense opportunity and revolutionary potential was channelled into voting for
one of 19 candidates with Mandela representing the ANC (African National
Congress) that had been groomed to share state power with the slightly reformed
National Party – the same reactionary party that had presided over formal
apartheid for nearly 50 years. It was called a Government of National Unity.
Having the right to vote for the first time in history, naturally the majority
of Black people turned out in record numbers to elect the popular former
political prisoner Nelson Mandela with hopes that the ANC would be able to
deliver on its promises of liberation, returning the land to blacks, and doing
away with the inequalities and bitter subjugation they had endured for so long.
How did a so-called national
liberation organization led by Mandela succeed in drowning this revolutionary
process? How did it become such a willing tool of the ruling classes?
ANC's politics – a history of talking
liberation while betraying the people's interests
Mandela had been widely promoted
worldwide, partly through the movements and networks linked to the Soviet Union
of the 1960s through the mid-1980s, as a particularly prominent symbol of
freedom, in fact far beyond his direct political role or influence and those of
the ANC inside the country.
The ANC didn’t become "turncoats"
once in power, as some people argue with nostalgia for the days of struggle
against apartheid: its precious service to the ruling classes flowed logically,
if sometimes indirectly from its politics. The ANC was not a
revolutionary national liberation organisation. Its politics and
programmes have never been based on thoroughgoing liberation for the people of
South Africa: not on the proletariat and oppressed seizing power and leading a
genuine national (or new) democratic revolution, not on breaking with the
stranglehold of the imperialist system, and not on a vision of a communist
future. The revisionists of the South African Communist Party (SACP), active in
the politics, leadership and organisation of the ANC, were closely connected to
the Soviet-led bloc of social-imperialists for decades. For them, socialism and
the notion of "people's power" meant taking over and reforming the old existing
state. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the new unipolar world
order, the ANC was quickly wooed from the wing of the Soviet revisionist
umbrella to the western neoliberal imperialist agenda and bourgeois democracy:
an ensemble of formal political rights while reinforcing the capitalist
ownership and production system. In other words in 1994, the ANC carried out
more or less the agenda they had always promoted, wrapped in a light national
liberation cover.
And that is why the bourgeoisie in South Africa and western citadels
sought their complicity.
The ANC's limited vision in its 1955
Freedom Charter, still a reference point today, was inspired by notions of
classic bourgeois equality from the US Constitution. It also called for partial
nationalisation of some industries and banks and sharing the country's land and
wealth. The ANC promoted occasional non-violent mass campaigns, inspired by
Mahatma Gandhi (such as those against the pass books restricting black people's
movements) and later limited armed actions organised outside the country as a
means of pressuring the apartheid rulers rather than mobilising the people to
overthrow them.
In a country where black workers were
oppressed in all spheres of society and paid a fraction of the wages whites
earned, the SACP/ANC argued for "unity of the working class" between the black
proletarians and more privileged whites who were a key part of the apartheid
regime's reactionary social base. They were unable to seriously address, much
less solve the central national question – rooted in the white settlers’
subjugation of African people – and its ongoing repercussions, which together
with the pivotal problem of the colonial land theft and freedom from foreign
(imperialist) domination were at the heart of demands for national liberation.
This was one reason the revolutionary nationalists of the Pan African Congress
broke away from the ANC in 1959 with a more radical programme. In the 1970s
under the guidance of Steve Biko the Black consciousness movement emerged and
played the crucial role in the famous Soweto rebellion in 1976 that unleashed a
wave of popular upsurges over the next 15 years, involving a range of political
forces, from trade unions to township initiatives, and rural areas.
Disgusted with what they considered
to be the sell-out politics of the ANC in particular, small more revolutionary
offshoots of these (black and Pan-Africanist nationalist) currents were
influenced by revolutionary China and Mao Tsetung's teachings and sought to
challenge the whole system while seeking revolutionary theory and analysis to
guide them. In the political landscape of the 1980s, national liberation and
overthrowing apartheid rule were on the minds of hundreds of thousands of
people. Within and among the
anti-apartheid movements, the labour unions and the schools and universities,
different radical views and programmes contended over how to bring about
revolutionary change. But a genuine revolutionary party based on a
scientific ideology with a communist line and leadership unfortunately never
materialised in the course of this high tide of struggle, for a number of
reasons. In addition to the impact of continued repression, the state's
assassination of leaders who did emerge, as well as the revolutionary forces not
anchoring themselves firmly enough in the contradictions of the imperialist
system as a whole as well as the highest ideological understanding of that time,
the powerful effect of the ruling class ending formal apartheid and derailing
the struggle towards electoral compromise cannot be underestimated.
1994: Negotiating to share political
power within the old state
Mandela's release from prison in
1990, along with other political prisoners, and the unbanning of numerous
political organisations was a key step in launching the negotiations process for
multi-party elections and the gargantuan effort to draw a large section of the
black liberation movement, including many of its radically-minded intellectuals,
into that process. Mandela called on the people to stop their struggle, lay down
their arms, to "bury the past, extend a hand". (Some examples of Mandela's class
collaboration are more or less accurately portrayed in the beginning of the 2009
movie Invictus, as he sought to override mistrust among ANC
employees faced with sharing the state with their previous enemies. One scene in
particular depicts Mandela welcoming the same special branch security
officers into his personal bodyguard who had actively hunted down and killed
anti-apartheid activists.)
Heavily financed and counselled from
the West, the ANC and its sister organisations, trade unions, and the SACP set
about communicating the message that antagonistic struggle was no longer
necessary: a peaceful electoral path would solve South Africa's tremendous
problems, if blacks – the ANC -- joined the government and worked from within to
change the nature of the state. Aiming to gain some seats at the tables of
political power as they existed with a big boost from the more liberal
sections of the white capitalist class directly tied to imperialism and the
imperialists themselves, who were actively working for a transition on terms
favourable to their continued domination of South Africa, the ANC willingly
became a political instrument of these classes and interests they had ostensibly
opposed for decades. Worse, much of the ANC's own complete surrender to this
plan took the form of being soldiers in the battle to politically disarm and
actively demobilise broad sections of the movement against the regime at a very
crucial point in history while helping convince leaders with whom it had
long-standing disagreements -- whose rank and file had shed blood over -- to
join in the negotiations project.
Mandela and prominent clergy like
Desmond Tutu lead
the way to these "talks about talks", as they were dubbed. Given the sharp
tensions over different programmes and struggle against the non-revolutionary
politics of the ANC, naturally disputes and misgivings arose among the
various participating liberation groups, including the PAC, Azapo, left ANC
splinter groups, Trotskyist circles inside and outside of the ANC and others,
some temporarily pulling out or arguing for interim "guarantees" such as a
Constituent Assembly. But the "miracle" the bourgeoisie and its international
partners achieved was to bring most of these black political leaders into the
same tent of compromise. If successful, the US imperialists were eager to apply
this model to other conflict-ridden states and former colonies that needed to be
politically stabilised as post WW2 arrangements increasingly were becoming
outmoded. An important component of the model was to build up the black middle
and better-off classes that had a material stake in the system and to appeal to
those who aspired to be part of the elite. In turn they would help continue to
persuade the country's majority poor population they didn’t need to overthrow
capitalism, but must instead "take part" in developing it, which required
making peace with those at the top – both black and white.
One of the other great myths about
the South African transition was that it was peaceful. The negotiated agreement
was cemented in a combination of talks AND violence. When the international
bourgeois press crows that "civil war was avoided" it means that there was no
open "race war" between white extremist groups – which were more or less
neutralised and pulled into the political compromise as well – and the black
masses. In reality, the world witnessed a very bloody process of apartheid
moulting to shared political rule in the early 1990s in which over 13 thousand
black lives were lost. Open fighting repeatedly broke out or was orchestrated
between the ANC or other political organisations and the right-wing Zulu
nationalists of Gatsha Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party and its paramilitary
forces, supported by police and security forces or by conservative white groups
threatening to destabilise elections. In addition, sharp contradictions over the
political differences between the moderate United Democratic Front, the ANC and
its more rebellious youth base on the one hand, and Azapo and other political
groupings in and around the black consciousness movements and PAC on the other
hand, often took a violent form. Thirdly, state violence to repress the rising
struggle of the people (portrayed from the perspective of the future in the
"science fiction" film District 9 as an armed onslaught against the
masses of alien "prawns") was in fact a daily reality in the townships and
resulted in several massacres after 1990 from Bisho in the Ciskei to
Sebokeng in Gauteng.
The road of racial rainbows and
imaginary class harmony without mobilising the people to get rid of the existing
state and uproot the underlying system and relations appealed to many,
especially the middle classes among the oppressed: it is an easier road than
revolution. But the problem is, as the bitter experience of South Africa of the
recent past 20 years has shown once again, it is entirely illusory – and
imaginary.
In reality, the society is nearly as
segregated as ever – minus the legal apartheid scaffolding supporting it.
Despite a rising and very visible black middle class, inequalities between rich
and poor have actually increased. New political freedoms, while greater than
under white rule, are mainly channelled into pressuring the ANC in government
for more service delivery and exercising a vote to keep them in power. Twenty
years ago, a whole generation was ready to tear up the place for something new,
different and truly liberating.
At the same time, many people's
experience had taught them to distrust the negotiated outcome and they were (and
still are) bitterly angry at being dragged into this deception -- trading the
masses’ revolutionary struggle in for the chance to vote for a black government
that, despite its populist promises, is in fact governed by the needs and
requirements of the global capitalist-imperialist system that such posturing
serves. Struggles continued to erupt against the ANC's betrayal of the people
but the giant tide to become citizens in a liberal democracy had a powerfully
debilitating effect, as it was intended to, polarizing things in a very
unfavourable way for revolution.
ANC's 1994 programme: neo-liberalism
and bourgeois equality promoted with populism
The post-election state was composed
of a Government of National Unity between the National Party headed by the
pre-1994 president Frederick DeKlerk and Nelson Mandela for the ANC from 1994
to1996. ANC leader Thabo Mbeki was elected in 1999 and again in 2004. However, a
major split in the party occurred after the national ANC congress replaced Mbeki
with Jacob Zuma as head of the organisation in late 2007. In an unprecedented
move, Mbeki resigned early from the South African presidency in September 2008
because of this factional friction within the ANC and charges (later overturned)
that he had interfered with Zuma′s prosecution, leaving a hiatus until Zuma won the
top job in April 2009. Mbeki's supporters formed a new party called the Congress
of People (COPE) in December 2008, which other South African liberal opposition
parties welcomed as it was seen as weakening the ANC's near electoral monopoly
of black voters.
Despite secondary political
differences among these three ANC presidents, corresponding to divergent views
within the party over how best to carry out its goals, the ANC's common basic
programme and approach help explain how in an intense period of revolutionary
turmoil the party was able to sound credible to a politically conscious and
aroused black population wanting to turn the system upside down that was
responsible for the unrelenting oppression and harsh injustices of apartheid.
Four essential features stand out in
the ANC's political strategy and propaganda:
First, the appeal of immediate
democratic rights (dispensed by a black government) in a very
undemocratic society colonised by white settlers. This included "equality
before the law and equal protection" under the law for everyone, freedom from
discrimination and servitude and full dignity and respect as citizens. The new
Bill of Rights removes the countless restrictions from apartheid and accords the
right to vote, to assemble, to move about freely, as well as the right to
religion and political expression and so forth.
The Bill of Rights itself is
very democratic in content and an important basis for any transitional society.
However, cast through the ANC's politics, in truth this appeal reflects the
narrowing down of people's dreams of liberation to western-style formal
democracy and illusions that the new citizens, as individuals, were acquiring
political power through the ballot box. The government did open up public debate
over key issues in many areas, but dissent and protest tended to be either
handled in a paternalistic way or oriented towards official (ANC-related)
channels and organisations. The ANC constantly stressed the importance of
people's participation through assembles, conferences and public discussion in
reform processes that were essentially decided by the recomposed state and such
participation certainly did not affect important structural changes or
fundamental transformations. And, like in other formal liberal democracies, this
freedom of expression does not permit any serious challenge to how society is
organised and to which class holds political power.
As if to underscore this latter
point, while a side aspect involved loosening the grip of police repression
against political opponents, the main security apparatuses of the murderous
apartheid system have only been slightly reorganised and former members of the
various liberation armies had to renounce their past to receive demobilisation
money or to be integrated into the reactionary South African army.
Secondly, the ANC promised to deliver
miraculous social development to address the needs of the deprived and expectant
black population, using its liberation struggle credentials and critique of
colonialism and apartheid crimes. These promises included full employment,
radical redistribution of the land within a few years, education, healthcare,
electricity, food security and housing for all, a major programme of social
assistance and much more.
This was a social democratic vision,
and only moderately redistributive, not a socialist one. The ANC promised to
fight from within its position in the joint state for a programme of social
reforms that corresponded to illusions the ANC itself fostered – that the system
it inherited and presided over, if properly guided in a "humanitarian" or
"pro-people" manner, could produce and deliver the things the people desperately
needed and desired. This essential lie that the system could (and would) be
reformed in the interests of the "poorest of the poor", as the ANC liked to put
it in 1994, with a liberatory quality of life and changed social relations
between people, was recycled in 2009 as the [myth of the] "developmental
state".
This illusion relied on a third and
crucial feature: that the existing economic set-up need only be "adjusted" and
future national growth that would eventually finance social development
necessarily depended on further integration into the world imperialist system,
international markets and attracting foreign investment. Part of the demagogic
appeal, especially to the aspiring middle classes, included passing anti-trust
laws, which would break up the giant white conglomerates dominating the economy
and open up vast opportunities for black entrepreneurs. The true freedom to
compete in a truly free market, open to all races.
The neoliberal macro-economic plan
put into effect (called Growth, Employment and Redistribution-- GEAR) moved away
from the uncompetitive apartheid-era centralisation of state enterprises to more
classic liberalisation and producing for export. This involved freeing up
capital for financial speculation and deregulating investment, privatising
public services with the idea of stimulating the creation of black-owned
businesses, jobs and a bigger tax base. How this capital accumulation
(and profit) could be achieved without intensifying the conditions of
superexploitation of black South African masses, national oppression, low-paid
labour and remaining pre-capitalist forms of oppression was not explained by ANC
and neoliberal theoreticians. Many people nonetheless understood that its
parasitic capitalist and market essence was not likely to bring the social
changes promised
and GEAR became a key focus of
protest over the following years, even within the ANC's own political alliance,
particularly by the trade union confederation, COSATU. While critical of this
policy, the SACP never broke ranks over this decisive question of the economy,
instead defending their right to democratically debate it under ANC leadership.
A large handful of huge conglomerates continue to control the national stock
exchange while sub-companies and black director and management positions were
created.
The fourth aspect was an appeal to
civil peace, stabilisation and national reconciliation.
Translated practically, this meant
forging reactionary unity with the bourgeois classes and the imperialists the
people had been courageously fighting against for so long. And at the heart, it
was closely connected to smothering and denying the central importance of the
national question that is objectively a major faultline in South African
society. The very rotten structures and social relations of apartheid that were
bursting to be overthrown were literally built and enshrined on the basis of
brutal national oppression, deeply embedded in all aspects of the social fabric.
Rather than uprooting the causes and basis of this oppression, the ANC has
called for "improving race relations", eliminating formal racial discrimination
and especially empowering blacks without taking away anything from whites, who
still live in a privileged and relatively separate European-like world.
Government leaders routinely denounce outward expressions of continued white
supremacy or turn extreme cases over to languish in the courts. To blacks the
ANC sent the message that now the problem is economic inequality, so they should
"be patient, you’ll get yours", "after all, changes take a long time given our
past", and, "now that we’re in power the colonial problem is
history."
After over 20,000 people and groups
provided testimony of the violence they suffered under apartheid before the
Truth and Reconciliation Commission set up in 1995, the few perpetrators of
these crimes from the police and the state who came forward to confess were
pardoned. Neither this attempt to impose reconciliation nor the attempt to
equate violence by the oppressed with the violence of the oppressor went down
well with the people – another very bitter pill the ANC-led state shamefully and
willingly shoved down the throats of the black population in the name of civil
peace and "moving on".
"Empowerment" and
enrichment of a few…
20 years of freedom? This depends on
who you ask. If you circulate in the cities and countryside of South Africa, you are
likely to hear, "well, we are free to vote, but little has changed for us under
a black government; we are tired of waiting"; surprisingly in 2009, many added,
"I’ve voted twice and I don’t even know if I’m going to bother this time – what
good does it do? "
Mandela and DeKlerk were rewarded
with a joint Nobel peace prize in 1993 and their several-year political union,
while far from harmonious, accomplished its goal of joint rule to stabilise the
country politically – at least temporarily. The neoliberal macro-economic
policies put into effect under their watch were able to at first improve
sluggish growth, which has since slowed considerably. Financialisation of the
economy has given the wealthy few trading on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange a
new lease on life and strengthened the rand, South Africa's currency. The Black
Economic Empowerment scheme set up to promote black entrepreneurship has
successfully made a small class of people obscenely rich, who have become
shareholders in the largest companies, as well as CEOs in some cases, or who
secured tenders through political connections to the ANC top brass. And many of
the ANC leaders themselves have not bothered to conceal their "nouveau riche"
status, showing up at rallies in Mercedez-Benz and the latest bling. In addition, previously
suppressed under apartheid, a much larger urban black middle class has emerged
in South Africa, filling a demand for professionals, managers, computer
engineers and technicians as well as numerous retailers.
However, the main picture shows a
much bigger gap between rich and poor in the past 20 years, giving South Africa
one of the highest inequality indexes in the world today. The poorest sections
of the black majority, whose position initially improved some percentage points,
have become poorer. The number of South Africans living on $1 a day more than
doubled between 1996 and 2005 and over one third of the population now live on
less than $2 per day. In the rural areas (40-45% of the population) closer to
70% of black households live in real poverty, over half of whom are headed by
women. Although some people with access to land can grow some of their own food,
especially the staple maize crop, rural land-based livelihoods have been
battered down by a century of white monopoly of farmland, which post-1994 land
reform has done very little to change. In addition, while a new minimum wage was
introduced several years ago, it is not enforced in much of the white commercial
farm areas, where oppressive often pre-capitalist social relations mixed with
South Africa's lowest wages still prevail.
To offset growing poverty, the
government has greatly expanded its system of social assistance in the past few
years and nearly a quarter of South Africans receive some kind of grant,
particularly in the form of child protection. Housing, electricity and services
have all been improved in the past 20 years, but the privatisation of many
public services has made them unaffordable to many. Hosting the World Cup has
required enormous outlays to build the necessary sports facilities and
infrastructure.
Another big issue is jobs. Over one
million jobs have been lost in the past decade under ANC rule, particularly in
mining and manufacturing. Unemployment officially stands at 22%, some figures
report 40% and studies have put it at nearly 70% in the rural areas. Part of the
dispute comes from the fact that sections of the huge informal economy in South
Africa are not counted, such as the large numbers of petty traders selling a
tiny pile of onions or overripe bananas on the street, so common throughout the
third world. Each year the ANC government sets new targets for creating
jobs.
South Africa's social situation is
little better. Deeply entrenched segregation means that schools, transportation
and housing, like all spheres of society, remain for the most part physically
and racially separate by neighbourhood, town, even while a few mixed middle and
upper middle class areas have developed in and around large cities like
Johannesburg. Less than 1/5 of the population can afford medical plans and
private sector health services, so the demand for free healthcare for all that
has been on the agenda since 1994 is a central one. Some 5.7 million people are
infected with HIV/AIDs and in 2007 nearly 1000 people died each day from it,
Mbeki’s
policy banning anti-retrovirals in
public health institutions undoubtedly fuelling these numbers.
With a few exceptions, whites drive
their own cars and don′t mix with the millions of black township residents who
travel long distances between home and jobs in the city with the parallel
"black" collective taxi-vans. Schools have officially been reclassified and some
fees eliminated, but the old divisions persist between good white (now mixed)
schools and those in the black townships and poor rural areas. The former white
elite universities are more integrated but often black students can’t afford to
stay past the first year or two.
Crime is a constant preoccupation as
South Africa has one of the highest rates of murder and rape in the world. White
and affluent mixed neighbourhoods are increasingly separated off from the real
world behind closed gates. In front of each house in middle class areas with
lawns and flowering trees, a private security guard sits on a chair, and – at
first glance striking to the foreign visitor – almost all individual private
homes in such areas are surrounded by high walls. The symbolic barbed wire of
apartheid – to keep black people out – is still visible everywhere. In reality,
most crime targets poor people and the dense labyrinths of dimly-lit township
alleyways are a nightmare for women after dark. The ANC's response has not been
to mobilise people to change the underlying conditions for all this, but to
focus on common criminals. The US magazine Time, recently featuring Zuma
on its cover, approvingly refers to what is commonly seen as his "shoot-to-kill"
policy.
Since the "democratic
rainbow miracle" has intensified poverty and class differences and since white
supremacy has hardly disappeared, struggles have regularly broken out over a
broad range of social issues. While these protests are mostly tolerated, the ANC
has renewed its populism in order to narrow down political frustration directed
at the system – and to deflect criticism away from themselves, who are presiding
over that system – towards service delivery problems that take
"more time and money". Although reluctant
to criticise the ANC "comrades" for some
time, over the past decade some of South Africa's active social movements have
been challenging ANC policies and political will to bring about the changes they
call for. By way of example, protests have included food riots, struggle over
prepaid electricity power meters in the townships, and over housing by shack
dwellers in Durban as well as protests over unemployment, the slowness of land
reform along with a spate of strikes over pay, including by public sector
workers and even pro-ANC labour unions. Campuses blew up in 2008 over the
outrageous racist incident at the Free State University when white students
urinated in food they served to black housekeepers at their dorm.
Even if over 50% live in poverty in
South Africa, it is still the continent's "richest" country and continues to
attract large numbers of immigrants. The urban housing crisis and massive
joblessness have also fed into uglier expressions of the contradictions among
the people such as the xenophobic attacks in May 2008 that resulted in 62
deaths, renewed on a smaller scale in several areas of the country since that
time, in which poor slum dwellers (along with some gang-organized activity)
targeted Zimbabweans, Nigerians, Malawians and other foreigners living in South
Africa. This polarized the masses in a very bad way, rather than focusing anger
at the system and the ANC government, which did not hesitate to send in humvees
and troops to keep order, reminiscent scenes of brutal police repression under
apartheid. White farmers have also participated in the anti-immigrant hunt,
alternately "hiring" Zimbabweans who have crossed the border looking for work
and literally chasing them back to Zimbabwe with armed private patrols and dogs.
Patriarchy rules…
The press has focused on Zuma's
headline-grabbing "unpresidential" polygamy and his seeming inability to keep
his trousers on. The ANC recently told him to "zip it up" and to publicly
apologise for fathering a 19th child, this time with
the daughter of the World Cup local organising committee chair (who he since agreed to
take as a fourth wife through customary marriage). In the wake of his falling
out with the Mbeki forces in the party over corruption charges and political
rivalry, Zuma has tried to boost ANC popularity through reviving Zulu
nationalism and stressing his modest origins, while denouncing the new COPE
split-off party as a ‘rich man's club’. His supporters wear in-your-face
T-shirts saying "I’m 100% Zulu" to underscore the fact that Mandela's and
Mbeki’s ethnic Xhosa-speaking social base is no longer in charge. Zuma's open
defence of reactionary patriarchal traditions and rape as "Zulu cultural
obligations", however, is really only a different form of the patriarchy
and tribalism characteristic of Mandela and his "royal" line, or Mbeki's
paternalistic "defence" of African knowledge and culture while denying pregnant
women infected with HIV/AIDs access to anti-retroviral drugs. (And, as might be expected from
its cultural level, still vocal white supremacists
retaliate by attacking Zuma's behaviour towards women with the worst of
racial slurs.)
Zuma portrays himself as a "man of
the people" who knows poverty and doesn’t need Mbeki's refined English accent
nor foreign law degrees to deliver what the people need. He constantly invokes
the "comrades" and the ANC's credentials in the struggle against apartheid, but
has no reservations in appealing to foreign investors in the next sentence or
calling for the return of the death penalty. The British bourgeois press has
expressed faith that his left populism is merely "talk", while he can be counted
on to pursue Mbeki's "conservative financial" policies and govern "from the
right".
Relations with the imperialists are
not without contradiction, but overall South Africa has won their approval, even
earning a seat at the G20. The ANC's role of political fireman goes hand in hand
with its leading position as the organiser of imperialist-dominated development
in the continent, with a particular strength in the southern African
subcontinent.
Building a revolutionary
movement
South Africa's ruling class has been
able to make noticeable changes from apartheid society within the narrow
confines of a stunted bourgeois democracy built upon an economic system in which
the majority is frozen at the bottom even while small social strata within the
black population are enriched. While the underpinnings of this stiflingly
oppressive system are essentially the same, a different political configuration
rules over it today, with the pretentious claim to have "built the foundation of
a new society by enshrining the basic human and democratic rights of all in the
country's constitution". (ANC 2009 Election Manifesto)
Reportedly the party's 2009 election
slogan, "Working together we can do more" was frequently "doctored" on city
walls with additions like "evictions", "exploitation" and "corruption".
South Africa is bursting with social
contradictions that capitalism can and will never solve. Revolution is needed as
much as ever, along with a communist line and organisation to lead it,
mobilising the favourable factors for the development of a thoroughgoing
revolutionary movement. Despite some of the negative deadening effects of the
ANC's populism and the seduction of hoping to buy into capitalism's very
selective fruits, as well as sharpening divisions among the vast numbers of
people for whom those fruits are more or less permanently forbidden, there are
also many positive factors. The society is highly polarized racially and
socially and extremely politicised with constantly contending views and
different forms of struggle erupting. This is linked to a powerful and bitter
history of struggle against apartheid, which included a large section of the
older generations fighting for national liberation, many of whom are completely
disillusioned with the ANC. Along with the unresolved land question that has
clearly illustrated the continued weight of white minority control over
agricultural land 15 years after land reform was introduced, and the still
pervasive and explosive national question, the continued workings of the
capitalist system itself continue to grind down the black majority and offer
little future for younger generations. Spontaneously these factors will continue
to force people to struggle but in the current reformist headlock of the ANC,
will lead to little more than pressuring the government for more welfare and
service delivery as it already promises. Yet many people yearn for something
entirely different – liberation and the new society they didn’t get. And new
generations are coming up against similar obstacles as before, as nationalist
views are resurrected with varying degrees of militancy to try to answer the
dilemmas posed by the ANCs 20-year demonstration that its politics and ideology
have nothing to do with genuine liberation.
For those who are looking, the mask
has long slipped off the ANC's social democracy. In a world whose emperors
declare this deceptive goal to be the highest we can reach for, those who wish
to accelerate revolutionary change must ask the hard questions: what kind
of revolutionary process is needed to thoroughly uproot and transform the old as
well as the more "modern" oppressive social relations? How is national
liberation linked to a vision of going further to create a whole different
society, not based on either colonial or capitalist relations dependent on and
still heavily shaped by imperialism? A starting point for rebuilding a
revolutionary movement.
-end item-
See the ANC’s
1994 Reconstruction & Development Programme and its 2009 Election
Manifesto.
Other aspects of the
ANC’s programme, like the remarkably paltry market-based land reform, also
failed to pacify the black population and continue to fuel social tensions, the
subject of a future article.
Although portrayed
internationally as simplistically opposing science, Mbeki’s refusal to respond
seriously to the rapidly escalating AIDs crisis in South Africa (with disastrous
consequences and 600,000 deaths in 2006) was
grounded in his moral stance against what he called “global apartheid”; he
opposed portraying Africans as ignorant victims of a western disease, forced to
buy expensive western drugs and argued that AIDs was linked to poverty rather
than its viral origins.
No comments:
Post a Comment