In this tenth anniversary of the proletarian revolt of the banlieues
we are meeting here, not to celebrate an anniversary, but to capitalize
on the experience that young French banlieues proletarians and the ones
from around the world have shown in this time frame. Just after the
uprising in May 2006, right here in Paris, many organizations and Maoist
parties gathered in a meeting now become historical when it drew some
important policy analysis and conclusions, one above all is that the
revolt of young banlieues proletarians showed that the imperialist state
is not omnipotent, that can be put in difficulty by the masses but what
is essential is the revolutionary organization of new type in order to
does not let the revolt goes out by itself, as actually has happened in
2005.
The revolt, which burned for a month and a half in France, saw on the
frontline youth proletarians often called “immigrants of second or
third generation” whose origins are found in the countries oppressed by
the French, in particular many young people of North African origin.
Most of them are formally French citizens but not with the same rights,
of a “French White”.
What unites young French citizens of Arab origin and the Arabs of new
migration is the fact of being proletarians, then discriminated in the
same way by the French state.
Young people who daily have seen discard before their eyes the myth
of a “democratic” and including France; relegated to ghettos where the
unemployment rate is above the national average, constantly “under
siege” by the continuous police incursions (one of which resulted in the
death of Bouma and Zied) miles and miles away from the center of the
vibrant life of the metropolis. The myth of welcoming and in integrating
French state, which relies on the concept of “democracy and freedom”
and that should make the difference with their origin countries becomes
meaningless. In the banlieues’ schools and charitable organizations is
told about this difference between the Democratic France and for
instance Tunisia of Ben Ali dictatorship, trying to persuade young
people to live in a land of opportunity but every day the same young
people led and lead a life of material and spiritual misery without
prospects for the future.
A young man of North African origin, is that he was born and raised
in France is that it is just arrived challenging the borders of Fortress
Europe, he has every right to expect that this vaunted equality, these
vaunted opportunities, rights and so on become real fact and not mere
state propaganda. The rioters were in fact first hit all the symbols of
oppression: the police stations, state schools and all other
institutions in the banlieues and simultaneously have appropriated all
those consumer goods much publicized denied the proletarian youth, but
also, they regained their neighborhood, reorganizing it in an embryonic
least from a point of view of control of the territory. All this
happened in the following years in other riots in the Imperialist
Metropolis: in Stockholm, London, Ferguson …
But another big important event was just what the popular uprisings
in the Arab world whose spark is struck in Tunisia in late 2010 and to
which we approach the fifth anniversary next month. Well, what is said
in the appeal of convocation of this meeting may be transposed with
regard to Tunisia: after 5 years from the great popular uprising that
toppled the autocratic regime of Ben Ali the plight of young Tunisians
proletarians has not changed much indeed even the young and the people
in general think that some things have worsened. In fact the police
state which was based on the regime of Ben Ali was not scratched, also
in Tunisia police affects primarily young proletarians and rebels in the
neighborhoods of the suburbs and the outskirts of the country
represented by the southern and interior governorates.
Youth unemployment is far from being diminished increased to this was
added the rising prices of essential goods. Moreover, the new
government formed by the clique Nidaa Tounes (the old ruling party RCD
“restored”) and Ennahda (the Muslim Brotherhood in Tunisia) is literally
restoring the old regime that young Tunisian proletarians in the front
line had overthrown, and is renewing all military and economic
agreements with US imperialism and the French one in the first place;
this confirms the comprador and bureaucratic nature of the Tunisian
state which results in a continuous robbery of national resources at the
expense of the people and especially young people. For this the high
rate of abstention during the so called first democratic elections in
Tunisia with the new constitution was enlarged just by young
proletarians who rejected in block all the bourgeois political parties
in Tunisia and in recent months have rejected the fascists bans to
demonstrate imposed by the ” state of emergency “held in the spring of
2015 just as in France in 2005, and they took again to the streets to
demand better living conditions and work and to reject the so called ”
law of economic reconciliation ” that will rehabilitate businessmen and
mobsters linked to the previous regime. Thanks to these protests the
government was forced to not renew more than a “state of emergency”
showing that the real aim of it was to repress those who struggle and
not the specter of “Islamic terrorism”.
Today, students at universities have the right to speak and to
organize themselves, but they still face a rigid and pyramidal
educational system. Both the “banlieues” revolts in the imperialist
countries and the Arab uprisings have swept away the rot ideological and
political first. All false revolutionaries, Trotskyites, fake Maoists
and opportunists of all kinds threw up the mask: the former condemning
the riots in Imperialists countries as “underclass” or “anarchist”, in
the second case supporting the reformist or even reactionary forces in
Tunisia , Egypt, Syria, Morocco and so on.
Both uprisings in the imperialist countries and the Arab countries
ones have confirmed that the main trend in the world today is the
Revolution furthermore we have the People’s Wars in India, the
Philippines, Turkey / Northern Kurdistan, Peru. Young proletarians and
the masses are the protagonists in both uprisings perceiving as an enemy
the bourgeois state, and in general its repressive apparatus. Both
revolts prove to have enormous potential through the use of
revolutionary violence. Both revolts have begun from a spark represented
by a particular event and then expanded by imitation both
geographically (from Clichy sous Bois to the center of Paris and to
other French cities, from Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia to the whole Arab
world) and in general (the demand for justice after the event to a
particular claim of justice in general: a different general living
conditions).
Both rebellions have embarrassed an imperialist state and overthrown
reactionary regimes, but also show that if the revolt will not turns
into a proletarian revolution all the achievements regress and are lost
and who benefits about it is only the ruling class who learning from the
blow suffered momentarily, it regrouped and returned to the attack with
a greater enthusiasm.
Then the problem is on the agenda prevent this by strengthening and
building the revolutionary subjective forces, the Maoist parties of a
new type that have the potential to apply a revolutionary strategy
suited to the specific situation that differs primarily based on the
nature of the country if it is imperialist or oppressed by imperialism.
But as we said there were similarities between the riots in the
banlieues and those of the Arab countries: in fact, the Paris suburbs do
not differ much from the suburbs of a big capital as Tunis or Cairo. A
young Tunisian from Ettadhamen in the outskirts of Tunis does not differ
much from a young “banlieusard” Parisian, rather than an American or
London ones.
Then surely the strategy of protracted people’s war in a country
oppressed by imperialism as Tunisia must take into account these
peculiarities these urban or “urban countryside” inside the big cities.
Conversely the banlieues in an imperialist country are precisely those
campaigns which encircle the towns where the headquarters of the power
is. In both addressed the Maoists were in the vanguard, since the early
days of them have made a correct analysis of them, took part in the
forefront, have fought the wrong positions of other groups or parties
calling themselves revolutionaries. But in both cases the Maoist forces
while being potentially “the solution” have not had the chance to be so
for several reasons. This requires the development of the Maoist forces
in the fire of the riots when they burst but every day in the heat of
the class struggle and in close connection with the masses in particular
with the young rebels of the suburbs and the countryside imperialist
and suburbs of large cities in the oppressed countries. Revolutionary
practice carried out in both types of countries and the exchange of
experiences between these fraternal parties and revolutionary in an
international meeting like this, is a great help for the World
Revolution and a common basis from which to start.
Long live the revolt of the banlieues!
Long live the Arab uprisings!
10 100 1000 new uprisings around the world!
From Paris to Tunis, from Ferguson to Cairo long live proletarian internationalism!
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