THE GENERAL SITUATION IN TURKISH PRISONS
It
is clear that the conflict between imperialist poles brings more
poverty to all oppressed sections of society, especially the working
class. The internal structures of imperialist states are rapidly being
redesigned within the framework of a new imperialist war of division.
The atmosphere of occupation and war that has been created affects the
lives of workers in many ways through reactionary laws and the
deprivation of rights. The fiscal deficits resulting from increased
military budgets are burdening workers with new taxes. All reactionary
states are attempting to reorganize themselves in preparation for this
process. With the power that comes from controlling production and
capital, bourgeois states operate the mechanisms called law and justice
in their own interests. Of course, in such processes, the most dynamic
and "threatening" segments of society will be targeted first. This is
why the working class and its organized forces, as well as nations and
representatives fighting for national liberation, are being targeted on
our world. The rulers' approach to this is manifested either by
eliminating them or filling prisons with them. For those they do not
kill, they resort to isolation and torture by applying a complete enemy
law in prisons.
During
the 23 years of AKP rule, the state organization, which is the
instrument of power of the Turkish ruling classes, has been reshaped
according to the interests of imperialism and the local comprador
bourgeoisie. The "Presidential Government System" is the current form of
this transformation; it is an authoritarian restructuring required by
capital and imperialist centers.
With
this system, all state institutions have been centralized to serve the
interests of imperialist monopolies and the ruling clique, not the
people. Every sphere, from the judiciary to the media, from the
legislature to the security forces, has been turned into an instrument
of capital's oppression.
Underlying
this restructuring is a "strategy of suppressing rebellion." The
organizing efforts of the people, the working class, and revolutionary
forces are being dismantled; unions, democratic institutions, and social
opposition are being crushed. Any segment not aligned with the ruling
bloc, even opposition within the system, is labeled "terrorist," and the
space for politics is being completely narrowed.
In
such a process, even the spontaneous economic and democratic demands of
the working class and the laboring people have been suppressed by
fascist tyranny. Strikes have been banned, demonstrations dispersed, and
arrests and detentions have become routine. The Turkish state does not
even comply with its own laws on paper. The immunity of members of
parliament has been disregarded, and thousands of people have been
imprisoned for their thoughts.
In
Turkey's political history, prisons have been one of the state's tools
for suppressing political opposition. Social opposition movements,
particularly left-wing socialist movements, the Kurdish freedom
struggle, women's and student resistance, have often been criminalized
under the label of "terrorism," and thousands of people have been
imprisoned for political reasons. Anti-terrorism laws enacted in recent
years have almost completely restricted freedom of thought and
expression. Thousands of people who shared posts on social media,
participated in union actions, or engaged in journalism have been
arrested on charges of "organization propaganda" or "organization
membership."
The
judiciary has largely lost its independence; prisons are filled with
thousands of people detained for their political identity. This process
symbolizes a period in which the suppression of opposition through the
judiciary has become systematic.
Despite
all the pressure, political prisoners in Turkey have created a strong
tradition of resistance throughout history. From the hunger strikes of
1984 to the resistance in Type F prisons in the 2000s, political
prisoners have continued their struggle not only with their bodies but
also with their writings, practices of solidarity, and collective
consciousness.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN TURKISH PRISONS AND PRESSURES ON POLITICAL PRISONERS
For
many years, prisons in Turkey have not only been places of punishment
but also served as one of the political regime's tools for suppressing
opposition. Particularly in the last decade, increasing
authoritarianism, the politicization of the legal system, and the
curtailment of freedom of thought have resulted in the arrest of
thousands of people for political reasons. This situation has made
rights violations in prisons systematic. Journalists, trade unionists,
students, academics, and politicians are often sent to prison on charges
of "membership in an organization" or "propaganda" simply for
expressing their thoughts. In Turkey, where the judiciary has not been
independent since its establishment, court proceedings have become a
"political purge tool." Thus, prisons have turned into political spaces
holding thousands of people from different segments of the social
opposition.
Among
the more than forty thousand political prisoners in Turkish prisons,
there are people against whom no evidence of a crime has been found, as
well as people who have been held hostage in prison despite having
reports stating that over seventy percent of them are unfit to remain in
prison. Attacks
against local and immigrant revolutionaries are intensifying in European
countries. In many countries, particularly Germany and France, new laws
have been passed to attack forces that criticize and oppose the
imperialist capitalist system in street protests, arresting them en
masse and imprisoning them for many years.
Germany,
relying on sections 129a and b of its constitution, is imposing long
prison sentences on immigrant revolutionaries for fighting against
fascist oppression in their own countries. Kurdish and Turkish
revolutionaries, in particular, are subject to these attacks.
Political
prisoners are deprived not only of their freedom but also of their
basic human rights. Reports by organizations such as the Turkish Human
Rights Foundation (TİHV), the Human Rights Association (İHD), and the
Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System (CİSST) show that
human rights violations in prisons are widespread and structural.
The main violations of rights are as follows:
-Restriction
of the right to communication and correspondence: Political prisoners'
letters are confiscated, telephone calls are censored, and visitors are
arbitrarily prevented from visiting.
-
Isolation and segregation: Particularly in high-security F-type
prisons, prisoners are subjected to long periods of solitary
confinement, minimizing their social contact.
-Violation
of the right to health: Prisoners with chronic illnesses are denied
necessary treatment, hospital transfers are delayed or arbitrarily
refused.
-Suppression
of cultural and political identity: Rights such as speaking Kurdish,
possessing books, or accessing politically-oriented publications are
restricted, and prisoners face disciplinary penalties.
-Violence
and ill-treatment in prisons: Guard violence, strip searches, arbitrary
disciplinary penalties, and deportation transfers have become a policy
of intimidation that goes beyond punishment in prisons.
Turkey
is a signatory to international legal texts such as the European
Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the United Nations International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, practices in prisons
clearly contradict these obligations. Despite European Court of Human
Rights (ECHR) rulings, arrests under the guise of freedom of expression
continue, and the existence of the "political prisoner" category is
denied.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PRISONS AND THE SITUATION IN PRISONS
According
to data from the General Directorate of Prisons and Detention Centers,
as of November 1, 2024, there are a total of 406 penal institutions in
Turkey, including 273 closed penal institutions, 100 independent open
penal institutions, 4 children's educational institutions, 12 closed
women's penal institutions, 8 open women's penal institutions, and 9
closed children's penal institutions. The total capacity of these
institutions is 299,042 people. However, it should be noted that this
number represents the increased capacity. Under normal conditions, these
prisons should house two-thirds of the number of inmates.
Twenty-two
new prisons were opened in 2022, 19 in 2023, and 12 in 2024. According
to the Ministry of Justice's 2025 budget proposal, the goal for next
year is to open 11 more new prisons. This
shows that Turkey's current ruling ideology generally envisions a
future based on imprisoning people." (IHD 2024 Prisons Report)
Prison
architecture and the penal system in Turkey have been shaped in
parallel with the security understanding of political powers and their
approach to social opposition. The military coup of September 12, 1980,
radically transformed not only the political regime but also the penal
system. The new "type" of prisons that began to be built during this
period emerged as a concrete expression of the state's security
paradigm.
The
prison architecture developed after the coup aimed to isolate political
prisoners, fragment collective life, and suppress the culture of
resistance. The E, H, F, D, L, T, Y, and S type prisons built from the
1980s to the present represent different stages of this strategy.
With
the September 12 coup, the large dormitory systems of the past were
abandoned and E-type prisons were built. These prisons consisted of
dormitories for 16–20 people and restricted the collective life of
prisoners. Subsequent H-type prisons reduced this number to rooms for
4–6 people, thereby deepening physical isolation. The political meaning
of this transition is clear: the elimination of solidarity and the
possibility of organization arising from communal living.
In
2000, F-type prisons, the most advanced form of this process, were
introduced. Consisting entirely of one- or three-person cells, these
structures are the institutionalized form of the "isolation regime."
F-types have paved the way for the proliferation of practices described
by national and international human rights organizations as
"psychological torture."
According to June 2025 data, there are a total of 416,927 "detainees" and
"convicts"
in Turkish prisons. "In Turkey, 420,904 prisoners are held in 402
prisons with a total capacity of 304,964. 120,013 prisoners are held in
open prisons, while 300,891 are held in closed prisons. Of these
prisoners, 357,646 are convicts and 63,258 are detainees. 200 are
LGBTQI+, 14,276 are foreigners, and 1,453 are serving aggravated life
sentences. There are
269 prisoners with disabilities in prisons: 19 with speech and language
impairments, 42 with visual impairments, 28 with hearing impairments, 18
with hearing and speech impairments, and 162 with orthopedic
impairments. 6,543 prisoners in prisons are over 65 years old. In 2025,
the number of prisoners who can continue their education in prisons is
77,014, and there are 58,500 prisoners engaged in insured professional
activities. There are 4,561 children between the ages of 12 and 18 held
in prisons, 187 of whom are girls. Alongside 19,290 female prisoners,
there are 434 children aged 0-3 and 388 children aged 4-6 with their
mothers. (Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System CİSST
Report)
Prison
capacities are known to have reached over 100,000 inmates. Turkey ranks
first among Council of Europe countries in terms of the number of
prisoners. According to 2022 Council of Europe prison statistics, 355
out of every 100,000 people in Turkey are in prison. This rate is 117 on
average among Council of Europe countries. The overcrowding of prisons,
which hold more prisoners than their capacity, has continued to
increase exponentially since 2015.
Over the last 10 years, the Gezi Park and Fethullah Gülen Movement trials,
the imposition of trustees on local administrations, and the
investigations and subsequent arrests of politicians, journalists, and
political figures have demonstrated that the fascist AKP-MHP alliance
cannot tolerate any dissenting voices.
Pressure
continues to be exerted on sick prisoners in jails. The number of sick
prisoners identified is 1,412 (161 women, 1,251 men). The number of
prisoners considered seriously ill is 335 (230 of whom cannot survive on
their own). The violations of the right to health here are as follows:
examinations while handcuffed, lack of hygiene, and delayed transfers.
In addition, the inhumane conditions of the transport vehicles stand out
as another aspect of the attacks on sick prisoners.
In
recent years, high-security S and Y type prisons have been put into
operation, deepening the isolation of political prisoners. Prisoners and
human rights defenders describe these structures as "well-type
prisons." This name symbolizes both the physical structure and the
intensity of isolation.
According to data from the Turkish Ministry of Justice, 32 new prisons were opened in 2021, 22 in 2022, and 16 in 2023.
Seven
of these are S-type prisons and 14 are Y-type prisons. S-type prisons
are located in Manavgat, Antalya, Bodrum, Iğdır, Kırşehir, Kavak, and
Çarşamba; Y-type prisons are located in Adana Suluca, Aksaray, Antalya,
Burdur, Erzurum, Kırşehir, Konya Ereğli, and Tekirdağ Karatepe. The
Ministry of Justice states that these prisons were built for "those
sentenced to aggravated life imprisonment and those detained or
convicted of terrorist crimes." However, in practice, a large number of
political prisoners are being exiled to these prisons on vague grounds
such as "breaking discipline" or "displaying dangerous behavior."
This situation demonstrates that isolation has become not only a form of punishment but also a mechanism of political control.
Although
the new high-security prisons have been "modernized" architecturally,
they are structures where human contact is minimized, creating serious
problems in terms of prisoners' right to life, right to health, and
freedom of communication. According to reports: Prisoners' rights to
open visits and telephone calls are restricted, letters are censored,
and books are confiscated. Social activities have been almost completely
eliminated. Psychological disorders (anxiety, depression, suicidal
tendencies) caused by long-term isolation have reached serious
proportions.
The
"good behavior" assessments introduced by the 2020 amendment to the
Execution of Sentences Law have become a tool to arbitrarily prevent the
release of political prisoners. Since September 12, Turkey's prison
system has evolved into a policy of deeper isolation and oppression. S
and Y type prisons are the spatial expression of the state's strategy to
control the opposition.
Isolation
is more than a physical practice; it is an ideological tool aimed at
destroying political identity and social solidarity.
CONCRETE PROBLEMS EXPERIENCED IN PRISONS
1. Isolation and Seclusion
The
most fundamental problem experienced by political prisoners is the
practice of isolation. Type F, S, and Y high-security prisons are
architecturally designed to "minimize human contact." Prisoners held in
single, double, or triple rooms spend most of the day alone, and their
right to participate in communal activities is either completely removed
or left to the arbitrary decisions of the administration. Solitary
confinement causes serious psychological disorders in the long term.
Isolation, loneliness, depression, anxiety, sleep disorders, and memory
loss are common among political prisoners. This situation also coincides
with the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture's (CPT)
definition of "inhuman treatment."
2. Restriction of the Right to Communication and Contact
Political
prisoners' contact with the outside world is constantly restricted.
Letters are censored and sometimes not delivered at all on the grounds
of "objectionable content." Family and lawyer visits are blocked under
the pretext of "disciplinary punishment." The right to telephone calls
is limited to once a week for 10 minutes in many prisons. These
practices both worsen the psychological state of prisoners and
effectively eliminate their right to defense.
3. Violations of the Right to Health
Access
to healthcare in prisons is a serious problem. Political prisoners are
often not referred to hospitals or are subjected to shackled
examinations during referral. For many prisoners with chronic illnesses,
medication is delayed, and dietary and treatment conditions are not
provided. According to reports by the Human Rights Association (IHD) and
the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), as of 2024, there are
over 600 sick prisoners, 70 of whom are in critical condition. This
situation demonstrates the systematic violation of the right to health.
4. Barriers to Accessing Books, Publications, and Thought
Political
prisoners' right to read and write is also severely restricted. Books
and magazines with political content are banned on the grounds of
"organization propaganda." Censorship is applied in prison libraries,
making it virtually impossible to access certain publications. Letters,
poems, or writings composed by prisoners are often deemed
"objectionable" and not sent outside. This situation is not only an
individual rights violation but also a systematic form of pressure on
freedom of expression.
5. Arbitrary Disciplinary Penalties and Release Barriers
With
the amendments made to the Enforcement Law in 2020, the release of
political prisoners began to be arbitrarily postponed under the name of
"good behavior assessment." The subjective assessments of the
administration and observation boards, such as "showing no remorse" or
"not rehabilitated," have caused many political prisoners to exceed
their legal release period. Furthermore, even the slightest demand for
rights or protest is considered a "disciplinary offense" and used as
grounds for solitary confinement or transfer to another prison.
6. Specific Problems Experienced by Female Political Prisoners
Women
prisoners are subjected to double discrimination due to both their
gender and their political identity. Issues such as forced strip
searches, restrictions on access to hygiene products, and the lack of
female psychologists or doctors are frequently reported. Female
prisoners are also made invisible within the male-dominated prison
culture, and the gender-based violence they are subjected to often goes
unpunished.
7. Exile Transfers and Severing of Family Ties
Political
prisoners are often arbitrarily "exiled" to prisons in different
cities. This practice makes family visits impossible and makes it
difficult for prisoners to continuously rebuild their prison life. Some
prisoners have been transferred to different provinces four or five
times in a few years. This clearly constitutes a violation of the right
to family unity.
PROBLEMS FACED BY LGBT PRISONERS IN PRISONS
Prisons
in Turkey are one of the institutions where social inequalities are
most visibly experienced. This situation has even more severe
consequences for LGBT+ prisoners who face discrimination due to their
sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
LGBTI+
prisoners are often held alone in cell-like areas for "protection" from
other prisoners. However, this practice effectively amounts to solitary
confinement and leads to the prisoner's complete isolation from social
life. In some prisons, LGBT+ prisoners are placed in male wards,
exposing them to the risk of violence, harassment, and sexual assault.
In such cases, authorities often cite the reason that "other prisoners
may be disturbed," which constitutes a clear example of institutional
homophobia.
LGBTQ+
prisoners may be subjected to verbal, physical, and sexual violence by
both staff and other prisoners. Insults, derogatory language, "forced
searches," and strip searches have been frequently reported, especially
for trans women prisoners. Such practices constitute both inhuman
treatment and a clear violation of the Convention Against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
One
of the most critical issues for trans prisoners is the denial of access
to healthcare related to gender affirmation. Prisoners undergoing
hormone therapy often have their medication denied or arbitrarily cut
off. Furthermore, LGBT+ prisoners' requests for psychological support
are either rejected or postponed on the grounds that no suitable
specialist is available. This inequality in access to the healthcare
system seriously jeopardizes prisoners' physical and mental health.
Trans
prisoners face the problem of their identities not being recognized by
prison authorities unless the name or gender information in their
population records is changed. This situation leads to trans women who
should be placed in women's prisons being sent to men's prisons, thereby
exposing them to a direct risk of violence. Furthermore, the failure to
use the prisoner's preferred name or pronoun constitutes a constant
form of identity denial.
In
many prisons, LGBT+ prisoners are unable to participate in workshops,
courses, sports, or educational activities on the grounds of "security."
This practice effectively eliminates the right to rehabilitation and
preparation for social life. In some prisons, the hours during which
LGBT+ prisoners are allowed to access common areas are even different
from those of other prisoners—this both reinforces stigmatization and
increases social isolation.
Social
support mechanisms for LGBT+ prisoners in prisons are virtually
non-existent. As civil society organizations have limited access to
prisons, prisoners are often left alone. LGBT+ prisoners who are allowed
visits may also be excluded by their families, which deepens their
psychological distress. As a result, many LGBT+ prisoners are forced to
live under the threat of suicide.
IN CONCLUSION;
The
pressure, torture, and isolation practices experienced in prisons
should be seen not only as affecting prisoners but also as part of the
restriction of the democratic rights and freedoms of the entire society.
However, historically, both internal and external forms of resistance
have created powerful examples of struggle against these pressure
policies. Looking at the history of Turkish prisons, we see that
prisoners have protested against rights violations through hunger
strikes, death fasts, and mass protests. These actions are not merely a
"physical resistance," but also a means of making visible the violations
that the state has rendered invisible. We
must support the struggles of political prisoners through collective
solidarity, legal appeals, and public pressure. Joint petitions
organized among prisoners, signature campaigns, and letter solidarity
networks established with the outside world will both provide moral
support and facilitate the documentation of rights violations. This
method will keep human contact and collective will alive, especially
under conditions of isolation. Every solidarity network developed
against isolation, censorship, discrimination, and torture will both
defend human dignity and shed light on the dark areas of fascism.
ALLGEMEINE SITUATION IN DEN GEFÄNGNISSEN DER TÜRKEI
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