Anti-war protesters blockade military barracks in Cologne, Germany, opposing arms production and increased defense spending
🪧 Around 300 activists join demonstration organized by ‘Disarm Rheinmetall’
🚔 Police remove and detain several protesters blocking access to barracks
➝ Rheinmetall has faced protests several times over its supply of military equipment to Israel amid the genocidal war in Gaza
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Con el ascenso de gobiernos reaccionarios y de extrema derecha se ha vuelto común escuchar que Trump, Meloni, Milei, Noboa, Bukele… y ahora De La Espriella son fascistas. Algunos argumentan que son fascistas por expresar exaltación del militarismo, el nacionalismo, la autoridad, usar la religión para su trabajo de dominación, perseguir a las organizaciones obreras y populares, fortalecer los aparatos represivos del Estado y señalar a los comunistas como enemigos de la nación.
Y sí, el peligro fascista es real, pero debemos evitar reducir a este término cualquier gobierno reaccionario, pues esto conduce a un problema político muy grave. Si todo gobierno de extrema derecha es «fascista», entonces bastaría regresar a un gobierno «democrático» para resolver el problema. Así terminan presentando la democracia burguesa como el espacio natural de las libertades populares, mientras el fascismo aparece como una excepción ajena al propio capitalismo.
Eso no es lo que nos ha enseñado el marxismo. Marx, Lenin y posteriormente la Internacional Comunista partieron de una idea fundamental: el Estado burgués, incluso bajo sus formas más «democráticas», sigue siendo un instrumento de dominación de los explotadores sobre las clases trabajadoras. La diferencia entre una democracia burguesa y un régimen fascista no consiste en que uno sea democrático, «represente al pueblo», y el otro no; ambos defienden el dominio del capital. Lo que cambia es la forma mediante la cual se ejerce ese dominio, al final son simplemente dos formas de la misma dictadura burguesa.
La discusión no fue sencilla para los revolucionarios que combatieron al fascismo por primera vez. En el siglo pasado, el ascenso del fascismo en gran parte de Europa, en su forma más completa en Italia, España y Alemania, obligó a la Internacional Comunista (IC) a estudiar durante años este fenómeno. Clara Zetkin, junto a muchos otros dirigentes analizaron su desarrollo y lo fueron caracterizando hasta llegar al VII Congreso de la Internacional Comunista – IC.
La camarada Clara Zetkin en 1923, señaló como una de las causas del fascismo al retraso de la Revolución Mundial causada por la actitud traidora de los líderes socialdemócratas, que llevó a las masas decepcionadas (especialmente a la pequeña burguesía) a buscar refugio en las promesas populistas y demagógicas de los fascistas.
Dimitrov, en 1935, en el VII Congreso de la IC lo definió como «La dictadura terrorista abierta de los elementos más reaccionarios, más chovinistas y más imperialistas del capital financiero». Esta definición no surge de un día para otro, fue el resultado de más de una década de debates, errores, rectificaciones y estudio de la experiencia concreta que dejaron una enseñanza decisiva.
Sob os olhar sedento do secretário de Energia dos Estados Unidos, Christopher Wright, o governo venezuelano assinou, em 2 de setembro, no Palácio de Miraflores, oito contratos com petroleiras estrangeiras (Chevron, ENI e General Electric entre elas). A presidente interina Delcy Rodríguez chamou o dia de histórico. Mas o mega acordo que Donald Trump havia anunciado dias antes, classificado por ele como o maior contrato petrolífero já assinado no mundo, não saiu do papel na cerimônia. O próprio presidente da Assembleia Nacional, Jorge Rodríguez, irmão de Delcy, reconheceu que o convênio binacional "ainda não foi formalizado por aqueles que devem fazê-lo, que são os dois governos", mesmo depois de o Parlamento votar, um dia antes, apoio a um documento que formalmente ainda não existe.
O que a Casa Branca já detalhou, por meio de nota assinada pelo secretário de Estado Marco Rubio e pelo secretário de Guerra Pete Hegseth, é suficiente para medir o tamanho da operação. Dezessete campos petrolíferos, com reservas de 65 bilhões de barris, 21% das reservas comprovadas da Venezuela, foram concedidos por cem anos à North American Blue Energy Partners (Nabep), companhia do empresário Alejandro Betancourt. O Escritório de Capital Estratégico do Departamento de Guerra dos EUA ficou com 35% da empresa mãe da Nabep. O Departamento de Estado garantiu o direito de comprar, a preço de custo, 20% de toda a produção presente e futura, além de preferência sobre os 80% restantes. Washington ainda reservou para si o poder de veto sobre qualquer nomeação ao conselho de administração da empresa. Wright resumiu o essencial em Caracas: "a maioria dos diretores das empresas serão norte-americanos". O comunicado da Casa Branca completa o pronunciamento ao afirmar que o entendimento com a Nabep é regido pela legislação dos Estados Unidos e está sujeito à jurisdição de tribunais ianques. Um quinto do subsolo venezuelano passa a responder, por um século, à besta imperialista.
On August 26, the United States Treasury declared Britain-based activist network Palestine Action as a “Specially Designated Global Terrorist” and imposed heavy sanctions upon its members. This new attack came as a part of the Trump administration’s campaign against groups it accuses of belonging to the “violent far-left terrorist networks.”
“Far-left extremists, their fronts and their enablers should be on notice: We will bring the full weight of our economic tools to bear,” said Scott Bessent, secretary of the treasury. “Political terrorism has no place in our society, and we will continue to cut the financial lifelines of these groups until they are eliminated.”
Palestine Action is a decentralized network with the stated goal of “ending global participation in Israel’s genocidal and apartheid regime.” Since its founding in 2020, it had mounted many non-violent actions disrupting British imperialism’s arms production and military aid to Israel. While more than 70,000 Palestinians have died in the latest episode of Israel’s genocidal war since 2023, not a single casualty has been claimed by Palestine Action.
Two other groups, Italy-based Autistici Inventati (known for hosting the blog website Noblog.org), and the international network Masar Badil (Alternative Palestinian Revolutionary Path Movement) were also sanctioned. Especially, Masar Badil was branded as a “front” of the human rights organization Samidoun which had been designated a terrorist organization in 2024.
In the UK, multiple Palestine Action activists have already been imprisoned on terrorism charges, with more than 3,000 arrested simply for expressing their support for the group. In 2025, eight pro-Palestine prisoners imprisoned on trumped-up charges launched a hunger strike in protest of inhumane conditions, criminalization of Palestine Action, and the continued genocide against the Palestinian people.
Yeni Demokrasi
Ünal Yiğit, who is being held at the Adana F-Type Maximum-Security Closed Prison, was sentenced to 14 days in solitary confinement.
On May 18, Yiğit, against whom an investigation was launched for commemorating the Communist Leader İbrahim Kaypakkaya in his cell, was sentenced to 14 days in solitary confinement.
Ünal Yiğit is currently being held in solitary confinement by the prison authorities, who have labeled him “dangerous” in conformance to instructions from the Ministry of Justice. It is expected that Yiğit will be placed in a single-occupancy cell in the coming days as a result of his 14-day sentence.
Wang Hongwen played a pivotal Role in giving the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution its Cutting Edge
Wang Hongwen was born in December 1935 into a poor peasant household in a village near Changchun, then under Japanese occupation in Manchukuo. (Manchukuo was a Japanese puppet state established in 1932 in Manchuria, the northeastern region of China) This year we commemorate his 90th birth anniversary year. 34 years ago, Wang Hongwen, died on 3 August 1992.
Wang Hongwen was the youngest member of the ’Gang of Four’. Born into a poor peasant family in Changchun, Liaoning Province, he joined the People’s Liberation Army when he was still a boy.
During 1966, Wang played a pivotal role in recruiting and organising Red Guards in Shanghai. In January 1967, Wang and his followers formed the People’s Commune, which demanded the removal of CCP leadership in Shanghai and their replacement with Red Guards. 34 years ago, Wang Hongwen, died on 3 August 1992.
Wang Hongwen came the fore in the backdrop of war and foreign domination, and his generation's formative experience underscored the struggle to build an independent, socialist China out of a society ravaged by decades of imperialist encroachment, civil war and feudal exploitation. He enlisted in the People's Volunteer Army (The People's Volunteer Army was the name given to Chinese military forces sent to fight in the Korean War, framed as "volunteers" rather than a formal PLA deployment to avoid a formal state of war with the United States) and fought in the Korean War against the forces of American imperialism, joined the Chinese Communist Party in 1953, and was posted to Shanghai, where he became a security cadre at a state cotton mill. That a man of his origins could rise to national leadership within two decades symbolised the transformative potential and avenues the revolution had opened for China's rural and working poor, possibilities that would have been unimaginable under the Guomindang or under any capitalist social order.
