A preview from the upcoming issue of the magazine currently in preparation... of Two Lines Struggle N° 5 for debate

Maoist Communist Committee – Brazil

“Words lead to actions”: Do it all for the Maoist International Conference!

Communist greetings, Comrades

It is with great joy and an inseparable sense of proletarian, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, internationalist duty that we welcome this very important meeting of the international maoist. We are among the growing number of advanced elements, among revolutionary intellectuals and vanguard workers, who recognize the role played by the New Democratic Revolution in India as a strategic anchor of the World Socialist Revolution (WSR). In this century, marked so far by the intensification of class and national struggles resulting from the crisis of the imperialist system (and imperialism is nothing more than capitalism on its deathbed), the most relevant favorable subjective event in the communist field was the founding of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in September 2004. By merging the two main currents continuing the “spring thunder” of Naxalbari in 1967—whose experience, systematized at the 9th Congress in 2007, is a valuable and impressive reservoir of lessons for new generations of communists— the Indian Maoist comrades not only gave new impetus to the revolution in their own country, but also provided the Communist International Movement (CIM) a solid base of ideological, political, and material support in the form of a concrete revolutionary experience to be defended and propagated.

In this century, as in the course of the revolutions of the last century, communists are fighting on two fronts: against imperialism and its machinations and aggressions on the one hand, and against opportunism on the other. There is a path that leads from life to books and from books to life, and it is a fact proven by historical experience that every revolution is preceded by an acute theoretical struggle over which path to follow in order to achieve the initially proposed objectives¹. Similarly, counterrevolutions penetrate the ideological plane by proposing all sorts of “shortcuts” or intertwining between proletarian ideology and bourgeois ideology. Of course, the main discernment, the final word in this debate, is given by conscious revolutionary practice, and it is the commitment and ability to carry out its formulations that distinguishes a committed and theoretically relevant debate from a mere scholastic exercise. However, it would be a serious mistake to fall into the opposite error of underestimating the crucial importance of the ideological struggle in the name of escaping empty theorizing. As our Chinese comrades correctly summarized, “we must fully recognize the protracted nature of the class struggle and the struggle of two lines”². Every new condition generates as a unity the possibility and necessity of new advances in Marxist-Leninist-Maoist revolutionary theory and, alongside it, falsely original forms of its revision.

On the ideological front, we must wage a relentless struggle against both blatant forms of opportunism (in the contemporary world, its most clumsy expression is the so-called “Xi Jinping Thought,” which uses Chairman Mao's slogans to promote imperialism with Chinese characteristics) and subtle, supposedly respectable, and revolutionary forms. No pragmatic criterion could override the need to apply what Lenin constantly emphasized, that “a policy of principles is the only correct policy”³. This applies, of course, not only within the party, but also to the international communist movement. This example of swimming against the tide in defense of principles—which makes the situation of isolation only temporary, because to stand by principles is ultimately to stand with the fundamental historical current that is revolution—was put into practice by Lenin and the Bolsheviks when they denounced the majority of social democratic parties that voted in favor of war credits in 1914. In this extremely difficult context, full of lessons for the present day, as we march toward a new war of division, he said, in defending the founding of a new International regardless of the number of its supporters:

“And if socialists of that type are few, let every Russian worker ask himself whether there were many really class-conscious revolutionaries in Russia on the eve of the February-March revolution of 1917. It is not a question of numbers, but of giving correct expression to the ideas and policies of the truly revolutionary proletariat. The thing is not to “proclaim” internationalism, but to be able to be an internationalist in deed, even when times are most trying. (...) It is better to remain with one friend only, like Liebknecht, and that means remaining with the revolutionary proletariat (...) Let the dead bury their dead. Whoever wants to help the waverers must first stop wavering himself” (Lênin, “The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolution”, april 1917).

Whether on the international or national stage, a communist cannot fear fighting in the minority, nor use their momentary weakness as an excuse for inertia and the adoption of a policy of appeasement with opportunistic positions. The crucial point of dialectical materialism is that there is no knowledge outside of practice, no strength outside of intervention in the class struggle. In this sense, it is crucial that we equip the international proletariat with solid theoretical and political principles, as well as solid combat organizations in each country, to face the pressing tasks of rejecting the imperialist war in preparation and taking advantage of all the possibilities that this explosive situation offers for the development of the revolutionary movement. Precisely for this reason, the most subtle forms of revisionism are the most dangerous, because of their ability to deceive, above all, the new and inexperienced generations about their “revolutionary” nature. This is what the master Lenin said about the “sophisticated” attempts to merge Marxism with fideism, against which he waged a relentless struggle in his “Materialism and Empirio-Criticism”.

1092547 visit in this month maoistroad!

                                1092547

the 50th death anniversary tribute to Comrade Zhu De,the legendary revolutionary of China.

 

Zhu De played role of a Mascot in military leadership in the Chinese Revolution standing as one of its most outstanding characters

On 6^th July 1976 Zhu De died in Beijing at the age of 89. It was an irreparable for the Chinese people: Zhou Enlai had died in January; Mao Zedong would follow in September. Of the three, Zhu De is the least remembered in the West – and yet the army he built, the People’s Liberation Army, left the most indelible mark of everything the Chinese Revolution has achieved, being amongst the finest specimens of it. Thus, a few weeks ago we celebrated Zhu De’s 50^th death anniversary.

Very rare to know about any individual who more made a testament that a revolutionary movement cements a spiritual transformation or gives birth to a new man. Zhu De’s journey’s contradictory dynamics that shaped his life reflect experimentation and exploring in realms mystical. Zhu De also made path breaking contribution to inventing tactics in a revolutionary war, transcending regions unexplored in military art.

Origins

Zhu De was born in December 1886 into a tenant family in Yilong county, Sichuan, on an estate whose landlord was known locally as the “King of Hell”.

His mother bore 13 children; the last five were drowned at birth because the family could not feed them. She herself, he recalled, “was so humble that she had no name of her own”. The clan pooled its resources to educate a single son who could talk back to the tax collectors – and so Zhu De, became literate, passed through the old examination system in its dying days, and entered the Yunnan Military Academy, where he joined Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary Tongmenghui (a radical secret society and precursor to the Kuomintang) and played an active role in the 1911 Revolution and the campaigns that shattered Yuan Shikai’s attempted monarchy.

Baptsim into Communist Party and Red Army

By his mid-thirties Zhu De was a general in the warlord armies of the south-west: wealthy, powerful, and addicted to opium. The 1911 Revolution, he concluded, had been “aborted by republican compromise with foreign imperialism”; warlordism was a dead end, and he represented if. Thoroughly disillusioned with the endless struggles for personal power that passed for politics among the warlord cliques he made a dramatic rupture. He relinquished his commands and his fortune, and did away with his opium addiction alone – pacing the deck of a Yangtze steamer for a month, in what Snow called “the hardest battle of his life”, proof that “this man had more steel in his will than his acquaintances supposed”.

Then he asked to join the infant Communist Party. Rejected in Shanghai by then CPC General Secretary Chen Duxiu on grounds that a former warlord general was incapable of becoming a communist – he sailed for Europe, and in Berlin in late 1922 presented himself to a student organiser more than ten years his junior named Zhou Enlai. His old life, he said, “had turned to ashes beneath his feet”. He was admitted to the party he would relentlessly serve for the remaining 54 years of his life.

Role as Military Leader

On 1 August 1927, after Chiang Kai-shek’s massacre of the Shanghai workers had drowned the first united front between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in blood, Zhu De orchestrated the Nanchang Uprising – the date still marked as the founding of the People’s Liberation Army. When the uprising’s forces were demolished, it was Zhu De who binded the fragmented forces together through a desperate winter retreat, facing down the defeatists: “I refused to return to warlordism. I had chosen the road of the people’s revolution and I would follow it to the end.”

In the spring of 1928, he brought his survivors to Jinggangshan and joined forces with Mao Zedong. From that meeting the two men’s lives became, in Agnes Smedley’s memorable phrase, “like the two arms of one body”; the Kuomintang press, unable to conceive of them separately, called the Red Army the “Chu Mao Army”.

Zhu De's life stood as a testament, more fully perhaps than that of any other senior Chinese communist, the trend that revolutionary leadership could germinate directly from the peasantry rather than descend upon it from the intelligentsia or the professional officer corps.

The script unfolded in August 1927, when Zhu took part in the Nanchang Uprising, the armed communist rising against the Kuomintang that marked the birth of the Chinese Red Army. The uprising was crushed and Zhu was compelled to lead his remaining troops on a long and perilous retreat through Fujian, Guangdong and Hunan before finally, in the spring of 1928, joining forces with the small guerrilla army that Mao Zedong had assembled in the Jinggang Mountains of Jiangxi. From this meeting was forged the partnership, celebrated among the peasantry of the base areas as that of "Zhu Mao," in which Zhu designed the military framework and Mao the political line, and together they built the Fourth Red Army into a force that grew from some five thousand troops in 1929 to two hundred thousand by 1933. It was Zhu who gave a practical design or shape to the Maoist strategy of protracted people's war, to convert it into a concrete military practice, evolving and designing a doctrine of mobility, self-sufficiency and deep integration with the rural population that stood in deliberate opposition to the conventional, city centred warfare favoured by the Kuomintang and, for a time, by Communist International (Comintern) advisers. His maxim, that the army retreats when the enemy advances, harasses when the enemy halts, attacks when the enemy tires and pursues when the enemy retreats, distilled a revolutionary military philosophy in which the peasant soldier and the peasant base area were not coincidental to the struggle but manifested its very foundation. This was guerrilla warfare designed not as a tactic of the weak but as the organisational expression of a genuinely popular army, one that survived successive Kuomintang encirclement campaigns against the Jiangxi Soviet precisely because it was rooted in the countryside rather than imposed upon it.

When the Fifth Encirclement Campaign (of the Kuomintang's military offensives), fought conventionally and mechanically on the advice of the Comintern agent Otto Braun, ended in disaster, it was Zhu who at this most critical juncture resurrected the forces and organised the breakout that unfolded into the Long March, and who served as commander in chief through the entire six-thousand-mile retreat to Shaanxi. On the Long March he marched a distance farther than anyone, spending an extra year in the Tibetan borderlands – and profusely refusing and countering the disastrous ‘southern retreat’ tactic advanced by Zhang Guotao, a founding member of the party who later abandoned the revolution: “We had not made the Long March in order to stick in the high Tibetan–Chinese borderland while the Japanese continued lopping off province after province.”

As commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army, he orchestrated the resistance behind Japanese lines, launching the Hundred Regiments Offensive in 1940 – and ordering, rebelling against all norms of that brutal war, that Japanese prisoners be treated humanely, as “the sons and brothers of the toiling Japanese masses”. This characterised the strategy of an army waging a distinct type of war, that could distinguish the enemy’s conscripts from the enemy’s rulers.

In August 1945, when Chiang Kai-shek ordered the liberated areas’ armies to halt so that the Kuomintang could reap the victory, Zhu De’s reply entered history: “We consider that you have given us a mistaken order. We are compelled to firmly refuse the order.” Four years later he stood beside Mao on the Tiananmen rostrum as commander-in-chief of the PLA at the proclamation of the People’s Republic. In 1955 he was named first among the ten marshals; from 1959 until his death he served as Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress – serving the people without seeking the slightest personal gain, until the end.

Snow’s verdict was unequivocal: “For pure military strategy and tactical handling of a great army in retreat nothing has been seen in China to compare with Chu Teh’s splendid generalship of the Long March.”

He would go on to command the Eighth Route Army against the Japanese occupation from 1937, and then the People's Liberation Army (PLA) through the civil war that brought the Chinese revolution to victory in 1949.

The commander-in-chief spun, wove, planted vegetables and carried supplies like any soldier, characterising the nature of the red army. “Chu Teh’s devotion to his men was proverbial”, Snow recorded in Red Star Over China: he “lived and dressed like the rank and file, had shared all their hardships, often going without shoes in the early days, living one whole winter on squash, another on yak meat, never complaining”. Corporal punishment – which Zhu De waged a bitter struggle against as a cadet – was abolished; officers and men ate the same food; after every battle, conferences were held at which any fighter could subject any commander to criticism, Zhu De included.

A comrade who knew him in his Berlin years told Snow that “he always invited criticism; he had an insatiable appetite for criticism”.

Post-Revolution Life

It was hallmark of the humility of Zhu's political character that his influence receded steadily after the founding of the People's Republic of China, as younger and more overtly political men took the reins of state, and by 1959 he had relinquished formal leadership of the PLA altogether, settling into the largely ceremonial chairmanship of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. He accepted this demotion without evident bitterness, and his defence of Peng Dehuai (a Chinese communist marshal and military leader who commanded Chinese forces in the Korean War) at the Lushan Conference in 1959, at a critical moment, symbolised his independence of judgement that never was influenced by personal ambition. It is most admirable too that he never drew his full marshal's salary, regarding it as wasteful of resources that belonged to the people, a small characterising a life that never buckled to the lure of personal accumulation even as the man who risen from nothing occupied the summit of state power.

El gobierno del FA se somete cada día a las exigencias del imperialismo yanky

 

Editorial LaVerdad 209 uruguay

Cada pocos días este gobierno oportunista presidido por Yamandú Orsi, toma decisiones que lo acercan a las de los gobiernos de la derecha y ultraderecha que se han extendido en el continente con apoyo e intromisiones descaradas del propio Trump, al impulso de su Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional.

Estrategia imperialista yanky que es parte de su lucha desesperada y en todos los terrenos por frenar su declinación y mantener la hegemonía en el sistema imperialista-capitalista mundial, hoy cada día más asediada por China, en un mundo multipolar y donde la clase obrera internacional y los pueblos oprimidos acrecientan sus luchas, por diferentes medios según las condiciones.

La no definición del genocidio en Gaza como tal, perpetrado por el estado sionista de Israel y claramente apoyado por los yankys; las lamentables declaraciones del gobierno ante la invasión a la hermana República Bolivariana de Venezuela, con el secuestro del presidente Maduro y su esposa, en enero pasado, y la no condena abierta de la guerra de agresión yanky- israelí contra Irán, son parte de esta política de sumisión.

Recientemente el presidente Orsi sube con una delegación al portaviones, Nimitz, el que ha participado en cuanta invasión hubo contra los países oprimidos en décadas y que actualmente forma parte del bloqueo criminal a la hermana república de Cuba. Fue trasladado al mismo por una aeronave del propio portaviones y sonriente se saca fotos vestido con el equipo militar que le proporcionaron, dando una señal tan clara como denigrante y lesiva para la honrosa tradición antiimperialista y de solidaridad internacionalista de nuestro pueblo.

Este mes, junto a la derecha, los senadores del FA, TODOS, el del PCU incluido, votaron el ingreso de un grupo de Marines para “actividades de intercambio”. Esto se ha repetido varias veces bajo este gobierno del FA, que dice ser antiimperialista pero no actúa como tal.

Este mes también el embajador uruguayo en los EE.UU participa oficialmente en representación del gobierno, en la convocatoria que encabezó Marco Rubio, el fascista y guerrerista secretario de estado, para la lucha “Contra el Terrorismo político”, que en su desarrollo era contra el supuesto “terrorismo de la extrema izquierda”, léase izquierda revolucionaria.

on ‘Maoism in India’ by. Mohan Ram - for debate

 

‘Maoism in India’ by. Mohan Ram makes an extensive and most incisive historical and ideological exploration and analysis of the conflicting dynamics that shaped or governed evolution of Indian Maoism

Published in 1971, Maoism in India by Marxist scholar and political analyst K. Mohan Ram remains one of the most coherent and illustrative research works of the genesis and crystallising of the Maoist movement in India. Written in the aftermath of the Naxalbari uprising of 1967 and the formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) [CPI(M-L)] in 1969, the book makes an extensive and most incisive historical and ideological analysis of the conflicting dynamics that shaped or governed evolution of Indian Maoism, the massline and the contradictions that, stifled its prospects. It also makes a critical examination of the massline giving a reader a compelling insight into its true character.

More than five decades after its publication, Maoism in India remains a resourceful and compelling contribution to exploring history or evolution of Indian communism. It not only chronicles and navigates the origins and dynamics of the Maoist movement but also unfolds debates about the relationship between ideology and mass line, the dangers of sectarianism, and the limited scope of revolutionary movements that prioritize ideological purity over social rootedness. It makes a striking dictonomy between genuine mass line and left terrorism or adventurism.

Role of Telangana Armed Struggle

Instead of analysing Maoism in India as a graft or transplant from China, Mohan Ram owes its roots to the Telangana peasant armed struggle of 1946–51. He evaluates that the Andhra leadership of the undivided Communist Party of India had already derived tactical positions expounding Maoist concepts of rural guerrilla warfare and peasant base areas. Thus, Maoism in India had its origin indigenous conditions and experiences rather than being merely imported from abroad. With high finesse and clarity it forges a synthesis between the Chinese path of Revolution and Indian peculiarities.

The book asserts that the turning point struck in 1951 when the Communist Party abandoned armed struggle degenerated into parliamentary politics. For the radicals, this rupture represented a withdrawal from revolution and sanctioned the beginning of “revisionism.” Subsequent international developments, principally the Sino-Soviet ideological conflict, sharpened these contradictions within the Indian communist movement.

Charu-Mazumdar and CPI(ML) rift with T Nagi Reddy and APCCCR

‘Why should Filipinos pay for the guns pointed at their own heads?’NDFP

NDFP responds to Gibo Teodoro’s remark that ‘Pax Silica’ profits should go to the AFP
July 30, 2026

Defense Secretary Gibo Teodoro’s remark that profits from the proposed Pax Silica AI hub should flow to the AFP because the project falls under the Bases Conversion Development Authority (BCDA) is both revealing and deeply insulting to the Filipino people. Why should the Filipino people pay for the guns pointed at their own heads?

By declaring that profits should flow to the AFP, Teodoro has confirmed what many have already known – that Pax Silica is not meant to generate jobs for Filipinos as Marcos Jr. histrionically promoted in his last SONA, it is instead a war chest for militarization.

His remarks are made worse by the AFP’s bloody record of bombing and militarization of communities in repeated violations of international humanitarian law. Following the recent clash in Naujan, Oriental Mindoro, the 203rd IB publicly posted photographs of supposed slain fighters on social media as their trophies of war – an act that violates the principles of dignity and humane treatment of the dead embodied in IHL. In the aftermath of the encounter, military checkpoints were also established across Naujan, further tightening armed military presence in civilian communities.

The brazenness of Teodoro and Marcos Jr’s bootlicking to their US master is not only reflected in their efforts to siphon resources towards the AFP, but also in the aggressive expansion of war games and military exercises in recent months. The use of live ammunition, missile systems, and other weapons of war in these exercises places civilians directly in harm’s way. As the Marcos administration pours resources to the AFP, it is simultaneously transforming the Philippines into a staging ground for US war preparations, placing the Filipino people at greater risk.

We urge the Filipino people to reject any proposal that funnels the wealth generated from our labor, land, and resources into the hands of the fascist AFP and its US imperialist masters.

Marian Espinosa, NDFP Representative

India: Police Report The Arrest Of CPI (Maoist) Politburo Member Misir Besra In Dhanbad

dhanbad District, July 29, 2026: A representative of the Jharkhand State Police (JSP) announced to the press today that Misir Besra, a Central Committee Member and Politburo Member of the Communist of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), was taken into custody by a joint team of security personnel in Dhanbad District. In addition to Besra, two other Maoists – identified as Tumba Manjhi and Biren Hansda – were also arrested during a vehicle check by security forces along the Dhanbad-Giridih inter-district border in the state.

A native of the village of Madnadih in Giridih District, Besra was influenced by Leftist ideology early in life, as his college years coincided with the movement against landlords in the villages of Giridih and neighboring districts. In the early 1980s, police records suggest that Besra, (who at one time or another during his association with the Maoist movement used the aliases Sunirmal, Bhaskar, Sagar, and Pradhan), worked in tandem with Prashant Bose, a senior Maoist leader at the time, traveling from village to village as an organizer and cadre of the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI). The MCCI merged with the CPI (ML) People’s War Group in September 2004 to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). This was included in the report of the JSP official.

Following the founding of the CPI (Maoist), police records indicate Misir Besra rose to become a member of the Maoist Party’s Politburo, Central Committee, Central Military Commission, and Eastern Regional Bureau. The JSP official stated in his report.

Details about Besra’s current activities in service to the Maoist party will emerge after his interrogation, the JSP official said in conclusion, while declining to disclose where Besra would be interrogated.