India - struggle agaist death penalty!

 

పది మంది ఆదివాసీల ఉరిశిక్ష రద్దు కోసం 16న సభ‌

కరపత్రం

జీరం ఘాటి కేసులో పది మంది ఆదివాసీల ఉరిశిక్ష వెంటనే రద్దు చేయాలి!

• ఐఏపిఎల్

ఈ సెప్టెంబర్ 16 వ తేదీన ఛత్తీస్ గడ్ రాష్ట్రం జగదల్పూర్ NIA కోర్టు 10 మంది ఆదివాసులకు ఉరిశిక్ష వేసింది. 25 మే 2013 న జీరం లోయ లో మావోయిస్టు వ్యతిరేక సాయుధ సల్వాజుడుం వ్యవస్థాపకుడు కాంగ్రెస్ పార్టీ నాయకుడు మహేంద్ర కర్మ లక్ష్యంగా సాగిన మావోయిస్టు దాడి ఘటనలో మొత్తం 29 మంది చనిపోయినారు. అయితే, ఆనాటి ఘటనలో దాడి కి ప్రత్యక్షంగా నాయకత్వం వహించి, వ్యూహం రచించిన ఆనాటి మావోయిస్టు నాయకులైన దేవీజీ, బర్సె దేవా లాంటి ‘పై’ స్థాయి నాయకులైన 27 మంది పై కేసులైతే పెట్టారు కానీ వెంటనే అరెస్ట్ చేసింది మాత్రం స్థానిక ఆదివాసీ గ్రామస్తులైన 10 మందిని. వారిలో ఒకరు 2017 విచారణ ఖైదీగా చనిపోగా గత 13 ఏళ్లుగా విచారణ ఖైదీలుగా జైలులో మగ్గిన వారి పై తగినంత సాక్షాదారులు లేకున్నా వారికి ఉరి శిక్ష వేశారు. ఈ రోజున ఛత్తీస్ గడ్ ఆదివాసీ సమాజం ఈ ఉరి శిక్షకు వ్యతిరేకంగా పోరాడుతోంది. మరీ ముఖ్యంగా నాయకత్వ స్థానంలో దాడికి పాల్పడ్డ వారు ఒకవైపు లొంగి పోయి స్వేచ్ఛగా బయట ఉంటే ఇదే కేంద్ర రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాలు వారికి నజరానాలు ఇచ్చి జీవించే స్వేచ్ఛనిస్తూన్నాయి. కానీ స్థానిక ఆదివాసీలకు మాత్రం వారికి దాడిలో ప్రత్యక్ష, పరోక్ష పాత్ర నిరూపించే సాక్షాధారాలు లేకున్నా ఇన్నేళ్ళుగా జైలులో మగ్గిన తమ వారిని విడిచి పెట్టక పోగా ఉరిశిక్షను వేయటాన్ని మొత్తం ఆదివాసి సమాజం అదెలా సాధ్యమని ఈ దేశంలోని న్యాయ వ్యవస్థను ప్రశ్నిస్తోంది. ఇదెక్కడి న్యాయ సూత్రమని అడుగుతోంది. ఆదివాసీలపై ఇంతకంటే న్యాయ వివక్షకు తార్కాణముందా అని నిలదీస్తోంది.
జీరం ఘాటీ కేసులోనే కాదు ఇప్పటి వరకు ఈ దేశంలో ఉరి శిక్షలు పడ్డ కేసులన్నింటినీ పరిశీలిస్తే, పరిశోధిస్తే ఒక సత్యం వెలుగులోకి వస్తుంది. కేవలం సామాజికంగా, ఆర్థికంగా బలహీనులైన వారే ఉరిశిక్షపడి ఉరి కంభం ఎక్కుతున్నారు. అగ్రకులస్తులకి, ఆర్ధిక స్థితిమంతులకి మరణశిక్షలు అక్కడో ఇక్కడో కోర్టులు విధిస్తున్న, అవి జీరం
ఘాటీ లాంటి ఘోరమైన హత్యలే అయినా కానీ అప్పీళ్ల కోర్టుల్లో అవి మాత్రం కొట్టుడు పోతున్నాయి.

అశ్వథామ హతః కుంజరః లాగ, చట్టం ముందు అందరూ సమానులే, కొందరు మాత్రమే ఎక్కువ సామజిక ఆర్థిక సమానులు. మరెందరో తక్కువ సమానులు. అందుకే దళితులకు, బహుజనులకు, మైనారిటీలకు మాత్రం పై కోర్టు అప్పీళ్లలో లో గాని, క్షమా భిక్షా విడుదలలు గాని అదే న్యాయం దక్కడం లేదనేది – కాదనలేని అక్షర సత్యం. అంకెల్లో అగుపడే వారి మరణశిక్షలే అందుకు సాక్షం. ఇదేదో మాలాంటి హక్కుల సంఘాలు, న్యాయవాద సంఘాల ఆరోపణలో, వాదనలో కాదు. దేశంలోని ప్రతిష్టాత్మకమైన జాతీయ న్యాయ కళాశాల విద్యార్థి, అధ్యాపకుల పరిశోధన తో కూడిన ప్రాజెక్ట్ 39A నివేదిక తేల్చిన పచ్చి నిజం.

నిజమే, మరణ శిక్షలు పడ్డ వారంతా హీనమైన నేరాల్లో శిక్ష పడ్డ వారే. వారిని అందరిని విడిచి పెట్టమని ఎవరు అనటం లేదు. కానీ మానవ నాగరిక ప్రపంచ పటంలో మరణ శిక్షని అనాగరిక, ఆటవిక శిక్షగా భావిస్తూ సగం దేశాలు శిక్షా స్మృతి కృతి నుండే తొలగిస్తే, మరికొన్ని దేశాలు ఎన్నో ఏళ్లగా మరణ శిక్షలు చట్టాల్లో ఉన్న అమలు లో మాత్రం మినహాయిస్తున్నాయి. కానీ ప్రపంచంలో అతిపెద్ద ప్రజాస్వామిక దేశాలైన అమెరికా, భారత్ అలాగే చైనా ఇతర అరబ్ దేశాలు మాత్రం ఇంకా మరణ శిక్షలు అమలు చేస్తున్నాయి.

CASR Strongly Condemns Arrest of Four Activists Under APUAPA

 

PRESS STATEMENT

Date: 13 October 2026

CASR Strongly Condemns Arrest of Four Activists Under APUAPA, 2014; Expresses Solidarity with the People of Arunachal Pradesh Resisting the Proposed Siang Mega-Dam

New Delhi: The Campaign Against State Repression (CASR) strongly condemns the detention of four activists under the Arunachal Pradesh Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (APUAPA), 2014, for opposing the pre-feasibility report (PFR) studies for the proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project (SUMP). CASR stands in solidarity with the people of Arunachal Pradesh resisting the proposed mega-dam and demands the immediate release of the detained activists, the withdrawal of security forces from the affected areas, and the scrapping of the proposed project.

The four residents of Geku in Upper Siang district—Adum Tayom, Omak Paron, Okut Paloh and Oson Paron—were detained following protests against the proposed project. Their detention raises serious concerns about the use of repressive laws to suppress democratic dissent and criminalise communities defending their ancestral lands, livelihoods and environment.

The struggle in Arunachal Pradesh must be understood in the broader context of the increasing criminalisation of anti-displacement movements and the systematic targeting of Adivasi, Indigenous and other marginalised communities resisting the appropriation of their land and natural resources for large infrastructure and corporate projects.

From Kaziranga to the Siang Valley: Criminalising Resistance to Displacement

Only a few months ago, Assam witnessed a similar confrontation between communities defending their land and a state government determined to pursue a corporate development project. In Kaziranga, Indigenous and Adivasi communities, including tea workers and their families, protested against the proposed luxury hotel project near Kaziranga National Park, raising concerns about land rights, displacement and environmental destruction

France - Nous, étudiant·es de l’ENS Ulm, réuni·es en assemblée générale le 6 octobre 2026, avons décidé de porter cette motion.

 

Nous tenons en premier lieu à apporter notre soutien aux lycéen·nes qui se mobilisent depuis maintenant plus d’une semaine, partout en France, pour exiger des conditions décentes d’éducation : la rénovation de leurs locaux délabrés, l’adaptation des infrastructures aux conditions extrêmes de chaleur et de froid, le remplacement des enseignant·es en congés longue durée, l’augmentation du nombre de personnel scolaire (AED, AESH, infirmier·es scolaires, psychologues de l’éducation nationale…), l’abrogation de Parcoursup…

Nous dénonçons la violence extrême de la répression policière qu’iels ont subie. Il est, pour nous, inadmissible de voir autant de lycéen·nes mutilé·es par des armes comme le LBD classées armes de guerre par la réglementation internationale. Nous enjoignons fermement le gouvernement d’écouter au plus vite le mouvement lycéen et de prendre des mesures concrètes et d’arrêter ce massacre.

Les revendications du mouvement étudiant s’inscrivent dans la continuité de ces demandes et rappellent la surcharge des classes de TD, le manque cruel de chauffage dans les établissements, le rationnement des bibliothèques universitaires, le manque de budget alloué aux restaurants universitaires, qui s’abat sur les gestionnaires de CROUS et sur les étudiant·es et qui force à l’instauration de jauges, les menaces concernant la baisse voire la suppression des APL, et la précarisation de plus en plus grande des étudiant·es extra-communautaires. Nous rappelons que 26 % des étudiants déclarent des difficultés économiques importantes, qu’un étudiant sur deux saute régulièrement des repas par manque d’argent, que 30 % ont renoncé à intégrer l’établissement de leur choix pour des raisons financières.

Nous, qui évoluons au plus près de la recherche scientifique, dénonçons également la baisse de moyens qui y sont alloués, et qui forcent institutions et chercheur·euses à une surcharge administrative, à une mise en compétition des scientifiques (appels à projet, ANR…) et à l’établissement de partenariats privés qui limitent la liberté académique.

Statement against the Death Sentence for the Jiramghati 10 Political Prisoners in India - diffused by ICSPWI- partecipant

 

Statement against the Death Sentence for the Jiramghati 10 Political Prisoners in India

The “International Coordination in Solidarity with Political Prisoners” expresses our deep concerns about and condemns the death sentence awarded to 10 indigenous (Adivasi) political prisoners in India on 16th September 2026. These 10 Adivasi political prisoners (the Jiramghati 10), who have been accused of being part of the Peoples’ Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), were convicted in the 2013 Jhiram Ghati (Jhiram Valley) attack case by a special NIA court in the city of Jagdalpur, Chattisgarh state, central India.

In the Jhiram Ghati incident in 2013, a convoy of the then ruling Congress Party which was passing through the Jhiram valley was ambushed by the PLGA, resulting in the death of 29 Congress leaders and workers. Among the killed was Mahendra Karma, the founder and leader of the notorious Salwa Judum, a paramilitary vigilante force formed by recruiting some sections of Adivasi peoples with the active backing of the government and local mining corporations, which was involved in widespread attacks, torture, sexual harassment, burning, looting and displacement of Adivasi communities into “strategic hamlets” in the name of combating the CPI(Maoist).

The 10 Adivasi political prisoners who have been sentenced to death were picked up from nearby villages after the ambush and were accused of being active members of the PLGA and of being involved in the attack. The 10 persons sentenced to death have consistently maintained their innocence, and their families have always declared that they were arbitrarily arrested and falsely implicated in the Jhiram Ghati incident.

They have spent the last 13 years in prison while the trial process has gone on. Now after, suffering 13 years of imprisonment, they have been sentenced to death. One of the accused persons even died while the trial proceedings were going on after spending many years in prison. While the death sentence being awarded at the same time to 10 political prisoners is very uncommon even under known authoritarian governments, it clearly illustrates the biased, unjust and authoritarian situation of the “justice” system in so called “democratic” India.

Under this justice system, people from poor and disadvantaged backgrounds, such as the Jiramghati 10, have little chance of effective legal defence and judicial recourse when they are implicated in political cases. This is the case with thousands of political prisoners from Adivasi, Dalit and minority (Muslim) backgrounds who are suffering many years of imprisonment in the jails of India today.

The fascist government of Narendra Modi has weaponized the judicial system itself against all resisting people, such that the judicial process itself has become the punishment. And at the end of these long and tortuous judicial processes, we now see the death sentence being applied at a mass scale in this Jiram Ghati case, clearly demonstrating the miscarriage of justice.

We therefore consider this death sentence as a grave case of misapplication of justice by a biased judicial system. We understand that many Adivasi peoples in the conflict region of Bastar in central India had taken up arms and joined the insurgency in a struggle of resistance against the state-corporate onslaught that has tried to deprive them of their lands, lives and livelihoods over the last two decades.

However, just being part of a popular insurgency cannot be the reason for being sentenced to death in a criminal case without an unbiased trial and due process of law. This is the result of a “judicial encounter”, similar to the military encounters in which more than 500 Adivasi peoples have been killed this year by Indian security forces under the “Operation Kagar” without any trial or legal process.

It is also a fact that not a single person has been tried or convicted for the many well documented cases of killings, tortures, sexual attacks and other human rights violations by the Salwa Judum militia or security forces over the last fifteen years, even though the Salwa Judum was itself outlawed by the supreme court of India in 2011.

We consider that the death sentence for the Jiram Ghati 10 is purely the action of a revengeful state which wants to set a lesson for the Adivasi peoples of Bastar and all struggling people in general who are resisting the fascistic Modi government’s attacks on the people of India. We therefore demand the revocation of the death sentence and immediate release of the Jiram Ghati 10 and call upon all international organizations in solidarity to join our call for the same.

Palestinian Prisoners and State Repression - ICSPP

 

Palestinian Prisoners and State Repression

For several decades now, human rights organizations have been documenting and gathering testimonies from Palestinian prisoners that attest to the devastating conditions in Israeli prisons. The situation of Palestinians must be understood as a history of systematic repression, disenfranchisement, and state violence, perpetuated by decades of Non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International have classified Israel’s actions in the Gaza Strip as genocide, and the independent UN Commission of Inquiry concluded in September 2025 that Israel committed acts in the Gaza Strip that constitute genocide. However, even aside from these organizations and commissions, thousands of reports from Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, as well as from journalists and media professionals, document displacement, starvation, and genocide.

A particularly significant component of this repression is the Israeli prison and detention system. According to B’Tselem (the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories), a total of 9,187 Palestinians were in detention as of the end of June 2026. Among them, 3,233 people were in administrative detention, and 1,237 people were being held under the so-called Unlawful Combatants Law. Under administrative detention, a person can be held without a specific criminal offense being proven against them in a regular trial. Detention orders can be extended in such cases, while those affected and their attorneys are unable to access essential information. In addition, there are hundreds of people from Gaza who have been detained in military facilities without due process or, in some cases, even without being registered, which is why the actual number of cases is likely to be in the tens of thousands.

These figures reflect a system in which deprivation of liberty has become a tool of political and social control.

Torture as a Daily Reality of Detention

Even more serious are the numerous reports regarding the treatment of prisoners: Amnesty International documents, among other things, beatings, sleep deprivation, starvation, denial of medical care, shackling, blinding, the use of dogs, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. According to Physicians for Human Rights–Israel, at least 98 Palestinians died in Israeli custody between October 2023 and November 2025. In late 2025, the UN Committee Against Torture described a de facto state policy of organized and widespread torture and ill-treatment.

A UN report from 2024 had already documented statements from former prisoners. People reported that they were kept blindfolded and shackled for extended periods, naked or clad only in diapers, in cage-like facilities. Others reported electric shocks, cigarette burns, waterboarding, beatings, sleep and food deprivation, as well as being held for extended periods in painful stress positions. Numerous reports have also come to light in which detainees describe sexualized torture.

The nature of this repression was also evident, among other things, in the treatment of international activists who attempted to bring humanitarian aid to Gaza. The Global Sumud Flotilla was intercepted by Israeli forces in 2025 and again in 2026. In April 2026, approximately 175 activists were arrested.

Amnesty documented, among other things, sleep deprivation as well as the denial of drinking water and medical care for flotilla participants who had already been arrested in October 2025. Investigations were launched in Italy into the treatment of 36 Italian female activists on suspicion of torture and other forms of abuse.

In the case of the Madleen, which set sail for Gaza in June 2025 with twelve activists—including Greta Thunberg and Rima Hassan—all crew members were arrested following the interception. Amnesty described the detention of the unarmed activists as arbitrary detention.

The Death Penalty and Legal Inequality

The expansion of the death penalty in 2026 is particularly drastic. It is important to be precise here: Israel did not introduce the death penalty for the first time in 2026. Rather, what is new is a law that significantly expands its application. The Knesset passed this law on March 30, 2026. Amnesty International is calling for its repeal and criticizes it as discriminatory.

Its application in the West Bank is particularly relevant. There, under the Israeli military justice system, the death penalty can be imposed on Palestinian women convicted of certain homicide offenses related to acts classified as terrorism. The problem lies not only in the death penalty itself, but also in who is subject to this legal system. Palestinian women in the West Bank are prosecuted in military courts, while Israeli settlers there are generally subject to Israeli civil law. Amnesty and other human rights organizations criticize this legal inequality.

This creates a situation in which the same territory is governed by different legal systems -depending on whether a person is Palestinian or not. The new death penalty regulations further exacerbate this inequality.

Torture, sexual violence, arbitrary detention, and the death penalty are not legitimized simply because a state justifies them on the grounds of “security.” We therefore demand an end to the genocide and the abolition of the death penalty.

Freedom for all Palestinian prisoners!

Freedom for all political prisoners!

Freedom for journalist Ahmet Polad (Mehmet Nizam Aslan)! International Coordination in Solidarity with Political Prisoners,”

 

Freedom for journalist Ahmet Polad (Mehmet Nizam Aslan)!

As the “International Coordination in Solidarity with Political Prisoners,” we demand the immediate release of the Kurdish journalist and political prisoner Ahmet Polad (real name: Mehmet Nîzam Aslan), who, after more than eight months of imprisonment in Syria, is now being held in Turkey. In January of this year, forces of the Syrian Transitional Government launched an operation against the autonomous administration of Northern and Eastern Syria (Rojava). During this operation, on January 18, 2026, two journalists -Eva Maria Michelmann and Ahmet Polad, who were reporting on current developments in Rojava- were abducted by forces of the Syrian Transitional Government and held for months without contact with the outside world.

Thanks to public pressure from family members, the “Where Are Eva and Ahmet?” initiative, the family’s attorney Roland Meister, as well as journalists, human rights activists, politicians, and people showing solidarity in Europe and in Rojava, it was finally possible to locate the two and have their detention officially confirmed. Witnesses reported that Eva Maria Michelmann and Ahmet Polad had been abducted on January 18 by an official vehicle of the Syrian transitional government.

The pressure on the German government and the international community paid off: On June 19, 2026, German citizen Eva Maria Michelmann was released after 152 days in detention and welcomed back to Germany. Ahmet Polad, however, remained in Syrian custody.

Ahmet Polad was held in HTS prisons for a total of eight months. During this time, he was subjected to severe physical and psychological abuse. On September 8, 2026, he was handed over by the Syrian transitional government to the Turkish intelligence service MİT and taken to Turkey. During the transport, his hands were reportedly tied behind his back and his head was covered with a sack. In Ankara, he was subsequently held unregistered under these conditions for two days and interrogated.

On September 11, Ahmet Polad was taken from Ankara to Istanbul, brought before a court, and detained on charges of “membership in an organization.” He was initially taken to Metris Prison. A few days later, he was transferred to Silivri-6 Prison, where he remains to this day. Ahmet exercised his right to remain silent before the police, the public prosecutor’s office, and the court.

hmet Polad was only able to tell his lawyers at Silivri Prison about his captivity in Syria after being transferred by the Turkish intelligence service. In Syria, he was subjected to severe abuse, death threats, and isolation for 8 months and was held in inhumane conditions with no contact with the outside world. During this time, he went on hunger strike for a total of four months in several separate periods to demand his right to contact his family or a lawyer. This right was denied to him.
Ahmet told the lawyers that he was held in a cell measuring approximately 1 × 2.5 meters. During his detention, he was repeatedly forced to cooperate or make statements against the Self-Defense Forces of Northern and Eastern Syria. He also reported receiving death threats and demands for so-called “repentance” or confessions.

According to his lawyers, both the conditions of his detention and the abuse he suffered have had significant health consequences. He must be released immediately and treated in a hospital. Ahmet’s situation is particularly critical, as he is now being held in Turkey because of his journalistic work, following eight months of imprisonment and severe mistreatment in Syria. His detention is not only an attack on press freedom and a violation of journalists’ rights, but also highlights how dangerous the situation is for journalists reporting on developments in Rojava, Kurdistan, and northern and eastern Syria.

However, the abductions of Ahmet Polad and Eva Maria Michelmann are not isolated incidents. Even before and after the abduction of these two journalists, thousands of people were arrested and abducted in connection with the conflicts and military operations in northern and eastern Syria. The cases of Ahmet and Eva have shown the consequences journalists may face when they report on the reality on the ground and give a voice to the people in the region.

We demand a full investigation and the release of all those unlawfully abducted and detained in Syria and Turkey! Neither the struggle for a free Kurdistan nor journalistic activities should be grounds for criminalization!

As an international coalition in the struggle for political prisoners, we demand an end to his detention and comprehensive medical care!

Freedom for Ahmet Polad (Mehmet Nizam Aslan)!

Freedom for all detained journalists!

Brasil - LUTAR PELO PODER POPULAR CONTRA O FASCISMO!

Novo MEPR

Ato antifascista 7 de outubro

O primeiro turno das eleições revelou o nível avançado de podridão do sistema político brasileiro. Nunca se viu tantas figuras abjetas participarem das instâncias de governo. Este é o caso de Júlia Zanatta, Nikolas Ferreira, Lucas Pavanatto e outros reaças desvairados, que encarnam o pior chorume que resulta dos cinco séculos de dominação imperialista, do latifúndio e da escravidão, típica e depois assalariada. Por trás da fachada de um “Brasil moderno”, o que se escancara na nossa frente é uma furibunda reação medieval, inimiga de morte das conquistas democráticas mais básicas. É preciso repudiá-los e enfrentá-los com a maior energia!

Mais do que nunca, é preciso ocupar as escolas, ruas, campos e construções contra a extrema-direita e o fascismo. Esta não é uma tarefa de algumas semanas, mas uma questão de princípios e inegociável. Independentemente do resultado no segundo turno, é obrigatório vencer a apatia, o imobilismo e o derrotismo: precisamos entender que entramos em uma nova época, de grandes embates de classe em todos os terrenos, e os grandes embates são vencidos por quem tem mais clareza de propósito e está mais organizado e decidido para realizá-lo, apesar de todos os ziguezagues e sacrifícios. O chamado pacto de conciliação de classes construído em torno de Constituição de 1988 ruiu. Em todo o mundo, e igualmente no Brasil, a resposta da burguesia ao agravamento da crise do capitalismo é o fascismo. Barrar o fascismo não será possível com conchavos, adiamentos e concessões, mas apenas na luta decidida contra ele, incluído o terreno da nossa autodefesa. Qualquer ilusão a respeito deve ser combatida e denunciada como a maior ajuda que se presta aos nossos inimigos. 

Por mais poderosas que pareçam em dado momento as forças da reação, elas não são onipotentes nem invencíveis. Entre os eleitores da extrema-direita, há uma imensa massa de gente pobre, que utiliza o SUS, manda seus filhos às escolas públicas e deseja o mínimo de proteção trabalhista. Estas pessoas foram empurradas para votar no Bolsonaro devido à sua frustração com a democracia burguesa, que não lhes garantiu a extensão de direitos básicos, como emprego digno, proteção dos seus filhos e outros. O repúdio desses trabalhadores à casta política e judiciária corrupta encastelada nas cúpulas do Estado é legítimo. Devemos separar o ataque aos líderes da extrema-direita, que merecem o mais severo castigo, da base popular que os acompanha por falta de perspectivas. Para esta, em primeiro lugar, devemos dizer que os líderes são seus piores inimigos, mais corruptos e mais sanguessugas que qualquer outro grupo político; em segundo lugar, organizar sua luta por local de estudo, trabalho e moradia, em torno dos seus interesses mais sentidos.