in the international day of solidarity and struggle 26th september - Freedom for comrade Misra - freedom for all political prisoners! - ICSPWI

 

InSAF India - The Lucknow Conspiracy Case and the Mis-Rule of Law

Introduction

This article has been written in a period of escalating intensification of state repression in India, in particular the repression of ground-level activists focusing on the land rights and human rights of marginalised Indigenous (Adivasi and other tribal communities) and caste-oppressed peoples, and religious minorities. After claiming success in ‘annihilation’ of the longstanding people’s struggle and insurgency in the Adivasi (Indigenous Peoples) areas in March 2026, the government of India has expanded its call to end ‘Naxalism’ (Maoism)  in central India, to include anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-displacement and labour activists across the country as so-called ‘Urban Naxals’ or, more recently, ‘Dimagi Naxals’ [‘intellectual Naxals’]. Indian intelligence agencies and security forces are bearing down with full impunity on workers, lawyers, public intellectuals, journalists and students activists. The situation is akin to a ‘mopping up’ operation to destroy all forms of resistance and protest against the anti-people, pro-capitalist and Brahminical fascist majoritarian policies of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regime.

This article spotlights what is known as the ‘Lucknow Conspiracy Case’ (LCC) that emerged from an FIR or First Information Report (RC 01/2023/NIA-LKW) filed on 19 June 2023, by the under-secretary of the Ministry of Home Affairs in Lucknow to urge the National Investigation Agency (NIA) to investigate ‘alleged reports of concerted attempts by leaders, sympathisers, and over-ground workers of the banned CPI (Maoist) Party working for the revival of the Northern regional bureau of the proscribed party’.  In a period of approximately three years, the NIA has raided residences of over thirty activists, and called many for interrogation[1] as well as raided the offices of organisations such as Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch and Delhi General Mazdoor Front (DGMF), and arrested three activists. 

Ajay Kumar Singhal, lawyer, writer and an anti-displacement activist was arrested on 30 August 2024. Nearly eleven months later, on 29 July 2025, Adivasi labour activist Priyanshu Kashyap[2] was arrested. Documentary film-maker (‘People’s Marx’), Vishal Singh, was arrested just over a month before him, on 22 June 2025 and at the time of writing, was admitted to a specialist hospital after passing through a critical period of deteriorating health while the state dallied with his life.

This article argues that LCC is not a unique case – the raids, arrests, fabricated charges and ‘process as punishment’ all mirror to some extent similar phases in previous conspiracy cases, in particular the Bhima Koregaon or BK-16 conspiracy case, in which a wide-ranging group of 16 academics, journalists, lawyers, students and grassroots activists were arrested under India’s anti-terror legislation, the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) between mid-2018 and September 2020. They were detained and imprisoned for ostensibly conspiring with a banned organisation (CPI (Maoist)) to wage war against the government of India, as noted in the chargesheet. 

We start laying out our argument by asking two questions:

• How did we get to the point where Vishal, the young filmmaker who painstakingly documented the long journeys of India’s thousands of internal ‘migrant’ workers during the Covid-19 debacle, was having to fight for his own life after spending around eighteen months in Lucknow Jail?

• How do states, and the Indian state in particular, justify extraordinary detention, and what happens when emergency measures become routine?

The first part of the article describes the legal architecture underpinning India’s approach to upholding national and internal security: the laws that can be categorised as preventive detention and sedition laws – statutes that let the state hold someone on ambiguous charges, without conviction, sometimes without ever bringing them to trial, on the basis that they are a danger to its existence. From Indian Occupied Kashmir to the forests of Bastar Division in the southern part of the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh,  and to civil society more broadly in India - each has grown its own grammar of struggle, shaped by different terrain and histories and it would be incorrect to flatten them into one story. And yet, look closely enough at how the state moves in each of these spaces, and a single architecture starts to emerge beneath the surface variation: an inheritance from colonial rule, in which the instruments once reserved for the battlefield and for colonised subjects – surveillance, cordon-and-search, the language of insurgency and threat – quietly migrate into the ordinary business of governing civilians of a nominally democratic state and quashing any resistance that comes it way [3].

The second part of the article provides some general historical context to conspiracy cases in India. It argues that the BJP regime is running a concerted campaign to delegitimise civil society organisations, by framing them as institutions aiming to dismantle India’s security and integrity, following up on precedents set up by the erstwhile British government to

Kenya : Le révolutionnaire Mulinge Muteti porté disparu à Nairobi - maximum info et solidaritè

Kenya : Le révolutionnaire Mulinge Muteti porté disparu à Nairobi

Défenseur des droits humains et membre de la Revolutionary Students Commission (RSC), Mulinge Muteti est porté disparu depuis le 21 septembre 2026 à Nairobi. Il se trouvait près d’Aga Khan Walk pour imprimer des communiqués liés aux mobilisations demandant la libération du Dr Kizza Besigye. Selon ses collègues, Muteti les avait informés avoir été arrêté, mais plus de 48 heures après, aucune confirmation officielle de sa détention ni de sa localisation n’avait été obtenue. Ses proches et collègues ont recherché sa trace dans plusieurs commissariats du centre de Nairobi et s’inquiètent notamment de son état de santé, en raison de problèmes médicaux liés à de précédents affrontements avec les autorités. La RSC appelle à une solidarité internationale pour financer les démarches juridiques, les recherches, le suivi médical et les actions de documentation et de soutien à sa famille.

secours rouge 

Revolutionary Students’ Front – Statement on the Jhiramaghati 10 sentenced to death - diffused in the international day of solidarity and struggle - ICSPWI

 The death sentences handed down by the NIA court to Maoist political activists—in a move reminiscent of the Nazi judicial system to exact political vengeance—stand as a prime example of the state’s naked legal terror, designed to crush the spirit of resistance among the oppressed!
Build resistance against this!

“Man is not made for the law; the law is made for man.”
— Comrade Bhagat Singh

Comrades, on September 16th in Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh, a court run by the NIA—an agency acting as a terror instrument of the fascist BJP government—sentenced ten Maoist political activists to death. This verdict stems from an incident of mass resistance that took place at Darbha Ghati (Jhiram Ghati) in Chhattisgarh in 2013. During that event, the revolutionary masses eliminated several individuals, including Mahendra Karma—the leader of the notorious mercenary goon squad 'Salwa Judum'—and Nand Kumar Patel. Since 2005, these perpetrators of mass atrocities had been carrying out a genocide of Adivasis under the banner of Salwa Judum. Salwa Judum was a force of rapists and murderers cultivated by the rulers of that time. They were created specifically to ensure the handover of the vast natural and mineral resources of Central India to domestic and foreign corporations—and private hands in general—and to displace local Adivasis as part of a calculated plan to sow terror through rape and murder. Maoist revolutionary communists stood as a shield against these anti-people activities. That is why the state is now intent on eliminating them and crushing the spirit of resistance.
The Jhiram Ghati incident did not stem from personal greed or envy. Jhiram Ghati represented the political resistance of the oppressed people against the unbridled rape, murder, and oppression perpetrated by the ruling class and political parties. Comrade Bhagat writes, “Justice cannot be rendered to any individual if the question of intent is completely disregarded. If intent is ignored, great generals would appear as mere murderers, government tax collectors would be equated with thieves and fraudsters, judges would face charges of homicide, and the entire social order and human civilization would be branded as a den of slaughter, theft, and deceit. If the question of intent is overlooked, by what right do rulers advise the public to follow the path of justice?” A series of horrific human rights violations—ranging from genocide, rape, and murder to the burning of villages—were proven against *Salwa Judum*. Consequently, under the pressure of intense mass movements, even the Supreme Court of India was compelled to ban *Salwa Judum*. However, leaders of ruling parties (including the Congress and BJP), local landlords, and their imperialist masters continued to fund and arm this force, allowing it to persist with its heinous agenda of displacing Adivasis under different guises. Even today, operating under names like the District Reserve Guard (DRG) and Special Police Officer (SPO), they remain part of ‘Operation Kagar’—a campaign of even more destructive, genocidal violence.

Tunisie : Le prisonnier pro-palestinien Wael Nawar suspend sa grève de la faim après 38 jours - mais la lutte continue!

Après 38 jours de grève de la faim pour protester contre son maintien en détention et réclamer sa liberté, Wael Nawar, militant anti-impérialiste de la Global Sumud Flotilla, a annoncé le 23 septembre la suspension de son mouvement. Il appelle également ses camarades détenus Ghassen Henchiri, Ghassen Boughdiri et Nabil Chennoufi, en grève de la faim depuis 14 jours, à suspendre leur mouvement afin de préserver leur santé. Nawar affirme que la suspension de sa grève ne constitue pas un abandon de ses revendications ni de son engagement en faveur de la Palestine.

Parallèlement, ses soutiens continuent de se mobiliser pour exiger la libération des quatre prisonniers pro-palestiniens. Le même jour, un rassemblement s’est tenu devant le palais de justice de Bab Bnet à Tunis, alors que plusieurs personnes arrêtées lors d’une manifestation étaient présentées au parquet et que la chambre d’accusation examinait les recours concernant le refus de libération et la prolongation de quatre mois de la détention des militants de la flottille.

Après 38 jours consécutifs de grève de la faim, j’annonce aujourd’hui ma décision de suspendre la grève de la faim que j’ai menée pour défendre ma liberté et ma dignité, et pour protester contre le maintien de ma détention.

J’ai pris cette décision en réponse aux appels sincères qui m’ont été adressés par tous ceux qui m’ont soutenu et exprimé leur solidarité — organisations nationales, forces politiques et civiles, figures indépendantes et militantes — et sur l’insistance du comité de défense qui a suivi de près mon état de santé et la gravité de ma situation.

Les messages de mes camarades et amis, arrêtés à la suite des actions de protestation réclamant notre libération, ont également eu un profond impact sur moi et ont joué un rôle décisif dans cette décision. Vos appels me sont parvenus, et j’ai ressenti toute la loyauté, le courage et la solidarité que portaient vos positions. Je n’oublierai jamais les conséquences que vous avez subies ni les sacrifices que vous avez consentis pour nous défendre et défendre notre droit légitime à la liberté.

J’adresse également mes plus sincères remerciements, ma gratitude et mon estime à Maître Ayachi Hammami pour sa noble solidarité à mon égard, à travers la grève de la faim solidaire qu’il a observée depuis sa prison.

À cette occasion, j’appelle mes camarades militants de la « Flottille de la résilience » détenus avec moi — Ghassen Henchiri, Ghassen Boghdiri et Nabil Chennoufi — à suspendre leur grève de la faim afin de préserver leur santé, et à poursuivre le chemin de la fermeté, de la lutte et de la résistance. La fin de la grève ne signifie aucunement le renoncement à nos revendications ni l’abandon de notre cause, mais constitue la poursuite du combat par d’autres moyens, tout en préservant nos vies et notre santé.

Si notre engagement aux côtés de la Palestine nous a coûté cher, ce que nous avons payé n’est rien au regard des sacrifices du peuple palestinien et de sa résistance quotidienne. Nous étions prêts au martyre pour tenter de briser le siège qui lui est imposé, contribuer à mettre en lumière le génocide dont il est victime, et faire entendre sa voix au monde entier. Notre engagement envers la Palestine restera inébranlable, sans être ébranlé par les prisons ni par les campagnes de diffamation.

Je m’adresse enfin et surtout à ma famille, qui a enduré avec moi l’amertume de cette épreuve : à Jawaher, Yassar et Somoud. J’ai décidé de vivre pour vous et de continuer le combat avec la même détermination que vous me connaissez..

Wael Nawar

 

BhagatSingh Student Morcha organizes in campus against State repression

September 24, 2026archive, demonstrations and actions, newsLeave a comment

Friends!

Repression of Students on Campuses throughout India is on the rise where students raising basic concerns are criminalized and even have to face the brutality of the Campus Administration.

The Dictatorial BHU administration is far from an exception to this as it works continuously to completely reduce the democratic space that has been created by students through years of struggle. It has become a routine for the BHU administration to set up biased investigation committees on students that criminalizes student politics on campus. Any decision taken by the BHU administration has zero student involvement and zero accountability. And that is why we ,BhagatSingh Student Morcha decided to set up a Student's Adalat (court) inspired by the concept of People's court where we hold the BHU administration guilty!

In the Student's Adalat we discussed the various issues that are being faced by students,professors and workers on Campus. One major concern of students was the highly unfair treatment of female students of this campus,be it the highly restrictive MMV campus where girls are policed by their wardens or the fact that they don't have a 24/7 library access because of the Hostel curfew or the lack of security.

Secondly the disabled students are not being provided hostels, scribes for exams, washrooms,footpaths etc

Thirdly,the decreasing Democratic space on campus whether limiting students to protesting at Madhuban,suspension of students for merely writing an application against their castiest and mysogynistic professor, guards attacking and beating students taking part in protests etc.

The workers of BHU also face many issues whether it be low wages,no permanent jobs,lack of health facilities or less leaves.

Apart from this we also discussed the relevance and importance of such an alternative. Where Indian Courts have several pending cases and are almost completely inaccessible to the majority of this country and are inherently based on inequality as they are part of the very same bourgeois state machinery and cannot possibly serve the people In this same country there are people's courts that deliver more justice than any other court possibly could.

Carrying forward the legacy of the cultural revolution and Mao's call to 'Bombard the headquarters' where the people were encouraged to criticize their administrations and officials by writing their criticisms on the walls of government building,we will be sticking posters criticizing the BHU administration for its anti-student,anti-worker and incompetent behavior!

21 september class struggle in Germany - images