Expose, Reject and Defeat the Renegade Liquidationist Clique of Gopal Mishra and Prashant Rahi! - NAZARIYA MAGAZINE

 

NAZARIYA MAGAZINE Read on blog or Reader By nazariya123 on July 1, 2026 [A Note from the Editors: This article is an attempt to contribute in the ongoing struggle against the line of Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism attacking the Maoist movement in India. Our sources for the details specific to the current debate are the CPI(Maoist) North Coordination Committee’s press releases available in public domain. Wherever references have been made to affairs that happened within the structures of said party and committee, our source is invariably the aforementioned press releases.] Introduction In this age revisionism is counter-revolutionary ideology. That is why the inner-party struggle—the struggle between revolutionary ideology and counter-revolutionary ideology—will continue. “Unity, struggle, unity” this means that counter-revolutionary revisionism must be fought and defeated. Only then unity is possible but that unity is not lasting. New contradictions will arise, revisionism will try to appear in new forms. That is why struggle has to be waged at a new level… The Party will develop through constant struggles both against the enemy outside and against alien trends within. Through these struggles the Party will grow in strength, act as the vanguard of the revolution in order to serve the people, transform itself and transform the whole society. Charu Majumdar1 Readers familiar with the world situation and the situation of the domestic politics today would know very well that the International Communist Movement (ICM) and the communist revolutionary movement in India is in a state of setbacks, and severe crisis plagues it from within. Amid the ideological, political and military attacks of the enemies from all sides, there has arisen a section within the Indian revolutionary movement that seeks to betray the interests of the exploited and oppressed Indian people, destroy the communist party, dissolve the people’s army and surrender itself to the Indian state. The charades are all nauseatingly the same. The Indian state parades them around like trophies, and they give interviews to the media talking about how they have finally seen the light of truth about the futility of armed struggle and Protracted People’s War, and finally embraced the constitution to “serve the people”. Such enlightened men! The names are many — Balraj, Sonu, Devuji — all mere faces of the Opportunist-Liquidationist-Revisionist (OLR) camp. The disease, however, runs much deeper. The OLR forces seek to subvert the movement from within, render it toothless in the face of the enemy’s attacks, and divert the people from the goal of revolution and emancipation. Comrade Lenin fought ruthlessly against the opportunists, liquidationists and revisionists of his time, both in Russia and internationally. Comrade Mao carried on that struggle within the CPC and then on an international scale through the Great Debate with the modern revisionist social-imperialist clique that restored capitalism in the USSR. This calls on us “foolish old men” who still dare to dream of “moving mountains”, of a world free of exploitation and oppression, to continue the struggle carried out by our great teachers. For the communist movement to advance, it must get rid of the OLR muck holding it back, and that struggle is continuous and never ending, for revisionism is like the Hydra of Ancient Greek mythology — if you cut off its head, a couple more grow to take its place. The history of the desire and struggle for emancipation from exploitation and oppression is as old as exploitation and oppression itself. Ever since human society has been divided into classes, these classes have struggled between themselves and this class struggle has been the driving force of history. Spartacus in times of slavery and Thomas Münzer in times of feudalism, went down into the annals of history as great men who led armies of rebels to overthrow the exploitative social orders of their times. But despite their great struggles, this task remained incomplete as, throughout history, one exploitative social order has only been replaced by another, specific forms of class society were overthrown but classes themselves remained. The Communist programme for liberation of humanity from the clutches of class society, from all forms of exploitation and oppression, is therefore a culmination of the oppressed peoples’ long yearning for freedom from exploitation and oppression. It is only the Communist programme that is also capable of overcoming the contradictions of these previous liberation struggles. Indeed, “Communism is the riddle of history solved and it knows itself to be the answer.”2 Therefore, it is only obvious that the bourgeoisie finding its heaven of liberty, equality and fraternity being threatened by the earthly demand for real liberty and freedom, would try its utmost to render this movement incapable of achieving its goals. Thus it corrupts a section within the revolutionary movement directly through bribery, promises for a better life, etc. or indirectly through helping germinate the existing seeds of non-proletarian class trends and ideologies within these people.3 The key link in the chain of Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism is the tendency of liquidationism. Liquidationism is the line promoting the dissolution of the communist party, the only party capable of leading the proletariat and all oppressed and exploited masses to realise communism. The liquidationist does this by the “renunciation of the underground”.4 Lenin had pointed out during the inner-party struggles of the Bolshevik party that it is only a core of professional revolutionaries — communists who have dedicated the entire purpose and objective of their life to the revolution and liberation of the oppressed — staying clandestine, leading the communist party and the revolution by masterfully combining the illegal and legal work, that can guarantee the success of the revolution.5 Why is this so, the reader might ask? Would not the communist party be cut off from the masses if their structures are hidden off, if their members do not openly participate in mass movements? To this Lenin answers: “It is obvious to all that contact with the masses has been maintained only by those who have not renounced the past and who know how to make use of ‘open work’ and of all and sundry ‘possibilities’ … for the purpose of strengthening, consolidating and developing” the underground organization.”6 What Lenin is arguing for here is that the communist party maintains its connection with the masses not by dissolving itself into open legal activity, but by preserving its clandestine organisation and utilising every legal opportunity to strengthen that organisation. Open work is important, but its significance lies in it being a means to extend the party’s influence among the masses, politicising the masses and drawing its ranks from among the masses, consolidating the underground apparatus that can survive repression, and provide leadership to the revolutionary movement. So why should a communist party be clandestine? We must begin from the basic fact that no exploiting class in history has ever given up exploitation through persuasion. The basic essence, the central question, of every revolution is the seizure of political power.7 Class struggle, in its final sense, is the struggle between classes for political power, for political power is nothing but a means required for a class to transform or shape society according to its class interests. But no class will peacefully give up its monopoly over controlling the society. Therefore, this recognition of seizure of political power must also extend to the fact that this seizure is only possible through war.8

¿Por qué Abelardo es un fascista? - revolucion obrera - Colombia

 

 

Compartimos a continuación un aporte sobre la caracterización de Abelardo De La Espriella y de lo que sería su gobierno que, sin duda se trata de las primeras tareas del movimiento en este momento. Los compañeros encuentran la forma de explicar como se identifica el fascismo en la epoca actual, en comparación del auge del fascismo de inicios del siglo XX. Esperamos que este artículo de opinión sirva de activador para que más compañeros se animen a estudiar y a escribir sobre este asunto particular, alimentando la discusión y que ésta sirva para esclarecer la perspectiva de la lucha del proletariado en Colombia.

Revolución Obrera

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¿Por qué Abelardo es un fascista?

Por: Suramericanrocker y La Terrible

Abelardo de la Espriella condensa muchos de los elementos asociados al fascismo: un discurso simple pero entonado enérgicamente; un chivo expiatorio al que se le atribuye, de manera casi irracional, todos los males sociales; la invocación de valores ultraconservadores en los que se integra, de forma conveniente y simplificada, la religión y el patriotismo; la exaltación de la familia tradicional más allá de los cambios históricos o de que en países como Colombia exista un número importante de familias a cargo de madres cabeza de hogar.

Pero vayamos un poco más allá para revisar las características del fascismo histórico y las de este fascismo contemporáneo que llamaremos «fascismo de TikTok». Entre los teóricos que han estudiado sobre el tema, existe un debate sobre qué fue el fascismo y si esta es una categoría que podamos usar en la actualidad. El fascismo nació en Italia a principios del siglo XX, distintas mentes tuvieron que ver para la construcción de un discurso al que no le interesaba la coherencia sino los fines que perseguía. 

El fascismo de principios del siglo XX

En 1909 aparece el manifiesto futurista, del escritor Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, en el que decía abiertamente «—Abandonemos la sabiduría (…) como ganga inútil y perjudicial!» para luego enumerar 11 puntos en los que afirmaba cosas como «Queremos glorificar la guerra—única higiene del mundo—el militarismo, el patriotismo (…) las bellas ideas que matan y el desprecio a la mujer (…) Queremos demoler los museos, las bibliotecas, combatir el moralismo, el feminismo y todas las cobardías oportunistas y utilitarias». Por los mismos años, un político que ingresó a la vida pública por vía del Partido Socialista empieza a tomar distancia de la postura a favor de la clase obrera y de la correspondiente crítica a la explotación de las patronales, para acercarse a los nacionalistas de derecha: era Benito Mussolini. Pronto, estas ideas se conjugan en un mismo discurso.

Hay un ambiente de huelgas generales para conseguir una jornada de 8 horas y mejores condiciones laborales. La respuesta de Mussolini y de su organización es la creación de escuadras paramilitares para atacar a los obreros organizados. Los grandes industriales, la alta jerarquía de la iglesia católica y la aristocracia ven con buenos ojos al nuevo movimiento fascista. En 1922, luego de la «gran marcha sobre Roma», el Partido Nacional Fascista, con Benito a la cabeza, se hace con el poder.

En Alemania, pero también en Italia, el malestar de derrota tras la Primera Guerra Mundial alimenta un ambiente de revancha. La gran crisis capitalista de 1929 golpea a las economías ya débiles tras la guerra. Los sindicatos y los partidos socialistas y comunistas son fuertes, es la época de los llamados «partidos de masas». La posibilidad de una revolución social es real siguiendo el ejemplo de la Revolución Rusa de 1917, y los viejos sectores aristócratas y la burguesía industrial buscan alternativas y encuentran una en un movimiento demagogo que hace uso de parte de la terminología socialista para legitimarse pese a ser anti-socialista en la práctica: es el movimiento de las Camisas Pardas de Hitler que ganará las elecciones con el Partido Nazi en 1933. Ese es el contexto de la época. 

Révolution et contre-révolution en Inde - toulouse france

 

Révolution et contre-révolution en Inde

L’Inde est souvent présentée comme LA démocratie d’Asie où se marierait « traditions ancestrales » et croissance économique qui ferait rêver tout bon bourgeois européen. La réalité est toute autre. Un gouvernement fasciste est au pouvoir, les minorités religieuses sont persécutées, le système de castes issu du féodalisme perdure, le patriarcat est cause de nombreuses violences faites aux filles et aux femmes, de grands projets écocidaires se développent, la misère s’accroît etc. Sur le plan international, l’Inde est un partenaire stratégique de l’impérialisme occidental, dont la France, et un allié d’Israël.

Face à cette situation, un puissant mouvement maoïste, issu de la révolte de Naxalbari en 1967, lutte contre le capitalisme, le féodalisme et l’impérialisme, notamment à travers le développement d’une guerre populaire et de zones libérées. Depuis janvier 2024, le gouvernement indien mène une offensive contre-insurrectionnelle appelée l’Opération Kagaar. Celle-ci vise à détruire le Parti communiste d’Inde (maoïste) et l’Armée de Guérilla de Libération Populaire de l’Inde (PLGA), que l’État considère comme le « principal défi de sécurité intérieure ». Pour l’écraser, l’armée s’en prend directement aux populations autochtones, en particulier Adivasis, et aux paysans : des villages sont bombardés, des populations sont déplacées de force, des combattants et des civils assassinés, et des personnes sont emprisonnées et torturées par milliers.

Pour découvrir ce mouvement révolutionnaire, et le soutenir face à la répression, le Secours Rouge Toulouse vous invite à sa nouvelle soirée Faisons Front le mercredi 8 juillet à 19H au Chat Noir avec la participation exceptionnelle de l’ancien prisonnier politique et militant maoïste indien Ajith.

Every Tuesday, Prisoners in Iran Say No to Executions! - UPOTUDAK-

 

Prisoners in Iran continue one of the bravest acts of resistance inside the country by holding hunger strikes every Tuesday against executions.

This protest, now known as “No to Executions Tuesdays,” began in January 2024 in Ghezel Hesar Prison. It started when prisoners sentenced to death saw their cellmates being taken away to be hanged. Instead of silently waiting for their own turn, they chose to resist. Their action began as a cry from death row, but it has now become a nationwide prison movement.

As of Tuesday, 30 June 2026, the campaign has reached its 127th week and has spread to 57 prisons across Iran. The latest prison to join the action was Kerman Prison. This means that prisoners across the country — from Evin and Ghezel Hesar to Ahvaz, Zahedan, Tabriz, Sanandaj, Kermanshah, Shiraz, Rasht and many other prisons — are raising one common demand: Stop the executions.

This campaign deserves far wider support. Many people outside Iran, and even many Iranians abroad, are still unaware of it. Yet these prisoners are risking punishment, isolation, deprivation of basic rights and even death in order to defend the most fundamental human right: the right to life.

The Islamic Republic has always used execution as a weapon of fear. This is not a system of “justice.” It is a system of punishment and intimidation. It is used against political prisoners, protesters, oppressed national minorities, women, workers, the poor, religious minorities and many others who are denied the right to a fair trial and basic legal protections. Forced confessions, torture, secret trials and vague charges such as “enmity against God,” “corruption on earth,” “espionage,” or “collaboration with the enemy” are used to prepare the ground for state killings.

The figures are shocking. In 2025, human rights observers recorded at least 1,639 executions in Iran, a huge increase compared with 975 cases in 2024. Amnesty International’s global report, meanwhile, states that there were at least 2,159 executions in Iran in 2025. Whatever the exact number, the conclusion is the same: the Islamic Republic has turned the gallows into one of the main instruments of its rule.

The situation has become even more dangerous during the recent war with the United States and Israel. While the people of Iran suffer from bombs, sanctions, fear, economic hardship and insecurity, the Islamic Republic has used the war as an excuse to intensify repression inside the country. Thousands of people have been arrested. Political cases have been accelerated. Accusations of “collaboration,” “espionage” and “acting on behalf of the enemy” are being used to silence opposition. Human rights organisations have reported dozens of politically motivated executions during this period.

Let Us Defend the Prisoners’ Resistance in Iran

In the prisoners’ statement for the 127th week, it was stated that in the Iranian calendar month of Khordad alone — 22 May to 21 June 2026 — at least 134 executions took place. This reality means that even while the regime speaks of war, negotiations and national security, it continues to operate its death machine against the people.

The truth must be stated clearly: the people of Iran are trapped between imperialist aggression from outside and reactionary repression from within. The United States and Israel are not bringing freedom to Iran. Their attacks only create more suffering and provide the Islamic Republic with yet another excuse to increase repression against the people. Therefore, the Islamic Republic is not defending the people. On the contrary, through prisons, executions, censorship, poverty and fear, it is defending its own rule.

Against these two forces, the prisoners’ campaign points to another path: the path of people’s resistance, solidarity and the defense of human dignity.

Every Tuesday, prisoners who have very little control over their own bodies use the only weapon left to them: collective refusal. A one-day protest hunger strike says that the victims of repression will not remain silent. It says that those sentenced to death are not merely numbers. They are human beings with names, families, histories and rights. It says that the gallows must not be normalised.

The prisoners of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign must be supported. We support the families who wait outside prisons, often without any information, frequently under threat, and who are sometimes even denied the bodies of their loved ones after execution. We support everyone in Iran who opposes the death penalty, whether the prisoner is political or non-political. The right to life must not depend on the charge written by the regime’s courts.

We call on progressive, democratic, anti-imperialist and human rights forces everywhere to raise the voice of this campaign. The names of those sentenced to death must be made public. Families must not be left alone. Trade unions, student groups, women’s organisations, writers, artists, lawyers and political organisations must take up this cause.

Silence serves the executioner. Publicising these cases can save lives.

The demand is simple and urgent:

End all executions in Iran.

Cancel all death sentences.

Free political prisoners.

End torture and forced confessions.

Defend the right to life.

Every Tuesday must become a day of solidarity with prisoners in Iran. Every execution must be met with protest. Every name must be remembered. Every prison wall must hear that those inside are not alone.

The prisoners have kept this campaign alive for 127 weeks. It must now become our duty to carry their voice beyond the prison walls.

Support the prisoners of the “No to Executions Tuesdays” campaign!

UPOTUDAK- International Committee for Solidarity with Political Prisoner

 

 

Statement by CPI(Maoist) North Coordination Committee

 

REPORT SUMMIT IN BARCELONA

28 June, 20260

on June 27, 2026, the Peoples Summit Against NATO, organized by the Peoples Front Turkey and the Anti-Imperialist Front, commenced. In the opening speech delivered by representatives from the Popular Front and the “Until Victory” delegation, the anti-imperialist struggle in Anatolia, the fight against SRY-type, the CORPS that US imperialism wishes to establish in Anatolia, and the bloody invasions it would engage in were described. Everyone attending the summit against this corps was greeted. The “Until Victory” delegation spoke about the attacks on Iran and the 168 children from Minab, calling for solidarity with everyone who throws stones at imperialism. The summit began with a one-minute silence for the revolutionaries and peoples massacred by imperialism.

In the session titled “Let’s Establish the Anti-Imperialist Front Against NATO’s Wars, and Against Imperialist and Zionist Aggression,” the moderator was joined by speakers from the Anti-Imperialist Front, the Basque Country, the Palestine Association, and the former Bolivian consul of Barcelona. The participants discussed NATO’s aggression across Anatolia, Lebanon, Palestine, and Latin America, calling for unity against NATO and imperialism. Also in the first session, speakers from Belarus, Borotba from Russia, the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine) from Gaza, and the Ansarallah government from Yemen, among others, participated via video message.

Following a short break, the second session began. The session, titled “Let’s Organize a Common Front Against NATO, the War Organization of Imperialism,” included representatives from the

• Peoples Front Turkey
• Catalonia’s association against NATO and imperialism
• Antiimperialistas.com website
• Anti-imperialist platform from the Basque Country
• Popular action Greece
• Coalition of organisations against NATO Greece
• Galician revolutionary communists
• Working-class representative from Asturias.

In this enthusiastic session, the importance of a common struggle against NATO and imperialism was emphasized by each country’s representative.

he final session of the day, themed “Consequences of Imperialist Attacks and Resistances,” saw both physical and video participation from:

• Association for Fundamental Rights and Freedoms
• Communist Party of the Peoples of Catalonia
• Barcelona Platform Against Repression
• Bultza  from the Basque Country
• Anti-Imperialist Network
• Supernova Magazine from France
• Crida Comunista from Catalonia
• Samidoun Barcelona
• New Communist Party of Britain
• Organization for the Construction of the Communist Party of Corsica
• September 23 Movement of Bulgaria
• T34 Workers’ Group from Greece
• Radical Left of Serbia
• Prisoners’ Radio from the USA

This session detailed various violations of rights and freedoms, their connection to NATO and imperialism, and the resistances organized against them.

Nearly 100 people attended the first day of the summit, which lasted approximately 8 hours. The first day of this broadly attended summit was full of enthusiasm. Despite all cultural differences and the distances between them, the common message shared by more than 40 organizations was: The US cannot survive without building an empire. The US means NATO. The most vital duty of the peoples is to organize resistance and victory against imperialism and its war organization, NATO!

We call upon all our people, as well as anti-imperialist and anti-fascist institutions and organizations, to attend the second day of the summit and the subsequent Grup Yorum concert.

Long Live the Unity of Peoples!

Down with Imperialism, Long Live Our Struggle!

We Are the People, We Are Right, We Wil Win

Ni calma ni pasividad: organización y lucha popular - Colombia

revolucion obrera

En estos días posteriores a la segunda vuelta de la elección presidencial en Colombia, los llamados y pronunciamientos desde el Pacto Histórico y la llamada Alianza por la Vida fueron de «esperar en calma los escrutinios», «no movilizarse para no darle razones a la ultraderecha» o decir que «eso es lo que quiere Abelardo», mientras el pueblo comenzaba a plantearse la necesidad de salir a las calles. Ahora que Iván Cepeda y Gustavo Petro reconocieron los resultados —incluso antes de culminar por completo los escrutinios en todo el país y pese a reconocer por parte de Petro la injerencia del imperialismo estadounidense en esa contienda—, la situación para los reformistas conciliadores se reduce al uso de las «buenas maneras democráticas», es decir, el sometimiento a la dictadura de la burguesía, ahora con Abelardo de la Espriella a la cabeza del poder ejecutivo de las clases dominantes.

A nivel nacional y en las diferentes regiones, los dirigentes de la colectividad progre-reformista hacen gala de sus intereses politiqueros y limitan su análisis al crecimiento del caudal electoral por la candidatura de izquierda, lo que denominan «termómetro de nuestras capacidades», sin contrastarlo — por sus obvias limitaciones— con la necesidad del trabajo de base, un horizonte revolucionario y un programa político de la clase obrera y el campesinado pobre hacia la toma del poder, tareas que son de carácter obligatorio para nosotros los comunistas. Para ellos, basta con el cambio nominal de sus reformas a «revoluciones» y pensar en las próximas elecciones regionales, donde de nuevo querrán desviar con su conciliación, la atención del pueblo de su propia emancipación.

Frente a esta situación de absoluto llamado a la pasividad por parte de los reformistas, solo el pueblo salva al pueblo. Es momento entonces de sacudirnos de estos cuatro años de apaciguamiento, quietud contemplativa (incluso entre los revolucionarios) y recordar que la organización y la lucha popular no da espera, y que solo así podremos no solo enfrentar y oponer resistencia, sino efectivamente plantearnos centros de poder propio como semilla para la revolución. Para esto, es necesario que los comunistas y revolucionarios insistamos con las asambleas populares con la clase obrera en las ciudades y los campesinos pobres en el campo, donde el pueblo trabajador organice, decida, y ejecute cómo luchar.

Para que esta iniciativa de poder popular de las masas no quede en lo anecdótico o espontáneo, es necesario agilizar el proceso por la unidad programática de los comunistas revolucionarios en el Partido Comunista Revolucionario, de manera que pueda ponerse al servicio del pueblo como su dispositivo político de vanguardia y destacamento revolucionario que guíe efectivamente esta lucha por su definitiva emancipación contra la burguesía y los terratenientes