Monday, June 30, 2014

antifademo in london


30 Haziran 2014 | 11:04 
10514937_335227879976915_985733299_nLONDRA | 30-06-2014 |Londra`nın Totenham bölgesinde Polonyalı faşist çete tarafından yapılan saldırılar protesto edildi.
Geçen hafta Cumartesi günü, göçmenlerin yoğun yaşadığı Tottenham bölgesinde,  Polonyalı faşist çete tarafından bir müzik festivaline saldırıldı.
28 haziran günü Unite Against Fascism çağrısıyla bir   protesto gösterisi düzenlendi. Markfield parkında yapılan etkinlikte,  konuşmalar ve açıklamalar yapıldı. Faşizm ve ırkçılığın sadece Tottenham’da yaşanan bir problem olmadığı, Londra ve bütün İngiltere’de bir problem olduğu ve onu sadece hep beraber olup ona karşı mücadele edilerek  çözülebileceği söylendi.
Polonyalı Anti-Faşist grup 161 açıklamasında ;” Bir Polonyalı anti-faşist grup olarak İngiltere’de ve her hangi bir ülkedede faşizme karşı mücadele ediyoruz. Bizim için Polonyalı olup olmadığı ya da İngiliz olup olmadığı hiç fark etmez” denildi.
Yine provokasyon vardı
Açıklama yapılırken  faşist bir kişi tarafından provokasyon yaratılmaya çalışıldı. Küfürler ve faşist yorum yaparak insanların üzerine yürüyen faşiste antifaşistler müdahale ettiği için faşist polis tarafından gözaltına alındı.
Anti-faşistler eylem yaptılar
Yaşanan provakasyonun ardından 100-150 kişilik bir grup protesto için  parktan ayrılıp trafiği kapatarak eyleme geçtiler. ”Naziler defolun bu semte bizim”; ”Mark Dugan’ı polis öldürüdü” sloganları ile ana sokakta eylem yaptı.
Anti-faşist eylemcilerden biri  çantası kontrol edilerek sebepsiz yere gözaltına alındı. Eylem daha sonra bitirildi.

from Canada Down With the Capitalist World Cup!

Revolutionary Communist Party

Down With the Capitalist World Cup!

June 28th, 2014
Currently and until mid-July, millions of people are watching the World Cup games in Brazil. In one of the most enthusiastic countries for soccer, there have been multiple protests, riots and strikes against the FIFA tournament.
FIFA is officially non-profit, but is generally understood to be a great machine of corruption that wastes public funds and gluts corporate partners, similar to how the IOC functions for the Olympics (which will also be held in Brazil in 2016). Various levels of government have spent around 15 billion dollars to build huge stadiums according to FIFA standards, but many of them will be obsolete as soon as the tournament ends. The authorities are considering using the Manaus stadium in the Amazon as a prison, while the historic Maracana stadium has totally lost its charm according to many. Here we are not simply talking of the systematic segregation created by the unaffordable ticket prices; budgets for the construction and preparation of the World Cup have been exceeded, as was the case in South Africa where the national debt doubled after the 2010 World Cup.
What is most shocking is the call for patriotism from the government and the Brazilian elite, asking the masses not to denounce this charade and not to demand any improvement of their conditions of life and work. According to them, the whole country must unite behind the national team and shows pride in the “development” driven by the World Cup. The bourgeois leaders from the so-called Workers Party (that has been in power since 2002) only see the thin layer of rich capitalists around them as they ignore the workers, peasants and the poor from the favelas—cities in the hills surrounding the big cities like Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro.
The social cleansing of neighbourhoods around the stadiums have displaced nearly 250,000 people who have been expelled under the threat of police and officials, who marked the houses of the to be expelled residents with paint like we do with trees to be felled in a forest. Already, in June 2013, the largest demonstrations in 20 years were held in Brazil against the increase of transit rates, which added to the general increase in cost of living. These protests were forcefully suppressed, as is the norm in Brazil. This year saw a similar repression against public transport workers, who went on strike against the advice of their union leaders and offered free transportation on certain days. Teachers have also gone on strike to highlight the lack of resources for their students, while the government released the check book for FIFA.
As the Independent Popular Front of Rio de Janeiro—one of the many organizations fighting for a revolutionary change in the country—says: “More worrisome than the orchestrated campaign to discredit those who criticize the World Cup is the movement orchestrated by the Brazilian State to expand the repressive apparatus aiming to stifle the protests during the mega event—and most likely, after. This movement has acted on two fronts: legislative and other overt (military and police). The bills that aim to create the crime of terrorism in Brazil create legal loopholes so that the judiciary can frame social movements and protesters as terrorists.”
With an impunity worthy of the worst moments of the dictatorship that lasted from 1964 to 1985, military police massively invaded slums for allegedly chasing drug traffickers, but these are still benefiting from the World Cup as from the sexual exploitation of Brazilian women forced to serve rich tourists. Chasing drug traffickers is an excuse for the police to control outbreaks of resistance where racial and sexual oppression, as well as social exclusion, are experienced every day, away from glittering shopping malls and Petrobras’ offices.
Here is an account of one such operation in Manguinhos: “About a hundred families occupied an (empty) warehouse behind the library Parque de Manguinhos. Military police tried to forcibly remove the families. Faced with resistance from residents, police fired tear gas and shock grenades; population responded with a hail of rocks and bottles. Then the police started shooting with firearms. Several people were injured. Four young people were shot. One is in serious condition. This is the criminalization of poverty and social movements, struggles and occupations.”
The days leading up to the opening of the World Cup witnessed thousands of indigenous people from Amazonia protesting the theft of their land and the large-scale deforestation for the benefit of food companies and large landowners. Brazil is the country with the highest number of murders and disappearances of environmental activists, because of its immense forest and farmland and strong protests from the landless—the poor peasants and indigenous peoples.
Like any aspect of social life, sport is organized according to the needs of capital. Instead of encouraging the popular practice of the wonderful sport that soccer is, FIFA, with the complicity of governments and capitalists, makes it a market spectacle with bad consequences for the masses: impoverishment, expulsions, racism, sexism, and large-scale repression.
Doubtless all the struggles that have recently emerged in Brazil have strengthened the experience of the revolutionary masses. They now are aware that the so-called “development” supported by Lula’s and Rousseff’s Workers Party is not for them. That the central power is not theirs, but that of a rising bourgeoisie allied with the big imperialist powers.
* * *

Family Picnic of the Proletarian & Revolutionary Feminist Front

Sunday, July 6
from 10am to 2pm
at Kent Park (corner Kent & Côte-des-Neiges),
Hot dogs, refreshments and face painting for the kids!
Come chat with us!

Indian regime arrests people

Six arrested for planning attack in Dharmapuri
The police said the suspects were given arms training by associates of elusive Maoist leader Kalidas. In what appears to be a pre-emptive action to foil an armed assault on leaders of a particular community, the Dharmapuri police on Saturday arrested six persons and recovered two country-made guns and explosives. The police said the suspects were given arms training by associates of elusive Maoist leader Kalidas.
On a tip-off, the police arrested the six belonging to Natham Colony and recovered the arms and explosives from their premises and a burial ground. Preliminary inquires revealed that the suspects were planning to avenge the death of Ilavarasan, the Dalit youth, whose body was found along a rail track in Dharmapuri on July 4 last year. His first death anniversary was just six days away. . The arrested were identified as S. Sakthi (35), M. Durai (46), C. Santhosh (22), S. Adhiyaman (23), G. Ashok (28) and G. Shankar (35). IGP (West Zone) S. Davidson, DIG (Salem Range) A. Amalraj and Dharmapuri Superintendent Asra Garg visited the places from where the arms were recovered and interrogated the accused. A case under the Indian Arms Act, the Explosives Substances Act, 1908, and the IPC were registered against the suspects. They were produced in a local court and remanded in judicial custody.

Friday, June 27, 2014

India - antiworkers regime

Clash at Tata Steel plant, 18 injured
KENDRAPADA: A person sustained bullet injuries and 17 others were hurt in a clash between workers and security personnel at the Tata Steel project site at Kalinganagar in Jajpur district on Monday. Police said trouble started when hundreds of workers held a demonstration, demanding overtime dues of the last two months. When the company rejected their pleas, they ransacked the office. “Security personnel initially tried to stop them, but when situation aggravated they opened fire,” additional superintendent of police, Kalinganagar, Pradipta Kumar Sahani. Police said Maheswar Patra, 22, of Jaleswar in Balasore district was injured in the firing. He was admitted to SCB Medical College and Hospital in Cuttack.

Cape town clashes

15 arrested in Macassar riot
MACASSAR, Cape Town – Police arrested fifteen protesters during a housing protest in Macassar on Tuesday. They will appear in court on charges of public violence, said Western Cape police spokesperson André Traut. Riot police shot rubber bullets into a crowd of protesters on Tuesday afternoon. During the riot, two armoured vehicles drove through the area and later a helicopter circled overhead. Backyard dwellers in Macassar are furious at Cape Town mayor Patricia de Lille’s plan to move Lwandle residents to a major housing development nearby.

Chile - Riot Police Clash With Education Protesters


RIOT police clashed with tens of thousands of protesters on the streets of the Chilean capital Santiago on Wednesday. Students and teachers were seeking to put pressure on President Michelle Bachelet to reform Chile’s education system faster and more thoroughly than she has managed so far. Police used tear gas and water cannon against protesters in the streets as the demonstration ended outside the Universidad de Santiago. The demonstrators responded by throwing objects at the police and a number of arrests

India regime is Kriminal ! jsh Rape and murder in Maoist zone: many cops probed, few punished


Tribal youth Podiyami Mada, whose family was recently awarded Rs 5 lakh by the National Human Rights Commission as compensation after he died in custody in 2012, is an exception in Chhattisgarh with a magisterial inquiry having found the police guilty. Over the years, the police have been probed several times for alleged murder and rape in the zone of conflict with Maoists, but few cases have resulted in any action being taken. Even in Mada’s case, the magistrate’s recommendations were never followed and no FIR was registered. Taking cognisance of a report in The Indian Express that Mada was illegally detained by the CRPF and then handed over to the Sukma police, the NHRC noted that the magistrate “recommended that the matter be investigated by the CID and an FIR be registered against the offenders”.

India regime is kriminal ! Naxal paper raises chemical weapon bogey

NAGPUR: A detailed circular, issued by western regional unified command of banned Communist Party of India (Maoist), has alerted its cadres that security forces were using chemical weapons against them and also trying to get their food poisoned. Underlining that security forces were enjoying an upper hand in the guerrilla zone, Naxalites have urged their cadres to be on high alert. They have issued exhaustive guidelines of strategies through the circular, which is in possession of TOI. Against the backdrop of setbacks, Naxal top command has asserted that security forces using choppers against them more doggedly.
It talked about “Nagpur’s airbase where 10 choppers are kept ready” for deployment. It directed the cadres to strengthen the revolutionary work in both Gadchiroli and Gondia districts despite the reverses the red rebels have been facing. The Naxal leaders have also expressed deep concerns regarding its depleting manpower following mounting pressure of the forces at different levels. The reds have alerted their cadres regarding police’s night ambushes and their willingness to move deeper into the guerrilla zones more frequently. They urged the cadres to guide the commanders regarding the police’s possible ambush points.
The Naxals, known for their manual intelligence network, informed cadres that police had managed to create information collecting bases in all villages. According to a senior security official, Naxals have hinted that the special police officers (SPO) were working as undercover agents for police. The circular indicated that while police patils were open volunteers, SPOs were working behind the curtains. The guerrilla leaders asked the cadres to undertake only such operations that can assure a high degree of success and not take any undue risk. The circular asked them to strengthen the mass base and revive the militia.
Asking cadres to appoint someone for publicity of Naxal literature in every village, they called for a set-up on the lines of public relations department. The cadres were asked to prepare literature in Marathi too. Reminding the cadres of laid-down strategies of central and state military commissions, the circular tells cadres to follow standard operating procedures. It also condemns the surrendered cadres who are leading cops to weapon dumps assembled by the guerillas after much struggle and sacrifices of life. The Naxals have also pointed at the government’s strategy to woo the villagers through different schemes and benefits. The psychological warfare of government against the rebels through surrender policy and other schemes being offered have been highlighted through the circular.

Wednesday, June 25, 2014

Canada - Souvenirs et leçons du «Jour de l’héroïsme»

À l’occasion du 28e anniversaire du massacre de quelque 300 prisonnières et prisonniers politiques par le régime réactionnaire social-démocrate alors au pouvoir, nous republions cet article paru initialement en juin 2011 dans les pages du journal Partisan:
En 1980, après des décennies de souffrance et de pauvreté croissante pour les masses, le Parti communiste du Pérou (PCP) déclenchait la guerre populaire. À la suite de l’échec de la stratégie parlementaire qui s’était avérée incapable de sortir les opprimés et les exploités de la misère, le PCP a ouvert un nouveau sentier, ce qui allait susciter une réaction particulièrement brutale de la part de l’État péruvien et du régime meurtrier alors dirigé par Alan García.
L’expérience du Parti communiste du Pérou jusqu’à ce jour nous montre que jamais l’État n’hésitera à recourir à la répression la plus ignoble pour protéger la classe dominante et la propriété privée. Le massacre de près de 300 prisonnières et prisonniers politiques le 19 juin 1986, ordonné par le président Alan García au moment même où il assistait au congrès de l’Internationale socialiste à Lima, prouve que la social-démocratie est tout aussi disposée que la bourgeoisie réactionnaire à procéder à l’extermination physique des militantes et militants communistes, si cela s’avère nécessaire pour protéger les droits du capital.
Il est de notoriété publique que pendant des décennies, l’armée péruvienne et les escadrons de la mort ont mené une politique d’extermination systématique des présumés supporters de la révolution, en particulier parmi la paysannerie. Des femmes et des enfants, et dans de nombreux cas des villages entiers ont été victimes de leurs exactions, parce que leur communauté était réputée sympathique au PCP.
Les prisonnières et prisonniers héroïques, qui n’en pouvaient tout simplement plus de pourrir dans les prisons de l’ennemi et qui savaient très bien que le régime n’avait jamais hésité à massacrer leurs prédécesseurs, ont lancé un mouvement de lutte pour tenter d’améliorer leur sort. Tout comme celles de Callao et de Lurigancho, la prison de l’île d’El Frontón a subi l’assaut combiné de la marine, de l’infanterie, de l’armée régulière et de l’escouade d’élite de la police péruviennes.
Après plusieurs heures d’intenses combats, les prisonnières et prisonniers se sont rendus; mais ce n’était pas suffisant pour la troupe, qui les a exécutés un à un, avec une balle dans le cou. Les corps des martyrs ont été jetés dans des fosses anonymes à l’extérieur de Lima. Et personne n’a été puni pour ce crime odieux.
Le 19 juin, souvenons-nous du «Jour de l’héroïsme»!

India - New Delhi - JOIN PROTEST DEMONSTRATION against the labour reforms proposed by the Rajasthan Government


The recent labour reforms introduced in Rajasthan seek to amend three crucial labour legislations – the Industrial Disputes Act, Contract Labour (Abolition and Regulation) Act and the Factories Act. Although the purported purpose of these reforms is to “create jobs”, in actuality what is sought is greater flexibility of labour markets and laws conducive to the easy flow of capital, ensuring for the corporate class a license for unbridled exploitation of the work force.

For Raje, Shourie and most other right wing politicos in the country including the much loved new Prime Minister, the “way ahead” out of the mire of inflation and unemployment that the country is presently stuck in, is greater freedom to the corporates to use the labour and resources of the country as they wish.

What are we in for?

The implications of the reforms are wide ranging and would change the face of working people’s rights as we know them today.

Changes suggested to the Industrial Disputes Act include the cap on retrenchment being shifted from units employing 100 workers to those employing 300 workers. This would mean a much larger number of companies would no more require government permission before throwing out their entire workforce and shutting shop and leaving a place after they have earned as much profit as they wanted to. Further for the first time, there will be a time limit of three years for raising an industrial dispute which would again significantly restrict the capacity for employees to bring their grievances before the court. The modifications also make it tougher to register labour unions where now one needs 30% of the workforce to sign an application for registering a union as opposed to the present requirement of 10%.

As far as the Contract Labour (Abolition and Regulation) Act is concerned, the amendments raise the applicability of the Act to companies with more than 50 workers from the current 20 which would deny many basic rights to an increased section of the workforce.

In the Factories Act, currently applicable to premises with more than 10 workers with power supply and 20 without power supply, the amendments raise these numbers to 20 and 40 respectively, which would mean that a far greater number of people would no more be eligible for safeguards and benefits like respectable working conditions which set standards of cleanliness, ventilation, provision of proper drinking water, latrines etc, safety provisions prohibiting employment of very young people around dangerous machinery, setting standards for escape routes in case of emergencies, regulation for safe use of machinery etc and other welfare rights like the 8 hour working day, weekly and paid holidays and double remuneration for overtime etc.

These changes would directly translate into a widening of the unorganized sector, making employment ever more precarious and greatly curtailing the bargaining power of workers in a number of industries, It would make employers less answerable to those who work for them, while allowing them the benefit of greater economies of scale. This will also absolve the government from regulating conditions of employment and mediating in industrial disputes. While the experience of the workers movement across the country leaves no doubt about the collusion between the administration, the labour departments and the management of companies in the exploitation of workers, such amendments would significantly weaken the few grounds for struggle available today and formalize and normalize what operate as violations of the law.

In fact the real meaning of what’s happening in Rajasthan today is revealed in the NDA govt on the same day proposing similar reform at the centre. These are indeed the conditions of the “development” that Modi has been promising to the people – incentivizing investment by easing exploitation! This also goes to show that the labour reforms of Rajasthan are a sign of things to come in the future, with Modi’s promise of change heralding a flexible labour market and corporate-friendly reforms. This comes at a point when India seems to be competing with China to present it self as part of the industrial-manufacturing sector of a global economy that is based on the fulcrum of advanced capitalist nations such as the USA and the EU.

The neoliberal agenda that this is symptomatic of, is thus to be placed in the context of the extreme right wing trajectory of Indian politics presently. Keeping the context of the current global capitalist conjuncture in view, these labour reforms herald the neoliberal offensive of the new regime. While the corporates are clearly welcoming these moves, it is on us to see the truth in its face. We who toil day and night to put two square meals before our families, we who pay through our teeth for our education so that we may get a decent job someday, we who are the inheritors of the rights that our predecessors have won for us, and also their struggles, we who do not see people as mere fodder for the profit making of a few, we who believe that the way ahead is not what the corporates dictate but that which people require to live better, more fulfilling and secure lives.





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Ukraine - supports and saves antifascists


Brasil - Nada a temer senão o correr da luta! Todos às ruas 28/06! - Todos ao ato de 28/06 no Maracanã!

Avaliação da FIP sobre as primeiras manifestações durante a copa e próximos passos

Nada a temer senão o correr da luta! Todos às ruas 28/06!
Avaliação da FIP-RJ sobre as primeiras manifestações durante a Copa e próximos passos
A Frente Independente Popular do Rio de Janeiro (FIP-RJ) vem a público saudar as companheiras e os companheiros que participaram, conosco, das primeiras manifestações ocorridas durante a Copa da FIFA, no dia 12/06 em Copacabana, no dia 15/06 nos arredores do Maracanã e novamente em Copacabana, no dia 23/06, quando compomos o ato convocado por diversas comunidades com o tema “A festa nos estádios não vale as lágrimas nas favelas”. Cada ato tem a sua história, mas todos eles, dentro das suas características, somam para a causa comum de não permitir que a farra da FIFA passe em clima de “unanimidade” como falsamente tenta demonstrar o governo brasileiro e os monopólios de imprensa. Ao contrário: há manifestações diárias pelo país, e não é senão com base num verdadeiro estado de sítio que tem se realizado o corrupto torneio de Blatter & Cia.
Apesar do atraso, gostaríamos de saudar, particularmente, as mulheres e homens que no dia do primeiro jogo da Copa no Rio (15/06) enfrentaram com coragem o terrorismo de Estado e o cerco policial montado para impedir o povo de exercer seu legítimo direito de manifestação, conseguindo romper o perímetro imposto pela FIFA e chegar a uma quadra do Maracanã. Apesar do verdadeiro aparato de guerra movido pelo Estado, apesar do bombardeio contra nós despejado praticamente desde o início da manifestação, apesar dos tiros de munição letal disparados por policiais, o povo combatente não arredou pé e soubemos vencer, com nossa determinação e organização, todos os obstáculos erguidos no nosso caminho. Os que lá estavam podem, com toda razão, dizer que participaram de um dia histórico! Ainda sobre o ato do dia 15, queremos saudar especialmente o companheiro Edson Rosa, agredido por covardões ao término do protesto, manifestando nossa repulsa por esses valentões que não sabem demonstrar a mesma disposição quando o povo está coeso e organizado.
Diferentemente do que dizem muitos, os atos por onde passam têm recebido apoio popular. Os que por qualquer razão não podem comparecer às manifestações nos ajudam de diferentes maneiras, inclusive repercutindo a cotidiana violência policial e a resistência que cada vez mais o povo opõe a ela. Ressaltamos também, com os punhos erguidos, solidariedade aos nossos irmãos argentinos e chilenos que, ao ocuparem o Maracanã, desmoralizaram perante o mundo inteiro o governo brasileiro e a FIFA, com suas mentiras de que a Copa no Brasil é um evento “popular”.
Se há algum legado da Copa esse não é outro senão a generalização da insatisfação e dos protestos populares por todo o Brasil. Apesar do bombardeio midiático sem igual em nossa história recente, o entusiasmo pelo torneio nem se compara com outros realizados em diferentes países e continentes, e nenhum governante se atreve a comparecer aos estádios por medo das vaias certas. A “Copa das Copas” não existe, de fato, demonstrando o êxito da palavra-de-ordem combatente de “Não vai ter Copa!”. As mobilizações só não são maiores pela ação traidora da “esquerda” eleitoral e oportunista. Visando enganar suas bases prometeram que na Copa haveria luta e, entretanto, o que vemos? As greves que haviam, algumas em setores estratégicos, com real capacidade de pressão, foram por esses setores sabotadas, como a ação desmobilizadora da CSP-CONLUTAS junto aos rodoviários do Rio. A greve da educação somente segue por pressão da base pois, na última assembléia, PT, PSOL e PSTU votaram juntinhos pelo seu término. O Comitê Popular Copa-Olimpíadas está literalmente de férias e, se não fosse pela iniciativa da FIP-RJ e outros setores independentes, o Rio de Janeiro, local onde os protestos populares mais avançaram em 2013, estaria em plena Copa deitado eternamente em berço esplêndido.
Concluímos fazendo um chamado a todas e todos para que contribuam a construir o calendário “Não vai ter Copa!-Fora FIFA!-FIFA GO HOME!” proposto pela FIP-RJ. Em particular nosso próximo ato no dia 28/06, quando voltaremos ao Maracanã. Pela responsabilidade que temos com o movimento popular, e considerando o Estado de exceção que vivemos, decidimos convocar atos em intervalos que nos permitam a melhor divulgação e organização possíveis. Queremos destacar, contudo, que estamos prontos a apoiar todas as iniciativas que visem desmascarar a farsa da Copa da FIFA e do oportunismo, acumulando para um grande ato combatente na final, a 13/07.
Todos ao ato de 28/06 no Maracanã!
Não vai ter Copa! Fora FIFA!
“Não me leve a mal, no Rio de Janeiro não vai ter final!”
Viva a Frente Independente Popular!
Rio, 24/06/2014.


Some protestors regrouped to give support to the wounded and have just been attacked. Others were surrounded as they were leaving, and are being followed by police. In addition to local residents intimidating protestors with firearms, and trying to hit protestors with their cars while firing weapons into the air, someone attacked an elderly protestor near a bar.
Update from coletivo vinhetando: As always, the military police came out winning on the scoreboard of repression and have used bombs against protesters participating in the act “will not have cup, FIFA go home” in Tijuca. Police attacked protesters with bombs on Maracanã Avenue, next to the shopping market in Tijuca, despite the protest being completely peaceful.
Police made formations in queue and cornered activists, who had to change the route towards the Maracana. but the audience endures and continues singing: “fuck the Cup” and “want health, education, and [don't give a] fuck if Brazil is champion.”
Anti World Cup manifestations going on in Rio, multiple livestreams are active right now:
Rio de Janiero 15/6 Photo: Coletivo Mariachi

Rechazo mundial contra la FIFA llega hasta sede central en Zúrich

Manifestantes arrojaron pintura roja contra el símbolo de la institución que lleva a cabo el mundial en Brasil, protestando por la responsabilidad que le compete en el proceso de "pacificación" de la favelas.

Por El Desconcierto | 17/06/2014

protesta contra FIFA

No sólo en Brasil hay protestas contra la institución responsable de organizar el mundial de fútbol que se desarrolla en Brasil, sino que hasta en su misma sede central, ubicada en Zúrich, Suiza, manifestantes mancharon el logo de FIFA con pintura roja, simbolizando así que “tienen manchadas sus manos con sangre”, todo por el “proceso de pacificación” que vivieron las favelas brasileras en la previa de la fiesta máxima del fútbol mundial.
La protesta se realizó el pasado sábado 14 de junio, donde un centener de manifestantes denunció las malas prácticas y vejámenes que se han realizado en nombre del fútbol. En sus carteles y consignas, los manifestantes no sólo denunciaron los atropellos contra los DD.HH en Brasil este año, sino también el efecto que tuvo el Mundial Sub 20 realizado en Turquía durante 2013.
Y es que el problema, tanto para los manifestantes en Brasil como en Europa, no es con el fútbol en general. Es contra la FIFA en particular. Si bien en la nación brasileña, el excesivo gasto realizado para la cita planetaria ha desenbocado en un cuestionamiento global al gobierno sudamericano, se reconoce el oscuro papel de la FIFA, la que, en concomitancia con los gobiernos locales, oculta, reprime y posterga las demandas sociales de la sedes en que se instalan sus competencias.
Durante la manifestación en Zúrich no hubo detenidos ni heridos en enfrentamientos con la policía. La frase “Luchar contra la FIFA” fue rayada justo debajo del logo de la cuestionada institución del fútbol mundial.

ALEMANIA: Acciones conmemorativas del "Dia de la Héroicidad" (Verein Neue Demokratie)

¡Proletarios de todos los países, uníos!
Informe de la celebración del Día de la Heroicidad.
19 de Junio de 1986 es un día especial en la historia de la revolución proletaria mundial. Ese día ocurrió la más cruenta masacre contra los prisioneros de guerra revolucionarios en la historia del movimiento comunista internacional. Sólo la masacre de los fascistas en la Segunda Guerra Mundial es comparable. El 19 de Junio de 1986 mostraron miembros del Partido Comunista de Perú que se encontraban prisioneros, del (que en ese tiempo se llamaban) Ejército Guerrillero Popular, asícomo masas organisadas sobretodo de la capas del pueblo, como los comunistas y revolucionarios deben luchar. Ellos mostraron – como aplicación de la conclusión marxista de la Comuna de París – que no hay nada más importante que la moral de la clase obrera. Por eso, eligieron conscientemente la muerte segura, pues ellos sabían que solamente así podían conquistar una victoria para el Presidente Gonzalo, el Partido y la Guerra Popular. Ese es un ejemplo para nosotros hoy. Por qué? Porque sólo en ese espíritu: Espíritu de dar la vida sin interés personal propio para servir la revolución mundial, es posible hacer la revolución en este país. Si encarnamos el espíritu de los héroes del 19 de Junio de 1986, sólo así podemos y podremos, no sólo con palabras, sino como instrumentos de la necesidad, realizar nuestras tareas y dar nuestra modesta contribución para la liberación de la humanidad.
Este año, simpatizantes de la Asociación de Nueva Democracia (AND) realizaron diferentes acciones en diferentes ciudades de la RFA para celebrar el Día de la Heroicidad.
Consideramos que es nuestra obligación celebrar el Día de la Heroicidad para servir el internacionalismo proletario y aunarla a la campana de defender la vida del Presidente Gonzalo. Este año se han realizado diferentes acciones en Berlin, Colonia y Hamburgo para celebrar el Día de la Heroicidad y para defender la vida del Presidente Gonzalo. Entre otros, pintas, dazibaos y exposiciones (Hamburgo: 18.06.2014; Colonia: 21.06.2014). En Berlin se realizó una exposición el 19 de Junio donde se presentó el documental “People of the Shining Path”. Se visitaron las exposiciones con mucho interés, sobretodo por jóvenes germanohablantes. Estas acciones, tan diferentes como fueron, sirven al mismo propósito: politizar, mobilizar y organizar a las masas más profundas en RFA, con el mismo espíritu de los companeros y companeras que dieron su vida heroícamente en el Día de la Heroicidad, los que incluso bajo la tortura más perversa no capitularon; para conmemorar al Presidente Gonzalo, el más grande marxista-leninista-maoísta viviente sobre la faz de la Tierra y su defender; y, para la (re)construcción necesaria de los Partidos Comunistas en cada país bajo la Guía de la ideología del proletariado, el marxismo-leninismo-maoísmo, con el objetivo del desarrollo de la guerra popular y la revolución proletaria, en servicio de la revolución proletaria mundial.
¡Viva el Presidente Gonzalo!
¡Viva el Partido Comunista del Perú!
¡Honor a los héroes caídos! Viva la revolución!
¡Guerra popular hasta el comunismo!
Junio, 2014                  Asociación de Nueva Democracia (AND) 





Appel de la Journée Internationale des Prisonniers Politiques

Appel de la Journée Internationale des Prisonniers Politiques
Jeudi 26 juin
M°Belleville (L2) - Paris

Le 19 juin 1999 de nombreux prisonniers révolutionnaires, communistes, anarchistes, antifascistes et anti-impérialistes signaient ensemble une plate-forme qui sert depuis de base à une journée de mobilisation et de soutien aux prisonniers révolutionnaires à travers le monde. Cette date n'est pas un hasard, elle fut choisi en hommage aux plus de 300 prisonnières et prisonniers membres du  Parti Communiste du Pérou assassinés par le gouvernement du Pérou pour avoir osé se révolter. Ce massacre eut lieu 14 ans plus tôt, le 19 juin 1986.

La France maintient encore aujourd'hui enfermés de nombreux prisonniers politiques. Que ce soient des militants contre l’aéroport de Notre Dame des Landes comme le militant indépendantiste de gauche breton Enguerrand Delanous ; le militant anarchiste antifasciste Damien Camelio ; des militants basques (environ 150 à être enfermés en France) ; ou bien encore le militant pro-palestinien et communiste Georges Ibrahim Abdallah qui est en captivité depuis 1984 pour sa lutte contre l'impérialisme et le sionisme. Sionisme qui continue par ailleurs à garder emprisonnés des milliers de palestiniens luttant pour leur indépendance.

Dans les pays du Maghreb avec la complicité de l'impérialisme français sont aussi détenus d'innombrable prisonniers progressistes et révolutionnaires comme en Tunisie ou bien au Maroc où il y a aujourd'hui plus de 280 prisonniers politiques incarcérés dans les prisons de la honte notamment suite à la répression du mouvement du 20 Février.

Dans tous les pays où des révolutionnaires se battent et représentent une menace pour la bourgeoisie et le capitalisme la répression frappe et l'enfer carcéral commence. C'est le cas en Inde où sont enfermés plus de 4000 prisonniers accusés de faire partie des naxalites tels que le professeur Saibaba de l'Université de New Delhi, c'est aussi le cas aux Philippines où sont notamment enfermés le président du Parti Communiste des Philippines et son épouse, elle aussi dirigeante communiste. Au Pérou depuis septembre 1992, le Président Gonzalo, dirigeant révolutionnaire du PCP, est pris en otage dans un isolement complet par les régimes corrompus et antipopulaires soutenus par l'impérialisme qui se sont succédé. De même en Turquie, les militants turcs et kurdes subissent une violente répression et la torture à l'intérieur des geôles du régime réactionnaire. Nous n’oublions pas également les « vieux » prisonniers politiques des prisons Etats-Uniennes tels que le militant du Black Panther Party  Mumia Abu Jamal et le militant amérindien Leonard Peltier, parmi les nombreux autres.

Nous affirmons ainsi notre soutien à tous les prisonniers progressistes et révolutionnaires à travers le monde qui payent de leur liberté leur opposition aux injustices, à l’oppression et à l’exploitation dont les masses populaires souffrent tous les jours. Nous affirmons la justesse de leur combat qui est aussi le nôtre et nous exigeons leurs libérations.

Contre tous les impérialismes,
vive la solidarité internationale des peuples !

Liberté pour tous les prisonniers révolutionnaires !

Comité d’action et de soutien aux luttes du peuple marocain (Paris)
Secours rouge arabe
Comité anti-impérialiste
Bloc Rouge (Unification des maoïstes)
FRAP/La Cause du Peuple
OCML Voie Prolétarienne
Front Populaire de Tunisie - Coordination Ile de France
Comité pour la Libération de Georges Ibrahim Abdallah
Comité Solidarité Prisonniers Politiques (OTDK)
ICAD (Comité International Contre les Disparitions)

Manipur Maoist

Restrain giving communal tinge to Mamangching incident: Manipur Maoist
IMPHAL, June 20: The proscribed Maoist Communist Party of Manipur in a press statement signed by its Secretary Publicity and Propaganda, Nonglem Meitei has stated that a team consisting of the members of Central Committee of the party in consultation with leaders of different communities is trying to bring an amicable solution to the ongoing land dispute between Mamangching of Thoubal District and its surrounding areas.
The ongoing dispute is because of the deafening silence maintained by those who are in the power of the state, said the statement. Vote bank politics is being played by taking side with a particular community by a few leaders it said. Further, the party has appealed the people not to give a communal tinge to the incident, adding that it should be taken as a petty dispute between two neighbouring village. It is very unfortunate that a few narrow-minded people are trying to flare up the issue for their political gain.
The party reiterating its earlier call of observing the International Day of The World Indigenous Peoples on August 9, it has appealed all the communities to give cooperation for a successful observation of the festival. It further appealed for maintaining tranquility and avoid from indulging in any action that might trigger unnecessary tension among the indigenous communities. The misunderstandings that have happened in the past between the communities is because of the divisive policies of the Indian State. There is a need to evolve a counter-strategy in the revolutinery movement of Manipur. For this, a joint effort from the intellectuals and the civil society organisations is needed, said the statement. The said indigenous festival should serve as a common platform for all communities of Manipur, it added.


mao-etching (1)
The New Communist Party (Organizing Committee) recently held its 2nd Congress, and renamed itself the Maoist Communist Group.
Our new name reflects the central task of the moment: ideological consolidation, and in particular, the forging of a principled unity regarding what we mean by ‘Maoism.’ Only in this way can we lay the foundation on which a Maoist Communist Party can be built.
At our 1st Congress in 2013, we embraced an empirical distortion of Maoism, in which we conceived Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a simple and undifferentiated addition of the various historical achievements of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. This descriptive—that is, ideological—account of Maoism was reflected in our former Principles of Unity. We are now approaching the problem of constructing a genuine theoretical concept of Maoism via the opposite path, namely: what are the ruptures through which Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is constituted?
Our old name and certain of our old documents were the product of a damaging subjectivism. We failed in carrying out the supreme duty of every communist: to carry out a concrete analysis of the concrete situation. Our new name more accurately represents what we are in the current political conjuncture.
What is presented below is our Founding Statement, which we intend to be a living document. We are currently developing our political line on the national question and the question of women’s oppression, among other issues. We will carry out a conjunctural class analysis of the US in the future.
The Maoist Communist Group aims to bring to the masses the task of building their own Maoist Communist Party of a new type, which will be a weapon that can lead the working class and the broad masses in the building of political power, with the objective of overthrowing the bourgeoisie, smashing the bourgeois state and establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat. Our current task is to forge a principled unity in order to create an organization that can pose to the masses the question of party construction. Without ideological and political consolidation—that is, if we forbid nothing and permit everything—we open up the political field to interventions by opportunisms, both right and ‘left.’ The first order of the day is thus to articulate a proletarian political line that can be creatively applied to the conditions of the class struggle from which it emerges. We appeal to all revolutionaries to join us in this task.
In order to forge a principled unity, we must—on the basis of a concrete analysis of the concrete situation—contribute to the political and ideological arming of the masses, in order eventually to develop a party capable of organizing the principal forms that the political class struggle must assume.
According to Mao, the new style of work brought by the Communist Party entails: (1) close integration of theory with practice (2) the forging of close links with the masses and (3) the practice of self-criticism. These three moments are the theoretical requirements for the mass line, which names the Maoist theory of organization and knowledge in the sequence defined by the finality of communism. The Party concentrates the dispersed but correct ideas of the masses, in light of the class thought of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, into political directives and slogans that can lead the masses in transforming the concrete situation. The application of these directives and slogans is concretely assessed, resulting in new, dispersed ideas that begin the cycle again. This cycle of organization and knowledge only ends when mass knowledge and mass organizations merge with class knowledge and class organizations—that is, with the end of class society and the state, with communism.
(1) Theory and Practice. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which organizes and recollects the practice of the masses, must be integrated with the concrete practice of the mass movement. This principle is opposed equally to thinking in place of the masses (dogmatism) and to taking partial and fragmentary experience for universality (empiricism). The struggle against dogmatism and empiricism is the process of ideological consolidation. Mao writes: “Ideological education is the key link to be grasped in uniting the whole Party for great political struggles. Unless this is done, the Party cannot accomplish any of its political tasks.” We can only advance towards the building of a genuine Maoist Communist Party if we define our practice in response to the questions posed to us by the political conjuncture. Only if we proceed from a concrete assessment of the conjuncture—which is to say: the current moment of the class struggle seized as a synthesis of contradictions—can the genuine problems of the class struggle can be determined theoretically from the perspective of their objective transformation.
(2) Links with the masses. Dogmatism and empiricism, understood in their developed political forms (bureaucratism, tailism, commandism, etc.) are reflections of a single and same problem, that of the abyss that opens up between the Party and the masses. Mao writes: “every comrade must be helped to understand that as long as we rely on the people, believe firmly in the inexhaustible creative power of the masses and hence trust and identify ourselves with them, no enemy can crush us while we can crush every enemy and overcome every difficulty.” Marxism-Leninism-Maoism does not proceed from a source external to the masses. It is precisely the theoretical systematization, at each of its stages, of the historical experience of the masses. Here, everything depends on seizing the masses as the principal aspect of the class-masses dialectic: democracy first, centralism second—or, equivalently: ‘from the masses, to the masses.’ Only if the masses are grasped as the principal aspect of the class-masses dialectic can the communist future emerge, not as a figure of messianic faith, but as a practicable finality.
(3) Criticism and Self-Criticism. Dust will accumulate if a room is not regularly cleaned, our faces will become dirty if we do not wash them. Mao says: “Conscientious practice of self-criticism is still another hallmark distinguishing our Party from all other political parties.” Self-criticism is a real process in which the thought and practice of the Party subjects itself to criticism by the thought and practice of the mass movement, even as the Party divides the correct ideas of the mass movement from the effects (division, dispersion) of bourgeois ideology. Self-criticism is not a confession in the manner of a penitent churchgoer, but a moment immanent to the concrete situations of history. For this reason, the moment of self-criticism is only realized in the subsequent moment of material rectification. It is the principle of self-criticism that determines Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the class thought of the Party, as a process of selection that divides practices according to what must live and what must die in order that the present be transformed.
“If the new style of work brought by the Party is marked by relating theory to practice, forging links with the masses, and criticism and self-criticism, the role of the Party is to lead the masses.” This means that a fraction of the masses must constitute itself as a revolutionary class, a class in the political sense—that is to say, a class capable of establishing itself into a leading force that can seize state power and model society in its image. But if this leadership in turn becomes a new form of domination, the Party instead becomes the embryo of a new bureaucratic bourgeoisie. At the other extreme, if there is no class leadership, the masses are left without an effective means of realizing their aspirations.
“As Comrade Mao Tse-tung says, the correct political line should be ‘from the masses, to the masses.’ To ensure that the line really comes from the masses and in particular that it really goes back to the masses, there must be close ties not only between the Party and the masses outside the Party (between the class and the people), but above all between the Party’s leading bodies and the masses within the Party (between the cadres and the rank and file); in other words, there must be a correct organizational line. Therefore, just as in each period of the Party’s history Comrade Mao Tse-tung has laid down a political line representing the interests of the masses, so he has laid down an organizational line serving the political line and maintaining ties with the masses both inside and outside the Party.”
The cycle of revolutionary knowledge, which proceeds from the masses to the masses, is mediated by the Party. The cycle of knowledge organizes the following dialectical process: mass revolts that produce correct ideas in a state of dispersion and division; partial systematization of these ideas through the process of class struggle within the mass movement; centralized systematization of the struggle through the proletarian class Party that analyzes it in light of the class thought of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism; formulation, concentrated in the form of the directive or slogan, that articulates the systematization of correct ideas with the transformation of the objective situation; application of the directive by the masses and the class Party; evaluation of the correctness of the directive through the results effectively obtained in its putting to work by the masses and the class Party; the production, through this application, of new ideas in a state of dispersion and division which serve as the basis for a new cycle of systematization. This new cycle begins the process of transforming the directive, its rectification.
The mass line is simultaneously the Maoist theory of knowledge and the Maoist theory of organization. Mao writes: “What sort of method is this? It’s the method of democratic centralism, the method of the mass line: first democracy, then centralism; from the masses, to the masses; integration of the leadership with the masses.” Centralism here names a double movement of synthesis and direction: it designates both the concentration of the correct, but dispersed and divided, ideas of the masses in light of the class thought of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and the subsequent organization of this synthesis in the form of a directive or slogan. In this way centralism depends on a broad democratic practice as its origin, although the penetration of Marxist theory into the mass movement has as its immediate source the directive or slogan that disseminates the political line of the Party.
The three theoretical requirements for the mass line make it clear enough that one cannot build the Maoist Communist Party of the proletariat and the people in cold isolation from the mass movement. We must not fall into the historical trap of allowing our call to construct a Maoist Communist Party to serve as a cover for a bureaucratism in which the construction of the vanguard Party and the struggle of the masses are dissolved into two independent processes to be conjoined in a future that never arrives. Rather, party-building and leadership of the mass movement must be grasped as two aspects of the same process, since the sense of the word ‘organization’ here is organization of the correct, but dispersed and divided, ideas of the masses who resist domination and exploitation. The Maoist conception of party-building is thus opposed to the Comintern understanding of the Party as principally defined by administrative rules and structures that constitute a ‘steel-like’ fortress whose primary aim is to prevent a breach by alien elements that threaten its existence. The strategic role of the Party is to lead the masses in their increasing involvement in managing affairs of the state until a state is no longer necessary. This perspective—the mass, or communist, perspective—must guide the Party at each stage of the revolutionary process. The call for the building of the Party must thus be taken up by the most advanced elements of the masses, and it is only then that the proletariat, thus born in the political sense, can construct its own organization that can lead the masses toward communism.
Ideological consolidation, mass initiative, and continuous assessment of our theory and practice are the three principles from which we must proceed as we bring to the masses the question of building a Maoist Communist Party of a new type. The precise form that such a Party will assume cannot be elaborated in advance of the concrete movement of its construction. We call upon all revolutionaries to join us in the difficult undertaking that lies before us.
May 2014

Sunday, June 22, 2014

Lal Salam Sushil Roy! - sinhalese copy

Lal Salam Sushil Roy!
Long Live Sushil Roy!

Here is of artcle written by harsh takor on death of Com. Sushil Roy a leader of the CPI Maoist.

Lal Salam!

Saturday, June 21, 2014

Brasil - state's repression cannot stop rebellion!

Campanha de mentiras, criminalização e prisões arbitrárias de manifestantes

Material "suspeito": panfletos
Na manhã de 23 de maio, policiais encapuzados e armados de submetralhadoras invadiram simultaneamente as casas de jovens ativistas em Goiânia – GO. A ação policial denominada “Operação R$ 2,80” visava cumprir mandados de busca e apreensão contra ativistas que, segundo o delegado da Polícia Civil, Alexandre Lourenço, da Delegacia Estadual de Repressão a Ações Criminosas Organizadas (Draco), seriam suspeitos de “depredar pelo menos 100 ônibus do transporte público da capital durante manifestações nas últimas semanas”.
Três ativistas foram presos, tiveram seus computadores e outros pertences apreendidos.
“Queremos cessar o vandalismo. Eles já tinham convocado outros atos para esta semana” – declarou o delegado à imprensa após as prisões.
Nos últimos meses, Goiânia, assim como outras tantas capitais e cidades do país, foi palco de protestos contra o aumento das passagens e contra os péssimos transportes públicos. Em vários desses protestos, a população revoltada se voltou contra os ônibus. No Rio de Janeiro, por exemplo, durante uma greve de rodoviários no mês de maio e outros protestos populares no subúrbio, a fúria da população resultou em mais de 700 veículos das frotas do monopólio dos transportes com vidros quebrados ou mesmo incendiados.
Em Goiânia, especificamente, a população protesta contra novo aumento na passagem de ônibus que aumentou de R$ 2,70 para R$ 2,80. A revolta é grande contra o péssimo serviço de transportes públicos e, no ano passado, um aumento já havia sido barrado por uma grande luta dos estudantes, que tomaram as ruas e enfrentaram a brutal repressão policial.
A Frente de Luta pelo Transporte Coletivo de Goiânia, organização que participa ativamente nas lutas contra o aumento das passagens, se manifestou em nota exigindo “Liberdade imediata para os presos políticos” e o “fim de todos os processos”.
“Ao contrário do que tem sido afirmado, não somos uma ‘quadrilha’ ou um ‘bando criminoso’, composto por pessoas que têm por objetivo incitar, gratuitamente, a prática de atos de vandalismo. As depredações de ônibus resultam, em geral, da insatisfação de usuários do transporte coletivo com a superlotação e com os atrasos de ônibus, isto é, com a péssima qualidade do serviço que, em troca do pagamento de uma tarifa altamente abusiva, lhes é prestado. Trata-se de uma forma de resistência aos abusos cometidos pelas empresas de transporte coletivo, os quais não são devidamente apurados e punidos pelo mesmo Poder Judiciário que, atualmente, criminaliza as manifestações populares” – afirma a Frente de Lutas.
Ônibus incendiado durante protesto na capital goiana
A nota de protesto da Frente de Lutas ressalta que “é importante reiterar que o que temos aqui são prisões políticas, prisões que tendem a se multiplicar em várias cidades, dado que vivemos um momento de intensificação das lutas populares e de criminalização de tais lutas”.
O Movimento Estudantil Popular Revolucionário (MEPR) – uma das organizações atacadas pelo monopólio das comunicações por tomar parte nos protestos –, também em nota, afirmou que “mais do que exemplos da escalada fascista que acompanha a chegada da Copa, as últimas semanas nos deram provas da farsa que é este Estado Democrático de Direito, que tenta vender como democracia para as massas quando é feroz ditadura de classe! A começar pelo nome da operação, apelidada ‘2,80’, como que alertando o povo de que o preço da passagem do transporte coletivo será 2,80 e, para quem protestar, cadeia!
Já no dia 16 de maio, quando houve vários protestos espontâneos nos terminais de ônibus devido à paralisação dos motoristas, 17 manifestantes foram presos. A delegada do 5º DP, para onde foram levados, arbitrou fianças entre R$ 1.400 e R$ 2.980 para jovens, por exemplo, que sobrevivem com bolsa de R$400 da Universidade. Os crimes de alguns deles, registrados no B.O., teriam sido “ter se deitado no asfalto” e “convocar pessoas para se manifestarem”, com o agravante de que “não vivemos em um país comunista”. Desde então, um jovem – o Mike – continua preso, com fiança de quase R$3.000,00!”
“Como poderia um grupo de pessoas depredar 104 ônibus?” – questiona o MEPR afirmando que as acusações feitas pela polícia “são totalmente infundadas, baseadas em ‘provas’ como panfletos, bandeiras, cartazes e gazes! A maioria desses objetos poderia ser encontrada com qualquer estudante que tenha recebido um panfleto. Quem estuda no campus 2 da UFG e passa pelo pátio da FACOMB (FIC) sabe que desenhos como os exibidos no noticiário podem ser comprados ali a 2 reais ou menos. E as gazes apreendidas, foram aquelas levadas por um manifestante como material de primeiros socorros no último dia 8 de maio, para se proteger de gás lacrimogêneo, e serviram para estancar o sangramento de um garoto que fora espancado por policiais à paisana”.
“Não há uma investigação concreta, toda a investigação foi feita pelo Facebook. Tem imagens de posts deles no Facebook no inquérito. Que investigação foi essa?” – protestou Natália Oliveira, advogada empenhada na defesa dos ativistas presos.
Protesto pela liberdade de jovens que estavam presos em GO
A advogada também denunciou suspeitas de perseguição aos advogados de defesa do caso. Ela afirmou que um carro ocupado por duas pessoas permaneceu duas horas parado em frente a sua residência. Outros advogados que buscavam informações na delegacia para onde os presos foram levados também foram alvo de tentativas de intimidação.
Os advogados entraram com um pedido de relaxamento de prisão (que foi negado) ainda no dia 23.  No dia 26 os advogados entraram com o pedido de habeas corpus.
No dia 27, centenas de pessoas protestaram nas ruas de Goiânia contra a prisão dos ativistas. Os manifestantes reuniram-se na Praça Universitária e, em seguida, percorreram avenidas da capital até o Tribunal de Justiça (TJ) do Estado de Goiás onde continuaram reivindicando a revogação das prisões dos ativistas.
Na tarde de 29 de maio, a desembargadora Avelirdes Almeida Pinheiro Lemos, da 1ª Câmara Criminal do Tribunal de Justiça de Goiás (TJ-GO), determinou a soltura dos três ativistas presos. Com o habeas corpus, Heitor Vilela, Ian Caetano e João Marques Aguiar foram soltos por volta das 21 horas desse mesmo dia. Tiago Madureira Araújo, que era considerado “foragido”, recebeu um alvará de salvo-conduto, que lhe garante liberdade.
Até o fim do inquérito, os ativistas são forçados a cumprir “medidas cautelares”, como a não participação e envolvimento em “motins” e a ordem de recolher das 23 às 06 horas.

Provocação criminosa do monopólio

Com a explosão de protestos populares em junho do ano passado, o monopólio da imprensa, esmerando-se como serviçal das classes reacionárias, manifesta sua bipolaridade, primeiro tentando tanger as manifestações para o pacifismo, depois atacando-as raivosamente como atos de “bandidos” e “vândalos”.
A cada protesto, um dos porta-vozes das classes reacionárias se põe a frente para exigir do velho Estado e suas gerências mais repressão contra o povo em luta.
No dia 31 de maio, o jornal Estado de S. Paulo publicou em sua página na internet uma matéria apócrifa afirmando que “Black blocs prometem caos na copa com ajuda do PCC” buscando, mais uma vez, vincular o protesto popular a ações criminosas.
No dia 1º de junho, esse mesmo jornal voltou a carga, utilizando entrevista com o Ministro da Justiça, Luiz Eduardo Cardozo, para dizer que “é inadmissível a união pelo crime”.
O factoide fabricado pelo porta-voz da burguesia quatrocentona paulista que diz ter ouvido “16 desses black blocs”, longe de ser notícia, é mais uma provocação sem fatos, provas ou argumentos. É mais um vão reforço para a histeria que o monopólio pretende causar entre a população na tentativa de criar “opinião pública” contra os protestos que seguem ocorrendo em todo o país.

Austria -Wien - womens' strike arrives on the wind of MFPR -Italy


Lo storico sciopero delle donne, in Italia, del 25 novembre 2013, a Vienna il 14 e 15 giugno,
Invitate dalle compagne austriache colpite, impressionate, per dirla con le loro parole, dallo sciopero delle donne, una delegazione di compagne italiane, soprattutto del MFPR, si è recata a Vienna il 14 e 15 giugno.
Per la tarda mattinata di sabato 14, le compagne hanno organizzato un presidio in un quartiere popolare, ad alta densità di immigrati, in concomitanza con il mercato, dove è stata pubblicizzato l’incontro che ci sarebbe stato al pomeriggio sia con volantino che con una prima assemblea. All’interno del presidio, con striscioni, mostra, locandine e musica, si è tenuta anche una prima presentazione dello sciopero: la sua organizzazione, le parole d’ordine “sciopero delle donne contro violenze e femminicidi, ma anche contro la condizione delle donne a 360°!”
In serata, assemblea pubblica in una storico luogo occupato, risale a 29 anni fa, AutonomenFrauenLesbenZentrum, uno spazio, una parte di una palazzina che si sviluppa su più piani, autogestito da donne dove si svolgono varie attività: pub, sportello per le migranti, ma anche corsi di tedesco, supporto per documenti, etc; laboratorio di carpenteria, palestra per il Wen Do. Dalle locandine abbiamo visto che è stato organizzato l’8 marzo e il 25 novembre, in particolare l’8 marzo di quest’anno hanno partecipato circa 400 donne. Altre iniziative: sono state promosse, come manifestazioni davanti alla casa di stupratori e contestazione a una mostra pornografica.
Ha suscitato molto interesse la narrazione della costruzione dello sciopero delle donne e, costantemente, lo sforzo è stato di fare una sorta di confronto con la realtà austriaca per capire se e come potrebbe essere possibile realizzarlo in Austria. Evidente il ruolo negativo della socialdemocrazia, l’intreccio tra partiti e sindacati; spesso abbiamo sentito l’espressione “da noi non è possibile”, da un lato per il forte influsso di queste forze dall’altro per la debolezza delle forze radicali. Ma, questo, è legato anche alla realtà concreta di queste compagne. In passato in Austria c’era un migliore sostegno alla disoccupazione e le femministe militanti erano più numerose; anche i bassi salari influiscono. Sono compagne che lavorano tanto, ma, forse, in un ambito ristretto di militanti.
Forte l’entusiasmo nel resoconto anche per le adesioni allo sciopero, sottolineato con calorosi applausi. Abbiamo cercato di rendere al meglio la battaglia complessa, difficile per la sua costruzione; gli ostacoli, concezioni con cui è stato necessario scontrarsi; partendo dal 6 luglio, spiegando il senso della manifestazione itinerante e le due assemblee del 18 e 19 ottobre.
Il racconto ha sicuramente affascinato, una compagna ha detto:”Sono invidiosa per quello che è successo in Italia”, denunciando il ruolo delle politiche di pari opportunità e le falsità sulle violenze contro le donne che “uomini destri” diffondono mediante i mass media; è rimasta colpita dall’intreccio classe e genere di cui abbiamo parlato. Altre hanno chiesto: “Come hanno reagito i media in Italia”.
Dopo l’assemblea, è continuato il confronto con noi in particolare sul diritto d’aborto, con un breve scambio sugli attacchi che vengono portati avanti nei due paesi, il ruolo del Vaticano, ecc. Le compagne sono fortemente preoccupate per lo scarso contrasto delle femministe, in Austria, su questo piano. Nel pomeriggio a Vienna si era tenuto il gay pride con la contestazione di cattolici, che erano stati contrastati.
Tornando poi sullo sciopero delle donne, le domande hanno riguardato le modalità di sciopero, la comunicazione con le donne, i problemi concreti, comprese le limitazioni al diritto di sciopero, le reazioni di forze e organismi politici. Infine, è stato proiettato il video della presa del palco a Roma.
Vi sono state alcune difficoltà sia per la necessaria traduzione che ha portato tanto tempo, ma anche per il linguaggio specifico che ci contraddistingue che, in parte, ha contribuito a complicare la comunicazione, ma anche per la molteplicità di momenti diversi: il tempo era veramente poco e tanti gli aspetti da approfondire. Per fortuna abbiamo potuto lasciare copia del dossier “La scintilla dello sciopero delle donne”, tradotto in inglese.

Nei ringraziamenti finali hanno detto: "Siamo state molto impressionate. Questa discussione è stata molto importante anche per realizzare nuovi pensieri”.

Le compagne che hanno portato lo sciopero delle donne a Vienna