Thursday, May 30, 2013

Italy PCm Italy support Palestine

Chili : Manifestation étudiante, répression policière

Cela fait plus de 40 fois depuis 2011 que les chiliens descendent dans les rues de Santiago (et d’autres villes du pays) pour réclamer une réforme du système éducatif. Hier encore, ils étaient plus de 2000 à exiger, entre autre, la gratuité de l’enseignement. Lorsque le cortège a tenté de se diriger vers le Palais de la Moneda, siège de la présidence chilienne, les forces de l’ordre sont violemment intervenues pour l’en empêcher. Elles ont utilisé des gaz lacrymogènes et des canons à eau, entraînant de violents heurts avec les étudiants.
Manifestation estudiantine à Santiago

Canada - Les poings rouges des travailleurs et travailleuses vont se lever!

Quelles sont les bases sur lesquelles va se construire un nouveau mouvement ouvrier?
Comment lier la combativité dans la défense des revendications ouvrières et la lutte contre l’exploitation capitaliste?
Quelles seront les formes à venir de la combativité et de l’action révolutionnaire dans les usines et les autres milieux prolétariens?
Ces questions et beaucoup d’autres sont au centre du projet de plate-forme du Mouvement révolutionnaire ouvrier (MRO) qui sera discuté lors de son assemblée du 5 juin. C’est une invitation à tous les travailleurs et toutes les travailleuses qui veulent donner une forme concrète à leur lutte contre le pouvoir de la bourgeoisie.
Mercredi 5 juin – 18h
1918, rue Frontenac, Montréal

Emergency Call! Join Us in Stopping Torture in U.S. Prisons!

Tens of thousands of people imprisoned in the U.S. are being subjected to torturous, inhumane conditions. Many are:
  • Held in long term solitary confinement; locked in tiny, windowless, sometimes sound proof, cells; cut off from fresh air and sunlight for 22-24 hours every day and given small portions of food that lacks basic nutritional requirements.
  • Denied human contact and violently taken from their cells for petty violations.
  • Put in solitary arbitrarily, often because of accusations of being members of prison gangs based on dubious evidence, and have no way to challenge the decisions of prison authorities to place them in solitary.
Many are forced to endure these conditions for months, years and even decades! Mental anguish and trauma often result from being confined under these conditions. Locking people down like this amounts to trying to strip them of their humanity.
These conditions fit the international definition of torture! This is unjust, illegitimate and profoundly immoral. WE MUST JOIN IN AN EFFORT TO STOP IT, NOW!
People imprisoned at Pelican Bay State Prison in California have called for a Nationwide Hunger Strike to begin on July 8, 2013. They have also issued a call for unity among people from different racial groups, inside and outside the prisons. People who are locked down in segregation units of this society's prisons, condemned as the "worst of the worst," are standing up against injustice, asserting their humanity in the process. We must have the humanity to hear their call, and answer it with powerful support!

Letter from a Prisoner:
On the Struggle of the California Prisoners

I just finished reading the statement sent by CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation] SHU prisoners ("Peaceful Protest to Resume July 8, 2013, if Demands Are Not Met") and I wanted to express the following. First, I would like to say that I'm glad that SHU prisoners haven't given up on the struggle. For, there are many people, to quote Frederick Douglass, "who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation. They want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning."
A nationwide and worldwide struggle needs to be launched NOW to bring an end to this widespread torture before those in the prisons are forced to take the desperate step of going on hunger strikes and putting their lives on the line!
To the Government: We Demand an Immediate End to the Torture and Inhumanity of Prison House America—Immediately Disband All Torture Chambers. Meet the demands of those you have locked down in your prisons!
To People in this Country and Around the World: We Cannot Accept, and We Should Not Tolerate This Torture. Join the Struggle to End Torture in Prisons Now!
June 21, 22 and 23 Will Be Days of Solidarity With the Struggle to End Prison Torture! There will be protests, cultural events, Evenings of Conscience, sermons in religious services, saturation of social media—all aimed at laying bare the ugly reality of wide spread torture in U.S. prisons and challenging everyone to join in fighting to STOP it.

Tim Baldauf-Lenschen, student activist, University of Maryland
Fanya Baruti, Formerly Incarcerated and Convicted People's Movement
Blasé Bonpane, Ph.D., Director OFFICE OF THE AMERICAS
Rev. Richard Meri Ka Ra Byrd, KRST Unity Center of Afrakan Spiritual Science
Susan Castagnetto, lecturer, Scripps College*, So. Cal.
M.J. Christian, Los Angeles
Marjorie Cohn, Professor, Thomas Jefferson School of Law and editor, "The United States and Torture: Interrogation, Incarceration, and Abuse"
Solomon Comissiong, Executive Director of Your World News
Antonio Corona, National Brown Beret Organization
Randy Credico, impressionist and social comedian, NYC
Chuck D; Public Enemy*
Noche Diaz; Revolution Club NYC and Stop Mass Incarceration Network
Carl Dix, Revolutionary Communist Party, USA
Ever Ivan Florez, A victim of CDC
Glen Ford, Black Agenda Report
Elder R. Freeman; All Of Us Or None*, Oakland, CA
Nellie Hester-Bailey, Occupy Harlem
Nicholas Heyward Sr., Father of Nicholas Heyward Jr., who was murdered by the NYPD in 1994
Hip, Student, UC Berkeley
Robin D.G. Kelley, Professor of American History, UCLA
Gregory Koger; Revolutionary Communist who was imprisoned as a youth and spent many years in solitary confinement
Wayne Kramer, Jail Guitar Doors USA
David Kunzle, Distinguished Professor, UCLA Emeritus
B.M. Marcus, Community Director, Community Advocate and Development Organization, Brooklyn
Cynthia McKinney; former Congresswoman & 2008 Green Party Presidential Candidate
Marilyn McMahon, California Prison Focus
Travis Morales, Stop Mass Incarceration Network
Efia Nwangaza; Malcolm X Center for Self Determination, Greenville, SC
Oscar Grant Foundation
Joseph V.A. "Joe" Partansky, MBA, Former U.S. Army Mental Health Specialist and current advocate for persons with mental disabilities
Aidge Patterson, artist and activist, New York
Brian Pike, Universal Life Church rabbi
Belinda Ramos, son serving life in a California State prison
Mary Ratcliff, SF Bay View
Rev. George. F. Regas, Interfaith Communities United for Justice and Peace
Roman Rimer
San Francisco Bay View, national Black newspaper
Peter Schey, President, Center for Human Rights and Constitutional Law
Zadik Shapiro, attorney
Dan Siegal, National Lawyers Guild*
Temitope S
Scott Trent, Guilford County, NC October 22nd Coalition
Uncle Bobby, Oscar Grant Foundation/Committee
Jim Vrettos, Professor, John Jay College of Criminal Justice
Robin Woerner, New Haven
Clyde Young, Revolutionary Communist and former prisoner
*For identifications only
For more information and to join in this struggle contact the Stop Mass Incarceration Network at (347) 979-SMIN (7646) or at

From a Prisoner:

On the Struggle of the California Prisoners

May 18, 2013 | Revolution Newspaper |

Revolutionary Greetings,
I just finished reading the statement sent by CDCR [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation] SHU prisoners ("Peaceful Protest to Resume July 8, 2013, if Demands Are Not Met") and I wanted to express the following. First, I would like to say that I'm glad that SHU prisoners haven't given up on the struggle. For, there are many people, to quote Frederick Douglass, "who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation. They want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightning."
Now, I would like to tell the SHU prisoners that even if the CDCR does grant some of the demands, that they shouldn't be seen as the end to the struggle—they should be seen only as the first positive step towards the long and strenuous struggle that awaits us. For the CDCR, is but a mere institution from the whole repressive apparatus of the capitalist/imperialist system. Our struggle should always be anti-capitalist, and our final goal to overthrow the capitalist/imperialist system, and the dismantling of all their institutions. Or, whatever gains we accomplish will always be temporary and in the end insufficient for true human liberation/freedom. Marx stated in his concluding sentence of Value, Price and Profit, “Instead of the conservative motto: 'A fair day's wages for a fair day's work!' They (the working class) ought to inscribe on their banner the revolutionary watchword: abolition of the wages system!"
So I say: "instead of saying; 'reform the CDCR into a rehabilitative system,' we should say: abolition of the prison industrial complex! Abolition of the Capitalist/imperialist system!"
In Solidarity,
CA, 5/5/13

Maoist attacks are a counter violence of resistance against the state: Arundhati Roy

First Post, May 28, 2013
(First Post) Editors note: This interview was originally run in April 2010 by CNN-IBN. Given the context of the recent attack in Chhattisgarh on a Congress convoy, (First Post) has republished the interview as it resurfaces some interesting points of view. 
In that interview, Arundhati Roy says that the Maoists have no choice but to indulge in ‘counter-violence’. Here is Roy’s interview with CNN-IBN Deputy Editor Sagarika Ghosh:
Arundhati Roy. AFP
Arundhati Roy. AFP
Sagarika Ghose: You wrote your article ‘Walking with the comrades’ in The Outlook before Dantewada happened. In the aftermath of the Dantewada (incident of 2010), do you still stand by the tone of sympathy that you had with the Maoist cause in that essay?
Arundhati Roy: Well, this is a odd way to frame before and after Dantewada happened, because actually you know this cycle of violence has been building on and on. This is not the first time that a large number of security personnel have been killed by the Maoists. I have written about it and the other attacks that took place between the years 2005-07. The way I look at is, people make it sound that, ‘oh, on this side are people, who are celebrating the killing of CRPF jawans, and that side of the people who are asking for the Maoists to be wiped out.’ This is not the case. I think that you got to look at the every death as a terrible tragedy in a system, in a war that’s been pushed on the people and that unfortunately is becoming a war of the rich against the poor. In which rich put forward the poorest of the poor to fight the poor. CRPF are terrible victims but they are not just victims of the Maoists. They are victims of a system of structural violence that is taking place, that sort to be drowned in this empty condemnation industry that goes on. This is entirely meaningless because most of the time people who condemn them have really no sympathy for them. They are just using them as pawns.
Sagarika Ghose: Who then will break the cycle of violence? The state argues that the reason why the state has to cleanse the area or sanitise the area is because whenever it initiates development work on bridges or starts a school, those are blown up by the Maoists. Is it that the cycle of violence, according to you, can only be broken by the state, and if the state pulls back, is that what you believe?
Arundhati Roy: There is some simple sort of litmus test for that: is it the case that there are hospitals, schools and a lot of development in poor areas where there aren’t any Maoists? That’s not the case. The fact is even if you look at the studies that have been done by doctors in a place like Bilaspur,  what Binayak Sen describes as nutritional aids, is happening. When you go into the schools, you see that they are used as barracks. They are built as barracks. So to say that Maoists blow up schools and they are against development is a bit ridiculous.
Sagarika Ghose: But you condemn state violence and the charge against you is that you don’t condemn Naxal violence. In fact you rationalise it and are even romaticising violence. That is a charge made against you and in fact if I can read from your essay where you have written that, “I feel I want to say something about the futility of violence but what should I suggest they do? Go to court, a rally, and a hunger strike that sounds ridiculous; which party they should vote for, which democratic institution they should approach?” You seem to be saying that non-violence is futile?
Arundhati Roy: This is a strange charge on someone who has been writing about non-violence and non-violence movements for 10 years now. But what I saw when I went into the forests was this – that non-violent resistance has actually not worked; not in the ‘Narmada Bachao Andolan’ and not even in many other non-violent movements and not even in the militant movements. It has worked in some parts of the movement. But inside the forests it’s a different story because non-violence, and particularly, Gandhian non-violence in some ways needs an audience. It’s a theatre that needs an audience. But inside the forests there is no audience. When a thousand police come and surround the forest village in the middle of the night, what are they to do? How are the hungry to go on a hunger strike? How are the people with no money to boycott taxes or foreign goods or do consumer boycotts?
They have nothing. I do see the violence inside the forest as a ‘counter-violence’. As a ‘violence of resistance’. I do feel terrible about the fact that there is this increasing cycle of violence – that the more weapons the government arms the police with, those weapons end up with the Maoist PLA. It’s a terrible thing to do to any society. I don’t think that there is any romance in it. However, I’m not against romance. I do feel it’s incredible that these poor people are standing up against this mighty state that is sending thousands and thousands of para-military. I mean, what they are doing in those forests against those people with AK-47s and grenades?
Sagarika Ghose: But Maoists have AK-47s too? They have pressure bombs too?
Arundhati Roy: They snatched it from cops.
Sagarika Ghose: Should people like you not be raising their voices against the cycle of violence or should you actually been trying to find out a rationalisation for it because you’ve been called an ‘apologist for Maoists’. BJP has called you the “sophisticated face of Naxalism’. If you don’t raise your voice against their violence and simply say it morally acceptable, as a morally legitimate counter to the state, then are you not actually failing as member of a civil society?
Arundhati Roy: No, I’m not. Because I think it suits the status-quo to have everybody saying…this is terrible and all. So just let’s just keep on without taking it into account the terrible structural violence that actually is creating a ‘genocidal situation’ in those tribal areas. If you look at the levels of malnutrition, if you look at the levels of absolute desperation there; any responsible person has to say that the violence will stop when you stop pushing those people. When you have a whole community of tribals; which by the way, is a population larger than the population of most countries, is actually on the brink of survival, fighting against its own annihilation. I can’t equate their reactions, their resistance to the violence of the state. I think it’s immoral to equate the two.
Sagarika Ghose: Let’s bring you to the other point in your essay, where you are particularly harsh on Gandhi. You said party founder Charu Majumder has kept the dream of revolution real and present in India. Imagine a society without that dream, for that alone we can’t judge him too harshly. Especially not while we swaddle ourselves with Gandhi’s pious humbug about the superiority of the non-violent way and its notion of trusteeship. You also say do you know what to do if we come under fire….Do you think Gandhi is a figure to be mocked?
Arundhati Roy: I think there are some things about Gandhi, which do deserve to be mocked and I think there are some things about him which deserve a great deal of respect. Particularly, his (Gandhi’s) ideas of consumption, minimalist and sustainable living. However, let me read what he said in his thing of trusteeship. This is a quote of his notion of trusteeship, “the rich man will be left in possession of his wealth of which he will use what he reasonably requires for his personal needs and will act as a trustee for the remainder to be used for the good of the society”. I think that is one statement which can be mocked. I have no problem mocking it.
Sagarika Ghose: In a lecture in US in March at the Left forum you said ‘India is a fake democracy’ that ties in with your justification or your quasi-justification of violence to some extent. Do you feel that because Indian democracy is ‘fake’ there is no hope that Indian democracy can hold out to the Maoists?
Arundhati Roy: No, certainly I feel that India is an oligarchy where it does work as a democracy for the middle classes and the upper classes.
Sagarika Ghose: But it’s a fake democracy?
Arundhati Roy: Yeah, because (when) it doesn’t work for the mass of the people it’s a fake democracy. So you have an institution which has been hollowed out, you have institutions to which the poor have no access. When you look at the institution of democracy, look at the elections, at the courts, at the media and you look at the judiciary. You have a very dangerous system building. If you are increasingly excluding a vast section of the poorer people in this country, that’s why I say it fake. It works for some and it doesn’t work for others depending on where you want to place your feet; your politics is defined. If you stand in Greater Kailash; sure it’s a great and vibrant democracy, but if you stand in Dantewada – it is no democracy at all. You have a Chief Minister who basically said that those who don’t come out of the forests and live in Salwa Judum camps are terrorists. So looking after your chickens and tending to your fields is a terrorist act? Is that democracy?
Sagarika Ghose: If you have to come up with a solution to this. What would your solution be? What would be your way to break the deadlock?
Arundhati Roy: Well there are two things. First, on a philosophical level, I would say that I don’t believe that the imagination that has brought the planet to this crisis is going to come up with an alternative. So the least we can do is to stop and enlighten those who we think of as keepers of our past but could be people who have the wisdom for the future.
But on “Operation Greenhunt”, I would like to say three things, I think government should come clean on all these MoUs, infrastructure projects; declare them and tell us what they are and freeze them for now. Insist that all the villagers that have been pushed out, we are talking of hundreds and thousands of people, be rehabilitated. Guns need to be pulled back.
Sagarika Ghose: Every country uses mineral resources to grow. Growth is something our country needs. The present dispensation in Maoists, earlier they used to deal with Posco; the rate of compensation was Rs 30 Lakh per year that they used to pay to the Maoists. Now its no deals, all bets are off. Are you advocating that all projects from all those areas should wind up and go?
Arundhati Roy: You see what’s happening now with the privatisation of the mining industry. There is a very false sort of understanding that mining is going to push up growth. It will push it up in a strange way which has nothing to do with real development. But if you look at the royalties that the government gets, e.g for iron ores, Rs 27 for 5,000 tonnes of profit for the private company, we are paying without (keeping) the ecology of other people’s economy (in mind). So it’s a myth this thing called growth.
Sagarika Ghose: Are you willing to mediate between the Maoists and the government because they have put your name as well as Kabir Suman to mediate. But you declined. What are you afraid of? Why don’t you go ahead and mediate?
Arundhati Roy: I’m afraid of myself. These are not my skills. I don’t trust myself. If you are a basketball player you can’t be a swimmer. So I think there are people who would do a good job but I don’t think I’m one of them. But I think one question we have to ask is whom do we mean when we say Maoist? Who does ‘Operation Green Hunt’ want to target? Because for this there has been a discrete separation been made that here are the Maoists and here are the tribals. On the other hand, some people say Maoists represent the tribal. Neither of which is true. The fact is that about 99 per cent of Maoists are tribals. But all tribals are not Maoists, still the numbers turn into tens and thousands of people who would officially call themselves Maoists. Among them 90,000 women belong to women’s organisations. Some 10,000 belong to the cultural organisation. So are they all going to be wiped out?
Sagarika Ghose: What is your message to Home Minister P Chidambaram? What kind of message would you like to give him? Do you think he is fighting this war for ego?
Arundhati Roy: I think he is fighting with an imagination that is chained to the corporate companies that he wants served – from Enron to Vedanta, to all the companies that he has represented. I’m not necessarily accusing him of being corrupt but I’m accusing him of having an imagination that is driving this country into a very serious situation and it’s going to affect all of us.
Sagarika Ghose: Are you worried about the case that has been filed against you? There has been a complaint filed against you under the Chhattisgarh Special Powers Act (CSPA) and police are investigating about lending your support to the Maoists after your article. Are you worried about state prosecution?
Arundhati Roy: Obviously, I would be a goon not to be worried. But I won’t be the first one they have gone after. I think what they are trying to do is send out a warning to the people because I feel they want to intensify this war. I think we are going to see drone attacks on the poorest people of this country. Moreover they want to cordon off the theatre of war and try to warn people who might have a different view from that of the government not to go in the air.
Sagarika Ghose: Why do you think your writings are as controversial as they are? Why does India love to hate Arundhati Roy? Why is there are so much hate mail directed at you? Why do people think you say things that people don’t agree with? Why are you the writer that India loves to hate?
Arundhati Roy: I think it is very presumptuous of you to represent India. I feel the opposite. Like somebody, who is embraced wherever I go, whether it is to Orissa or Narmada; it is just the people with the voice, the people with a huge stake in the things I’m writing about where that stake is threatened – that hate me. But if I did feel that whole of India hated me, I have been doing something terribly wrong, as a political writer would I be crazy to carry on what I’m doing? The fact is I feel very deeply loved, that’s the real issue.
Sagarika Ghose: But do you think there is a problem? Do you think the government, the media, the kind of dominant culture that is targeting intellectuals, is targeting people like human right activists? Is this dangerous?
Arundhati Roy: Of course this is very dangerous. I read one article that says Dantewada comes to Delhi in the charge against Kobad Ghandy. People’s Union for Democratic Rights….all institutions are being called front organisations.
There is this manic barricade-like accusation to any one who has a different view that they are Maoists. Hundreds of people who are not known have been picked up and jailed. There is a whole bandwidth of people’s movements from the non-violent ones outside the forests to the armed struggle inside the forests which have actually held off this corporate assault, which I have to say has not happened anywhere else in the world.
Sagarika Ghose: Let me just ask you what a viewer wrote to me, “when I see a 16-year-old with a gun, I would feel scared and mourn that. Why would Arundhati Roy, when she looks at a 16-year-old with a gun, celebrate and say she is so beautiful, she has a lovely smile”?
Arundhati Roy: Because if I saw a 16-year-old being raped by a CRPF man and watching her village being burnt and watching her parents being killed and submit to it, I would mourn that. When I see one standing up and say I ‘m going to fight this, I would feel terrible. I think it’s a terrible thing to come to that. But it’s better than having her accept her annihilation.
Sagarika Ghose: Let me read out some of the criticisms that have been made against your fellow thinkers and activists, who said “ she equates their cynical quest for power with genuine demands, rights and concern of the people who live in the forests. She gives new meaning to the binary logic, something which she ridiculed George W Bush for. She is at the moment a victim of the Stockholm Syndrome. And another parlance is that she would be described as an embedded journalist”. How do you react to this criticism?
Arundhati Roy: I think embedded is not in itself a bad thing, it depends on who you are embedded with, whether you are embedded with the media or with the corporate? Or are you embedded with the side that sees itself in resisting this. Here I don’t refer to the Maoists. Who are the Maoists? Of course, the Maoist ideologues – (we say) their  aim is to overthrow the Indian state when people who form there fighting forces don’t know what the Indian state is? But surely there is a coincidence of aims and the movement; both are using each other. I want to say that Maoists are not the only people who are trying to overthrow the Indian state; whereas the Indian state has been thrown already by the ‘Hindutva’ project and by the corporate project.
Sagarika Ghose: So you believe that the Constitution has ceased to exist?
Arundhati Roy: I believe it’s been deeply weakened.
Sagarika Ghose: Do you think of ever giving up on India and living somewhere else?
Arundhati Roy: Absolutely not. For me that’s the challenge, that’s the beauty, that’s the wonder because the people in this country are staging India’s most difficult struggle anywhere in the world. I feel so proud. I really salute them on what’s going on here. As I belong here, even if CSPA wants to put me into jail I’m not going to live in Switzerland.

Message of solidarity with the Basque workers on their General Strike on 30 May 2013 from Philippines

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) conveys its warmest greetings of solidarity to the LAB (Nationalist Workers’ Committees) and other Basque trade unions and social movements on their general strike on 30 May 2013. We give our revolutionary salute on this your 6th general strike in four years, proving the Basque people’s resolute determination to uphold and defend the Basque people’s fundamental democratic rights.
We are in firm solidarity with you in your persistent struggle for a different model in the Basque Country, for dignified social and labor rights and your militant opposition to cuts and privatizations being inflicted by the governments of Pamplona-Irunea and Navarre. The revolutionary people of the Philippines are also engaged in a militant struggle against the reactionary Philippine government of big bourgeois compradors and landlords, headed by Benigno Aquino III, and supported by US imperialism.
The workers, peasants and other progressive sectors of the people are subjected to massive job dismissals and huge budget cuts on social services like health, education and housing. The oppressed workers, peasants, indigenous peoples, urban poor and other oppressed and exploited sectors are intensifying their resistance. They persevere in their 44-year-old revolutionary struggle for national and social liberation.. We are therefore one with you in condemning the unacceptable levels of unemployment you are subjected to. We firmly support your just struggle for just salaries, pensions and social protection of workers’ rights. It is your right to fight against the strategy of impoverishment imposed by the government of the capitalists..
We wish the utmost success and a glorious victory to your General Strike on 30 May 2013!
Long live LAB and other trade unions and social movements of the heroic Basque people!
Long live the solidarity between the Basque people and the Filipino people!
Long live international solidarity among struggling oppressed peoples!
Luis Jalandoni Chief International Representative
NDFP National Executive Committee


Condemn the fascist Puvvar massacre!
Make success the Central Region Bandh on April 27 protesting the massacres and destruct ion perpetrated by the police, Special Commando/Grey Hounds and Ce ntral paramilitary forces of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtr a and Odisha in the Central Region!
On April 16, 2013 the AP Grey Hounds, Chhattisgarh police and CRP-CoBRA forces led by Khammam SP Ranganath and Kothagudem OSD jointly attacked the Puvvar village (Konta block, Sukma district, Chhattisgarh) on the borders of Andhra Pradesh based on information given by informers and murdered nine comrades including five women comrades belonging to North Telangana. North Te langana Special Zonal Committee member Comrade Marri Ravi  Sudhakar, Gugloth Lakshmi Pushpa (KKW DVCM), Vetti Narsakka  Sabita (Eturunagaram ACS), Durgam Ra ju (ACM), Reena (ACM), Vetti Ramakka  Urmila (ACM), Maddi Seeta Navata (DVCM guard), Madkam Bhima  Ajay (DVCM guard) and Arli Venkati Gautam (SZCM guard) were martyred in this attack.
The Central Regional Bureau is paying red homage to all these martyrs and is pledging itself to carry on their aims. Since the past few years AP Grey Hounds barged into Dandakaranya and is resorting to these kinds of massacres and destruction. After the Kanchal massacre of 2008 this is another huge massacre. Our party is severely condemning this massacre and is calling upon the people and the PLGA to resist the onslaught of the police, Grey Hounds and paramilitary forces. Since the past four months Dandakaranya, Andhra-Odisha Border Zone, North Telangana, Gondia (Maharashtra) areas are being crunched under the iron h eels of police, Grey Hounds and paramilitary forces.
Each day and from every corner one hears about the murders, fake encounters and terror unleashed by the government security forces. The Indian ruling classes that claim to be the biggest democracy in the world are resorting to unprecedented brutality on the people, particularly the Adivasis, who have been victims of the most cruel exploitation, oppression, suppression, injustice, discrimination and neglect since generations. The War on People waged in the name of Operation Green Hunt since the past four years with the aim of completely decimating the revolutionary movement with the support and aid of their imperialist masters, particularly US imperialists is intensifying with each passing day.
Within the past ten days at least 20 revolutionaries and common people were killed in the name of encounters in Dandakaranya. The police and Commando forces of various states and the central forces are conducting joint operations particularly in the border areas of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Maharashtra states and resorting to indiscriminate encounters, massacres and destruction. Recently the top police officials of the four states conducted special meetings in Sukma of Chhattisgarh and Kataram of Karimnagar district in Andhra Pradesh and planned these attacks.
Along with increasing the usage of Air Force helicopters and UAVs, they are contemplating attacks by Air Force. On the other hand, it is on their agenda to deploy Army in the War on People by occupying the entire Maad region in the name of training. Through these attacks they are concentrating on decimating the new people’s political power system built by the people, their guerilla army and their party. Some more recent incidents too stand testimony to this.
On April 12, police suddenly attacked the people in Sindesur village (Dhanora Taluq, Gadchiroli district, Maharashtra) while they were making arrangements to feed the guerillas and shot dead two unarmed women Vasanti Kovasi and Sangita Atram along with Comrade Kailas Pankaj (ACM) and Comrade Champa Nureti (Company-4 member).
On April 4, C-60 commandos fired indiscriminately on the guerilla squad conducting a meeting with the people in Bhatpar village of Bhamragarh taluq in the same district and killed Comrade Laxman (ACM), militia members Comrades Prakash, Sudhakar, two teen ager girls named Ammi and Sunita belonging to that village.
On April 2, they attacked Konge village in Maad region (Narayanpur district, Chhattisgarh), arrested six innocent Adivasis who went to hunt in the forest an d declared that they were Naxalites with a price on their head. Before this, they resorted to loot and destruction like bandits by barging into the houses.
On March 14, the police conducted a huge attack in the forests near Kobramenda village (Gadchiroli district, Maharashtra) with the aim of annihilating the party leadership.
On March 9, a village woman named Kunjam Deve died in the firing by AP Grey Hounds near Kanchal village (Bijapur distrit) and one woman was injured. They conducted this brutal attack on them when they came to take water from a water body. Later they took the dead body of Deve and the injured woman in a helicopter, put uniforms on them and declared them naxalites.
On March 1, they fired on militia members in Mandoda village (Narayanapur district) and murdered Comrade Gudhram Nendi.
On February 24, paramilitary forces, Chhattisgarh police and STF attacked Korseli village (Bijapur district) and caught Comrade Salim (Sammi Reddy) leading an ordinary life and shot him dead near Avunar village the next day. Between February 5 and 8, hundreds of Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra police and the CRPF attacked Gattakal village (Narayanpur district) in Maad division and resorted to destruction and loot.
They razed down an Ashram School run by the Krantikari Janatana Sarkar (Revolutionary People’s Committee).  On February 4, they attacked Singam and Renga m villages and gang raped the village women.  Between 21 and 23 of January, the police and the paramilitary attacked the Pidiya village near Gangalur in Bijapur district and resorted to huge destruction. They barged into the homes, looted them and later razed down twenty homes.
They razed down an Ashram School run by the Krantikari Janatana Sarkar in Doddi Tumnar village. On January 19, the police lay in wait with prior information and attacked the guerillas who were ready to move after completing a meeting with the villagers in Govindgaon (Aheri Taluq, Gadchiroli district). Comrades Shankar Lakda (DVCM), Vinod Kodopi (Aheri squad commander), Gita Kumoti (Platoon-14 deputy commander), Mohan Kovasi (deputy commander) and squad members Lebbe Gawde and Juru Mattami were martyred in this attack.
The BSF jawans fired upon guerillas while they were bathing near Bhurbhusi village (Kanker district, Chhattisgarh) and two women comrades Sanoti and Sumitra were martyred there. In the second week of January the police attack ed Nimmalagudem village on the borders of AP- Chhattisgarh and abducted two village women. They tried to kill them after making them wear uniforms. Later they were produced in the court.
The AP police continuously conducted attacks in Charla and Dummugudem area and on the border villages of Chhattisgarh, arrested hundreds of villagers and sent them to jail. They are closing down weekly markets on the borders of AP-Chhattisgarh. All the above mentioned incidents are just the tip of an iceberg. Several more incidents are taking place. They are arresting Adivasi peasants, declaring that they are Naxalites with a price on their heads, foisting false cases on them and sending them to jails.
They are pronouncing harsh punishments on them using false witnesses. The ruling classes are conducting psychological warfare too along with these suppressive attacks. They are propagating that Maoist leaders are ailing and that they are getting bed ridden and not able to work. They are conducting false propaganda that Maoist leaders are running away taking huge amounts of money with them. Through surrendered Maoists they are making foul propaganda that women are being exploited in the party and that forceful vasectomies are being conducted.
On the other hand they are repeatedly propagating the surrender policy and announcing prices on the heads. They are propagating through posters that they would give lakhs of rupees to those who run away from the movement with weapons. On the other hand, the police and paramilitary are distributing materials in the name of civic action programmes. As part of their LIC attack the oppressive governments are intensifying psychological warfare and implementing fake reforms apart from military repression.
The aim of this attack is to decimate the revolutionary movement all over the country, destroy the people’s political power developing in the various revolutionary movement areas in the country and through this to get rid of the hurdles in handing over the invaluable natural resources of our country to the MNCs and the corporate companies of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. While Sonia-Manmohan-Chidambaram- Shinde-Jairam Ramesh ruling clique is leading this attack, the various state governments are taking part in this with coordination.
The MoUs worth lakhs of crores of rupees signed with the comprador, foreign corporate companies such as Tata, Mittal, Jindal, Essar, Al Khaima and NECO Jaiswals are not getting implemented due to the resistance of the people all over the country and as this resistance is being led by the CPI (Maoist) in several areas. That is why at present the Maoist movement became the ‘biggest threat’ in the eyes of the exploiting ruling classes. That is why the imperialists, comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal classes are eager to decimate it. We are appealing to the people that they must severely oppose all the economic, political and suppressive policies of the imperialists and their running dogs the exploiting Indian ruling classes and that they must resist their mercenary police, paramilitary and military forces more determinedly in order to defend themselves, to build their future basing on their own collective efforts and to fulfill their democratic aspirations.
We are appealing to the workers-peasants, students-intellectuals, democrats and entire patriots of our country to condemn this onslaught and demand that it be stopped. We appeal to them to demand the withdrawal of the paramilitary forces that entrenched themselves in the revolutionary movement areas and a stop to the military training program. The Central Regional Bureau of our party is calling upon the people to make success the Bandh that would be conducted in the Central Region (North Telangana, Andhra-Odisha Border Region, Dandakaranya, Gondia and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra and Balaghat district in Madhya Pradesh) on April 27 protesting this onslaught. We appeal to the people to express their protest against this onslaught by closing down educational and commercial institutions, banks, railways, transport etc. (We are exempting the exams of the students and emergency services like health care from this Bandh).
Pratap, Spokesperson, CPI (Maoist) Central Regional Bureau

Adiós Franca –

Adiós Franca – De las compañeras del Movimiento Feminista Proletario Revolucionario (Italia)

Nota – Con motivo del fallecimiento el pasado 29 de mayo en Milán a la edad de 84 años de Franca Rame, actriz, feminista y activista comprometida con la lucha de la clase obrera y el pueblo de Italia y del mundo, reproducimos a continuación el comunicado emitido por el Movimiento Feminista Proletario Revolucionario(MFPR) de Italia. Ha sido extraído del blog del MFPR La traducción al español es responsabilidad de Gran Marcha Hacia el Comunismo. Madrid, mayo 2013.
Ha convertido la violencia contra las mujeres, la opresión, la intimidación en una razón más para rebelarse, para luchar.
Por eso queremos recordar a Franca Rame, que transformó una violación brutal de los neofascistas (ordenado por agentes de la policía) en un magistral acto de acusación,, en una obra de teatro, como parte y al servicio de la lucha necesaria contra los fascistas, el Estado de la policía, este sistema social.
Feminista siempre y coherentemente formada en la defensa de los derechos de la mujer, ha hecho de su arte una parte importante de la lucha, la denuncia civil, coherentemente, hasta el final, luchando con determinación por aquello en lo que creía. Una artista militante.
Franca, todas las mujeres que están luchando y queremos luchar te echamos de menos.
Las compañeras del Movimiento Feminista Proletario Revolucionario
30 Mayo 2013

¡Apoyemos a los presos políticos en Marruecos!

Nota – La siguiente información ha sido extraída del blog Maoist Road (La Vía Maoísta) La traducción al español es responsabilidad de Gran Marcha Hacia el Comunismo. Madrid, mayo 2013.

Vía Democrática Basista (maoísta) (corriente marxista-leninista-maoísta en las universidades marroquíes) en Marrakech organiza unas jornadas culturales/militantes entre el 28 y el 31 de mayo de 2013 bajo la consigna: “Unificar nuestros esfuerzos para apoyar a los presos políticos en Marruecos y a nivel internacional, en honor del preso político Ibrahim Abdallah”. Estas jornadas contienen un día dedicado a la experiencia del preso político Ibrahim Abdallah, un día dedicado a apoyar la guerra popular en la India, así como un debate sobre “Las revueltas populares, qué realidad y cuáles las perspectivas (los ejemplos de Marruecos, Túnez y Egipto)”.

Esta actividad cultural y militante tiene lugar en un contexto del incremento del ataque del régimen actual de Marruecos contra el pueblo marroquí, especialmente contra sus más fieles militantes, lo que requiere la unificación de los esfuerzos de todas las organizaciones, partidos y militantes revolucionarios a nivel nacional e internacional a fin de apoyar a los presos políticos y exigir su liberación inmediata.

La represión no tiene fronteras, tampoco la solidaridad. Desde este punto de vista llamamos a vuestra participación para el éxito de esta actividad que es un éxito de la lucha de los pueblos por la libertad, la dignidad y la justicia social. Todas las formas de participación son bienvenidas (mensajes, intervenciones, proposiciones…) y gracias por pasar el mensaje a todos los interesados.
Saludos revolucionarios

Wednesday, May 29, 2013


May 26, 2013
Elimination of fascist Salwa Judum leader Mahendra Karma: Legitimate response to the inhuman atrocities, brutal murders and endless terror perpetrated on the Adivasis of Bastar!
Attack on top Congress leaders: Inevitable reprisal to the fascist Operation Green Hunt being carried on by the UPA government hand in glove with various state governments!
On May 25, 2013, a detachment of the People’s Liberation Guerilla Army conducted a massive attack on the 20 plus vehicles convoy of Congress party which resulted in wiping out of at least 27 Congress leaders, activists and policemen including Mahendra Karma, the bitter enemy of the oppressed people of Bastar and Nand Kumar Patel, president of the Congress’ state unit. It took place when the Congress party leaders were touring in Bastar region as part of their ‘Parivartan Yatra’ program (i.e. March of Change) keeping their eye on forthcoming assembly elections. At least 30 others also were injured in this attack including ex-central minister and veteran Congress leader Vidya Charan Shukla. The dog’s death of Mahendra Karma, notorious tyrant, murderer, rapist, robber and maligned as corrupt, in this historic attack has created a festive atmosphere in entire Bastar region. Former state home minister Nand Kumar Patel was also had the history of suppressing the people. It was in his tenure, paramilitary force (CRPF) was deployed in Bastar region for the first time. It was also not hidden from anyone that the former central minister VC Shukla who had been in various portfolios including Home ministry, was also a people’s enemy who had acted as a loyal servant of imperialists, comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and landlords and had played a key role in formulating and implementing exploitative government policies. The goal of this attack was mainly to eliminate Mahendra Karma and some other reactionary Congress top leaders as well. However, during this massive attack some innocent people and some lower level Congress party activists who were in fact not our enemies, were also killed and injured caught in the two-hour long gun battle that ensued between our guerrilla forces and the armed police forces. Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee of Communist Party of India (Maoist) regrets for this and expresses condolence and sympathy to the families of the bereaved.
Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee of Communist Party of India (Maoist) takes absolute responsibility for this attack. We send our revolutionary greetings to the PLGA commanders who led this daring ambush, to the red fighters who contributed in this success, to the people who took part in it by lending active support and to the entire revolutionary masses of Bastar region. This attack has once again proved the historic fact that those fascists who perpetrate violence, atrocities and massacres on the people, will never be forgiven and they would inevitably be punished by the people.
The so-called tribal leader Mahendra Karma was born into a feudal manjhi family. Both his grandfather Masa Karma and father Bodda Manjhi were notorious harassers of the people in their times and were acted as trusted agents of colonial rulers. His family’s entire history is known of inhuman exploitation and oppression of Adivasis. Mahendra Karma’s political life was started in 1975 as a member of AISF while he was studying the law. He was elected as MLA from CPI first in 1978. Later in 1981, when he was denied ticket by CPI, he joined Congress. In 1996, he had gone with a breakaway faction of Madhavrao Scindhia and became member of Indian Parliament as an independent candidate. Later he rejoined the Congress party.
In 1996, a massive movement took place in Bastar demanding the implementation of Sixth Schedule. Though mainly CPI had led that movement, our party – it was CPI (ML) [People’s War] then – also took active part in that movement mobilizing the masses on a large scale. But Mahendra Karma took bitter stand against that movement proving himself as representative of the selfish urban business people, who had come to Bastar as settlers and had accumulated massive wealth. Then only his anti-adivasi and pro-comprador nature was clearly exposed before the people. Since the 1980s, he had strengthened the bonds with big business and capitalist classes in Bastar.
Then in 1999, Karma’s name was exposed in a big scam called ‘Malik Makbuja’. A Lokayukta report revealed that in the period of 1992-96, Mahendra Karma hand in glove with timber black-marketers had made millions of rupees by cheating adivasi people and colluding with revenue and forest officials and the district collector. Though a CBI probe was ordered into this scam, nothing harm was done to the culprits as always happen.
Mahendra Karma was minister of jails in undivided Madhya Pradesh. Later became industries and commerce minister in Ajit Jogi’s government when Chhattisgarh state was carved out of it.  At that time a forceful land acquisition took place in Nagarnar for the proposed steel plant by Romelt/NMDC. While the local people refused to give up their lands, Mahendra Karma took stand against the people and in favor of the capitalists. He played a key role in forcibly taking away the lands by suppressing the people with support of brutal police force. The people who lost their lands in Nagarnar received neither compensation nor the employment as government had promised till now. They were forced to disperse.
From the very beginning, Mahendra Karma stood as an arch enemy of the revolutionary movement. The reason is clear – hailed from a typical feudal family and ‘grown up’ as an agent of big business and bourgeois classes. The first Jan Jagaran (‘awareness’) campaign was launched in 1990-91 against the revolutionary movement. The revisionist CPI had participated in that counter-revolutionary campaign. Karma and many of his relatives belonged to the landlord classes had actively participated in it. The second Jan Jagaran campaign was launched in 1997-98 led by Mahendra Karma himself. This was started in Mahendra Karma’s own village Faraspal and its surrounding villages and spread up to Bhairamgarh and Kutru areas. Hundreds of people were tortured and arrested and sent to jails. Many an incidents of looting and setting fire to houses took place. Womenfolk were raped. However, under the leadership of our party and mass organizations people came together and strongly countered this counter-revolutionary onslaught. Within a short time, this campaign was defeated.
Later the revolutionary movement became more consolidated. Anti-feudal struggles were intensified in many areas. Landlords like Podia Patel, the brother of Mahendra Karma, and some close relatives of him were killed as part of mass resistance actions. In many villages the power of feudal forces and bad gentry was thrown out and the process of establishment of People’s Revolutionary Power organs began. The feudal forces including Mahendra Karma were very furious as their lands were redistributed among the poor and landless peasants and the customs like unjustly forcing the people to pay penalties to the landlords were stopped. They opposed the progressive changes like stopping of forced marriages of women, discouraging polygamy etc. also. And at the same time, the revolutionary movement was seemed as a hurdle by the corporate houses like Tatas and Essars who started their attempts to plunder away the natural resources of Bastar region. So, they naturally colluded with the counter-revolutionary elements like Mahendra Karma. They fed him with millions of coffers in order to create conducive atmosphere for their arbitrary depredations. On the other hand, after the emergence of CPI (Maoist) as a country-wide consolidated party as an outcome of the merger between the genuine revolutionary organizations, exploitative ruling classes intensified their counter-revolutionary onslaught in the guidance of the imperialists so as to crush the revolutionary movement. Thus, a brutal attack in connivance with the Congress and the BJP has started in Bastar region namely ‘Salwa Judum’. So many followers and relatives of Mahendra Karma like Soyam Muka, Rambhuvan Kushwaha, Ajay Singh, Vikram Mandavi, Gannu Patel, Madhukarrao, and Gota Chinna etc. emerged as key leaders of Salwa Judum.
One can hardly find any examples in the history to compare the severity of the devastation and barbarity caused by Salwa Judum to the lives of the Bastar people. It killed more than one thousand people in cold blood; torched 640 villages into ashes, robbed thousands of houses; ate or took away chickens, goats, pigs, etc.; forced more than two million people to be displaced; dragged more than 50 thousand people into state-run ‘relief’ camps. Thus the Salwa Judum became anathema to the people. Hundreds of women were gang raped. Many women were murdered after rape. Massacres took place in many places. The atrocities perpetrated on the people and havoc created by the hooligans of Salwa Judum, the police and paramilitary forces, especially the Naga and Mizo battalions crossed all limits. There were several incidents in which people were brutally cut into pieces before being dumped in rivers. Cherli, Kotrapal, Mankeli, Karremarka, Mosla, Munder, Padeda, Paralnar, Pumbad, Gaganpalli… in many villages people were killed en masse. Hundreds of tribal youth were recruited as SPOs and were turned into hardened criminals. Mahendra Karma himself led the attacks on several villages in the name of conducting meetings and marches. Many women were raped by the goons with the direct instigation of Mahendra Karma. He was directly involved in many incidents of burning the villages, torturing and murdering the people. Thus, in the minds of the people of Bastar, Mahendra Karma remained as an inhuman killer, rapist, dacoit and a loyal broker of the big capitalists. In entire Bastar people have been demanding our party and the PLGA for many years that he must be punished. Many of them came forward voluntarily to give active support in this task. There were also a few attempts, but due to petty mistakes and other reasons he was able to escape.
With this action we have taken revenge of over a thousand adivasis who were brutally murdered in the hands of Salwa Judum goons and government armed forces. We also have taken revenge on behalf of those hundreds of mothers and sisters who were subjected to cruelest forms of violence, humiliation and sexual assault. We have taken revenge on behalf of the thousands of Bastarites who lost their homes, cattle, chickens, goats, bald, pottery, clothing, grain, crops … everything and were forced to live a miserable life in subhuman conditions.
Immediately after this attack, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh etc. dubbed this as an attack on democracy and democratic values. One wonders whether these pet dogs of exploiter classes have any moral qualification even to take the name of democracy! Of late, on May 17, when eight people including three innocent children were killed by police and paramilitary forces in Edsametta village of Bijapur district, then why did none of these leaders bother to think about ‘democracy’? Between January 20 to 23, when villages named Doddi Tumnar and Pidiya of Bijapur district were attacked by your forces who torched 20 houses and a school house run by the people, did your ‘democracy’ flourish there? Exactly 11 months ago, on the night of June 28, 2012 in Sarkinguda village, 17 adivasis were slaughtered and 13 women were gang raped.  Were those incidents a part of your ‘democratic values’? Does your ‘democracy’ only applicable to the mass murderers like Mahendra Karma and ruling class agents like Nand Kumar Patel? Whether the poor adivasis of Bastar, the elderly, children and the women come under the umbrella of your ‘democracy’ or not? Are the massacres of adivasis a part of your ‘democracy’? Do any of those who are shouting loudly against this attack have any answer for these questions?
By the end of 2007, Salwa Judum was defeated by the resistance of the masses. Then in 2009, Congress-led UPA-2 has unleashed a countrywide offensive by name Operation Green Hunt (OGH). The US imperialists are not only giving guidance and help and support, but by deploying their special forces in India they also are actively participating in counter-insurgency operations. They are giving emphasis on killing the Maoist leadership. The Union government has so far sent more than 50 thousand paramilitary forces to Chhattisgarh as part of ongoing OGH, i.e. ‘War on People’. As a result, there has been manifold increase in massacres and destruction. 400 adivasis were killed by central and state armed forces here in Bastar so far since 2009. From mid-2011, Army troops have been creating bases in Bastar region in the name of setting up ‘training schools’. Both Chidambaram and Shinde, the former and present home ministers, including PM Manmohan Singh have been eagerly rendering all support to the Chhattisgarh government and expressing full satisfaction over Raman Singh government’s performance in crushing revolutionary movement. Raman Singh too has been expressing his gratitude on every occasion for Centre’s help. Therefore, in Chhattisgarh, there are no differences between ruling BJP and opposition Congress in terms of policies of suppressing the revolutionary movement. Only due to public pressure, as well as to gain electoral benefits, some of the local leaders of the Congress at times came in condemnation of incidents like Sarkinguda and Edsametta massacres. Their opposition is sham which is nothing more than opportunism. Both Congress and BJP are same in implementing corporate friendly and oppressive policies. The frequent penetration of Greyhounds forces across the Chhattisgarh borders from Andhra Pradesh, and the mass murders it committed first in Kanchal (2008) and recently in Puwwarti (May 16, 2013) are part and parcel of the oppressive policies adopted and implemented by Congress party. That’s why we have targeted top leaders of Congress.
Today, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh, Home Minister Nankiram Kanwar, Ministers Ramvichar Netam, Kedar Kashyap, Vikram Usendi, Governor Shekhar Dutt, Maharashtra Home Minister RR Patil etc.; DGP Ram Niwas, ADG Mukesh Gupta and other senior officials of the police, who are hell-bent on crushing the revolutionary movement of Dandakaranya, are in the big illusion that they are unbeatable. Mahendra Karma also has kept the illusion that Z plus Security and bullet-proof vehicles would save him forever. In the history of the world, Hitler and Mussolini were in the same pride that no one could beat them. In the contemporary history of our country, the fascists like Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi also were victims of similar misgivings. But the People are invincible. People only are the makers of the history. Ultimately, a handful of exploiters and a few of their pet dogs will only be thrown in the dustbin of the history.
Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee of Communist Party of India (Maoist) calls upon the workers, peasants, students, intellectuals, writers, artists, media persons and all other democrats to demand the governments to stop the OGH immediately; to withdraw all kinds of paramilitary forces from Dandakaranya; to give up the conspiracy of deploying the Army in the name of ‘training’; to put an end to the interference of Air Force; to release all the revolutionary activists and ordinary adivasis languishing in various jails immediately; to scrap the cruel laws like UAPA, CSPSA, MACOCA, AFSPA, etc.; to cancel the all those MoUs signed with the corporate houses with the aim of plundering the natural wealth of the country.

(Gudsa Usendi)
Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee
CPI (Maoist)

galice - spain state -Prensa burguesa informa da victoria dos maoístas en Chhattisgardh. - 1 julio jornada internacional de supporte

GALIZA: Prensa burguesa informa da victoria dos maoístas en Chhattisgardh.

A prensa galega recolle noticias de axencias que dan conta da victoriosa emboscada do pasado sábado na que morreron un importante grupo de dirixentes semi-feudais, entre eles o xefe dunha coñecida garda anti-maoista autora de miles de asasinatos.
Os principais xornais La Voz de Galicia, La Opinión de A Coruña, El Correo gallego... informan do ataque do EGPL no que morreron altos dirixentes do Estado de Chhattisgarh.
Dende noso comité saudamos esta gran victoria sobre os satrapas explotadores na India.

en France on parle de la guerre populaire en Inde - 1 juillet journèee international de supporte lanceè par le Comitè international !


Ce ne sont ni plus ni moins que le ‘patron’ régional du Parti du Congrès (au pouvoir à Delhi), avec plusieurs autres cadres de haut rang, et le dirigeant fondateur de la sanglante milice contre-révolutionnaire Salwa Judum qui ont été touchés, dans une attaque digne de l’opération Ogro du mouvement révolutionnaire basque contre Carrero Blanco (27 ennemis du peuple tués au total)… Le Premier ministre Manmohan Singh et la présidente du Congrès, Sonia Gandhi, se sont précipités sur les lieux, abasourdis. Une belle réponse des maoïstes d’Inde à la réaction locale et internationale, mais aussi aux bouffons gauchistes qui annonçaient leur Guerre populaire morte et enterrée ; alors qu’elle ne faisait face, depuis deux ans, qu’à un repli tactique après des pertes douloureuses, comme celle des camarades Azad et Kishenji. Des pertes aujourd’hui largement vengées !
Article bourgeois du Monde :

 New Delhi, correspondant régional. Sonia Gandhi s'est dit "dévastée". La présidente du Parti du Congrès, la formation au pouvoir à New Delhi, avait le visage défait quand elle s'est rendue, dimanche 26 mai, à Raipur, capitale du l'Etat du Chhattisgarh, au chevet des survivants d'une des attaques les plus sanglantes jamais perpétrées par la guérilla maoïste en Inde.

3418302_3_12b1_dimanche-26-mai-la-presidente-du-parti-du_d3.jpgSonia Gandhi aux obsèques des 27 ennemis du peuple liquidés, pour la plupart cadres dirigeants de son parti.

 Vingt-sept personnes ont été tuées, samedi, dans le district de Bastar, l'un des plus violents du Chhattisgarh, lorsqu'un convoi de dirigeants et de cadres locaux du Parti du Congrès est tombé dans une embuscade tendue par plusieurs dizaines de rebelles d'extrême gauche. La caravane de véhicules revenait d'une réunion électorale.
L'état-major du Parti du Congrès dans le Chhattisgarh a été en partie décapité.

Parmi les victimes figurent Nand Kumar Patel, le patron politique du Congrès dans cet Etat du centre de l'Inde, l'un des plus affectés par le mouvement armé des naxalites (maoïstes).
L'autre personnalité tuée dans le guet-apens est Mahendra Karma, le fondateur d'une milice tribale anti-naxalite controversé, Salwa Judum. Intégrée dans la lutte contre-insurrectionnelle menée par les autorités – centrales et locales – Salwa Judum s'est rendue coupable de nombreuses violations des droits de l'homme, au point que la Cour suprême a ordonné, en juillet 2011, de sa dissolution.
[La suite est l'habituel blabla journalistique 'gauche bourgeoise', tentant d'adopter un ton 'neutre']
Le précédent coup de main sanglant des naxalites remonte au 6 avril 2010 quand un groupe de 300 rebelles avait tué 75 soldats de la Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), une force paramilitaire, dans le district de Dantewada, un autre point chaud du Chhattisgarh. A la fin des années 2000, l'insurrection des naxalites était devenue si meurtrière que le premier ministre Manmohan Singh lui-même l'avait qualifiée de "plus grande menace pour la sécurité intérieure du pays".
Afin de contrer ce "péril rouge", le gouvernement de New Delhi a tenté de combiner une politique répressive et des efforts de développement visant à désenclaver les zones de peuplement tribal dont la marginalisation sociale et économique a fourni un terreau fertile aux groupes d'extrême gauche.
Cette stratégie mixte a semblé produire quelques résultats si l'on en juge par la baisse de la violence enregistrée dans les Etats les plus touchés : Chhattisgarh, Jarkhand, Bengale-Occidental, Orissa... Selon le centre d'études sur le terrorisme South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), le nombre de tués liés à des affrontements entre forces de sécurité et extrême gauche armée en Inde a décliné de 1 180 en 2010, à 602 en 2011, puis 367 en 2012.
Le début de l'année 2013 a toutefois marqué une recrudescence avec plus de 200 victimes en cinq mois seulement. Si l'on en croit les données de SATP, les naxalites demeurent actifs dans 173 districts sur les 640 que compte l'Inde – soit plus du quart –, la plupart étant répartis le long du fameux "corridor rouge" traversant les régions forestières de peuplement tribal d'Inde du Centre et du Nord.
SATP estime que les effectifs insurgés se montent à 8 600 combattants, lesquels peuvent compter sur un vivier de soutiens potentiels de 38 000 hommes.
Le naxalisme tire son nom du village de Naxalbari (Bengale-Occidental), où avait éclaté une révolte paysanne en 1967, attisée par des militants d'extrême gauche en rupture avec les partis communistes officiels tentés par le jeu parlementaire. Dirigé par Charu Mazumdar – tué en 1972 –, le Parti communiste indien marxiste-léniniste (PCI-ML) s'est créé dans la foulée des événements de Naxalbari en se réclamant ouvertement des préceptes révolutionnaires de Mao.
Le mouvement n'a toutefois pas tardé pas à se scinder en une multitude de groupes rivaux, qu'opposaient parfois des affrontements meurtriers. L'année 2004 consacre d'une certaine manière la renaissance du naxalisme indien à la suite de la fusion de deux tendances, le groupe Guerre du peuple (PWG) et le centre communiste maoïste (MCC), au sein d'un parti réunifié : le Parti communiste indien maoïste (CPI-Maoist).
L'idéologie professée par le CPI-Maoist puise fidèlement dans les classiques de la littérature révolutionnaire. Elle affirme combattre "l'ordre semi-féodal et semi-colonial" au moyen d'une "guerre populaire prolongée" permettant d'instaurer in fine la "démocratie du peuple". La tactique consiste à "libérer" des zones rurales afin d'"encercler" les villes par les campagnes.
Cette rhétorique n'est pas sans rencontrer d'écho au sein des parias de la société indienne, en particulier les communautés tribales de plus en plus dépossédées par des projets de développement industriel. Les forêts des Etats de Jarkhand, Chhattisgarh ou de l'Orissa recèlent en effet des gisements de minerai – fer, bauxite, etc. – attisant les convoitises de grosses sociétés minières.
S'il a échoué à percer dans les grandes villes, le mouvement maoïste indien continue de planter ses racines dans ces zones tribales aliénées qui n'ont jusqu'à présent guère vu la couleur de la "Shining India" (l'Inde brillante).
3418736 5 c4dc le-cratere-laisse-par-l-embuscade-a-l-explosLe cratère laissé par l'explosion

Maoist Communist Party, Manipur Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

 Maoist Communist Party, Manipur bases itself on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism with the creative application of this universal truth to the concrete conditions of the Manipur revolution under the collective leadership of the Party. 
Maoist Communist Party-Manipur will be the vanguard of the proletariat in Manipur, which is part of the world proletariat, sworn the basic principles:
  • The masses are the makers of history, and "It is right to rebel;"
  • Contradiction, the sole and fundamental law of the incessant transformation of eternal matter;
  • Class struggle, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and proletarian internationalism;
  • The necessity of a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party which applies with firmness its independence, independent decision, and self reliance;
  • Smash Colonialism, imperialism, revisionism and reaction implacably and relentlessly;
  • Conquer and defend power through the People's War;
  • Militarization of the Party and the concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution;
  • Two-line struggle as the motive force of the Party's development;
  • Constant ideological transformation and always putting politics in command;
  • Serve the people and the world proletarian revolution;
Marxism is not a lifeless dogma, not a completed, ready-made, immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” said Com. Lenin, and it is “bound to reflect the astonishingly abrupt change in the conditions of social life.”
It is precisely because Marxism is a living science, and not a lifeless dogma, has living connection with, and serves practice, that it undergoes continuous development and gets enriched in the course of development of the class struggle, the struggle for production and scientific experiment. The Theory, Ideology or science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the synthesis of the experiences of class struggle in all spheres and in all countries over the last 150 years. It is a comprehensive whole of philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism or class struggle of the proletariat.
MLM has been forged and expounded by the most brilliant leaders of the international proletariat-Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse tung-in the crucible of class struggle and the ideological struggle against bourgeois ideology and its various manifestations in the form of revisionism and various other alien class tendencies in the past 150 years. It is an invincible weapon in the hands of the international proletariat and other oppressed and exploited masses to understand and transform this world by carrying out the revolution. It is a living and scientific ideology which has constantly developed and enriched during the course of revolutionary practice in the International Communist Movement.
Marxism, the scientific theory developed by Marx and Engels, laid the foundation of the new science and became firmly established by the last decade of the 19th century after defeating all the bourgeois, petty-bourgeois and opportunist trends in the International Communist Movement in a bitter struggle lasting for almost half-a-century. Marxism is the first stage in the development of the scientific ideology of the proletariat.
The second great leap in the science of Marxism took place in the initial decades of the 20th century under conditions of monopoly capitalism, which took the form of imperialism. It was in the course of creatively applying the basic tenets of Marxism to the concrete practice of the Russian Revolution and the World Proletarian Revolution and in the course of the ideological-political struggle against revisionists like Bernstein, Kautsky and dogmatic Marxists like Plekhanov, that Com. Lenin defended, enriched and developed Marxism to a new and higher stage of proletarian science. Thus Marxism-Leninism represented the second stage in the development of the scientific ideology of the proletariat.
The third great leap in the development of the proletarian science was brought forth by Com. Mao by applying the basic tenets of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution and the World Proletarian Revolution and in the course of the resolute struggle against modern revisionism led by Khrushchov & Co. He firmly defended, enriched and developed the science of Marxism-Leninism to a new and higher stage by making significant contributions to the three component parts of Marxism-Leninism. Thus Marxism-Leninism-Maoism marks the third stage in the development of the scientific ideology of the proletariat.
A correct scientific understanding of the development of the ideology of the proletariat over the last 150 years is very essential in order to grasp the significance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a qualitatively higher stage of Marxism-Leninism.
Marx and Marxism
Pointing out the objective conditions that gave birth to the science of Marxism Com. Mao states :
“For a very long period in history, men were necessarily confined to a one-sided understanding of history of society because, for one thing, the bias of the exploiting classes always distorted history and, for another, the small scale of production limited men’s outlook. It was not until the modern proletariat emerged along with immense forces of production (large-scale industry) that man was able to acquire a comprehensive historical understanding of the development of society and turn this knowledge into science, the science of Marxism.” (Mao - On Practice, Selected Works, Vol I, page 206)
And Com.Stalin succinctly sums up the essence of Marxism thus:
“Marxism is the science of the laws governing the development of nature and society, the science of the revolution of the oppressed and exploited masses, the science of the victory of socialism in all countries, the science of building a communist society.”
Karl Marx, along with his close comrade-in-arms, Frederick Engels, developed the philosophy of dialectical materialism as a method and outlook; applied the dialectical method to discover the laws of motion of social development or the materialist conception of history; developed the science of political economy which discovered the laws of motion of capitalism with its inherent class contradictions and the doctrine of surplus value-the cornerstone of Marx’s economic theory-which uncovered the source of exploitation; developed the theory of scientific socialism based on the doctrine of the class struggle; and outlined the principles governing the tactics of the class struggle of the proletariat.
Marx gave to philosophy the revolutionary task of changing the world. This is expressed in the famous statement made by Marx in his Theses on Feuerbach: “The philosophers have only interpreted the world, our task is to change it”.
  Marx and Engels defined matter as material reality existing objectively and that it gets reflected in human consciousness. Marxist philosophical materialism thus resolved the fundamental question in philosophy- that concerning the relation of thinking and being ...spirit to nature.
They also proved most scientifically the second aspect in the fundamental question in philosophy, viz, can human consciousness properly reflect objective reality? Marxist theory of knowledge totally rejected agnosticism and skepticism, asserted that nothing in the world remains forever as a “thing-in-itself” or unknowable. Marxist theory of knowledge asserted that social practice is the source of knowledge. Completely rejecting rationalist and empiricist trends, it also stated that social practice is the measure of truth.
Marx synthesized the knowledge gained by humankind over the centuries and, basing himself mainly on all that was rational in German classical philosophy, English classical political economy and French revolutionary and socialist doctrines, Marx discovered the Materialist Conception of History. He defined the human essence as the ensemble of social relations.
In the field of political economy, Marx’s greatest contribution is the analysis of Capital.
As explained by Lenin and cited by Com. Mao in his ‘On Contradiction’, “In his Capital, Marx first analyses the simplest, most ordinary and fundamental, most common and everyday relation of bourgeois (commodity) society, a relation encountered billions of times, viz. the exchange of commodities. In this very simple phenomenon (in this “cell” of bourgeois society) analysis reveals all the contradictions (or the germs of all the contradictions) of modern society. The subsequent exposition shows us the development (both growth and movement) of these contradictions and of this society in the [summation] of its individual parts, from its beginning to its end.”
Thus where the bourgeois economists saw a relation between things (the exchange of one commodity for another) Marx revealed a relation between people. The exchange of commodities expresses the tie between individual producers through the market.
In his monumental work, Das Capital, he expounded the labour theory of value and showed how surplus value extracted from the worker is the specific form of exploitation under capitalism, which takes the form of profit, the source of the wealth of the capitalist class. He showed that exploitation takes place in the capitalist mode of production behind the façade of free and equal exchange. Marx refuted the erroneous views of the Classical economists that exploitation arises from unequal exchange of labour for the wage. Based on this analysis and the law of contradiction Marx discovered the basic contradiction in capitalist society. As Com. Mao explained:
“When Marx applied this law to the study of the economic structure of capitalist society, he discovered that the basic contradiction of this society is the contradiction between the social character of production and the private character of ownership. This contradiction manifests itself in the contradiction between the organized character of production in individual enterprises and the anarchic character of production in society as a whole. In terms of class relations, it manifests itself in the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.” (On Contradiction)
Marx explained capitalist crises also as another manifestation of this fundamental contradiction of capitalism.
Com. Lenin expounded the Marxist understanding regarding the capitalist crisis, while refuting the Sismodian view, that crisis manifests “precisely in the conditions of production. To put it more briefly, the former (Sismondian) explains crises, by underconsumption (Unterkonsumption ), the latter (Marxist) by the anarchy of production.” (The characterization of Economic Romanticism)
Explaining how the capitalists try to resolve the crisis, The Communist Manifesto puts it lucidly:
“The conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say,, by paving the way for extensive and more destructive crisis, and thereby diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.”
Basing on the above understanding Marx and Engels recognised that the proletariat has emerged as the most revolutionary social class and a motive force for social development; that the proletariat, in the course of liberating itself from wage slavery, will also liberate the entire society from all class exploitation and oppression and advance towards a classless society. They realized that, in order to liberate itself by overthrowing capitalism the proletariat should develop its own class ideology, that it should transform from the position of class-in-itself to a class-for-itself, and that it should form its own advanced organization-the Party of the proletariat.
They proved that the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production in class society manifests itself as a class contradiction and it is this class struggle, which serves as the driving force of society. Hence they described the history of class society as a history of a class struggle. The Communist Manifesto, an immortal work of Marx and Engels which appeared over 150 years ago, remains the international proletariat’s guide even to this day.
The birth of Marxism belongs to the period of one of the greatest transformations in human history and the establishment of the global domination of a few Western capitalist regimes. It was in the period of stormy revolutions of the bourgeois-democratic epoch and nascent proletarian-revolutionary movements from 1848 to the Paris Commune of 1871, and a relatively peaceful period of preparation of the proletarian revolutions after the fall of the Commune to the turn of the century that Marxism became established through the correct analysis provided by Marx and Engels into the great events of the period like the Paris Commune. Marx and Engels played a major role in establishing and guiding the Communist Parties and the First International and gave the workers of various nations an internationalist outlook and camaraderie through their clarion call : “Workers of the world Unite!”
Marxism developed into an ideological weapon in the hands of the proletariat by defeating the various petty-bourgeois trends like the Anarchist trend of Proudhon, Bakunin and the like who rejected the need for the political struggle of the working class, rejected the need for a Party of the proletariat and rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat; the Blanquist trend that relied exclusively on conspiratorial methods; and the opportunist trend of Lassalle, who proposed a system of government-subsidised co-operatives, which would gradually replace capitalism, and opposed even trade union struggles and strikes by his infamous theory of the “iron law of wages”.
Marx criticized the opportunist Gotha Programme that was adopted by the new Party formed in Germany by the merger of the revolutionary Left led by Liebknecht and Bebel with the opportunist Lassalle who believed in the democratization of the state through universal suffrage or so-called state socialism and collaborated with Bismarck.
 Marx developed the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a form of rule of the proletariat and as a method of overthrowing the rule of capital by force. Marx and Engels explained the birth, development and the withering away of the State in the course of development of human society from the slave-owning society to communism. They explained that “the executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie”.(The Communist Manifesto).
The most important principle derived from the experience of the Commune, according to Marx, is that ‘the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and use it for its own purposes.’ In other words, the proletariat should use revolutionary means to seize state power, smash the military bureaucratic machine of the bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
Dictatorship of the proletariat is a key concept in Marxist political theory. Marx proved that “the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat; that this dictatorship itself constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society.” (Letter to Wedemeyer, March, 1852) Marx and Engels thus exposed and defeated all petty bourgeois, utopian theories of socialism that rejected class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat and firmly established the principles of scientific socialism.
It is through the development of the theory and tactics of the proletariat in the pre-monopoly stage of capitalism and the resolute struggle waged by Marx, against the various opportunist trends hostile to the interests of the proletariat, that Marxism got established as the first stage in the development of the proletarian ideology. And the Marxist methodology has been adopted in understanding and developing almost all subjects ranging from natural sciences to the strategy and tactics of revolution.
  The great contributions of Marx and Engels are inseparable. It was in close collaboration with Engels that Marx developed his theory. Engels assisted Marx and enriched the latter’s writings, simplifying and elaborating them where necessary. Engels also made great contributions to philosophy, political economy and scientific socialism after the death of Marx. He defended Marx and led the ideological struggle against the opportunism in the Second International in the initial years of its existence. Thus the contributions of Engels are an inseparable part of the theory of Marxism.
The revolutionary standpoint, political theory, the dialectical method and the all-embracing world view developed by Marx i.e., doctrine of Marx, came to be called Marxism, and represents the first great milestone in the development of the scientific ideology of the proletariat.
Lenin and Leninism
Lenin, following Marx and Engels, was a great revolutionary teacher of the proletariat, the working people and the oppressed nations of the whole world. Under the historical conditions of the epoch of imperialism and in the flames of the proletarian socialist revolution, Lenin inherited, resolutely defended, scientifically applied and creatively developed the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Engels. Leninism is Marxism of the epoch of imperialism and proletarian revolution.
He creatively applied the basic tenets of Marxism to the concrete practice of the Russian revolution and to the World Proletarian Revolution in the early phase of the imperialist era. Comrade Stalin summed up Leninism as: “Marxism in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution.”
Stalin mentioned two causes for the specific features of Lenin­ism. “... firstly, to the fact that Leninism emerged from the proletarian revolution, the imprint of which it cannot but bear; secondly, to the fact that it grew and became strong in clashes with the opportunism of the Second International.”
Com. Lenin made great contributions to enrich all the three component parts of Marxism and elevated our understanding of the proletarian Party, revolutionary violence, the State, the dictatorship of the proletariat, imperialism, the peasant question, the women’s question, the national question, world war, and tactics of the proletariat in the class struggle to a higher stage of conception. The theoretical writings of Com. Lenin deal with almost every subject applying the dialectical method of Marx.
Lenin undertook the very serious task of generalizing, on the basis of materialist philosophy, the most important achievements of science from the time of Engels down to his own time, as well as of subjecting to comprehensive criticism the anti-materialistic trends among Marxists. In particular, his criticism on empirio-criticism which came to the fore as a revisionist trend in philosophy is of fundamental importance. From then on until today it has served as Marxist critique of the modern bourgeois philosophical trends. He considered the attack on Marxism in name of “New” philosophical trends based on modern scientific discoveries as a manifestation of the class struggle in the philosophical front. He proved that all the “New” philosophical theories were no different from the old subjective idealism of Berkeley and Hume. Lenin thus defeated most ably this attack on Marxism in the philosophical front. In this process he creatively developed Marxist philosophy.
Lenin developed Marxist theory of reflection in a creative way. He explained on the basis of modern scientific discoveries that matter has the property of being reflected and consciousness is the highest form of reflection of matter in the brain.
The theory of reflection of matter developed by Lenin, the definition he gave to matter further strengthened the foundations of Marxist philosophical materialism, making them impregnable to any attacks from any form of idealism. The revolutionary dialectics was further carried ahead by Lenin who particularly made a deep study of contradictions. He called contradiction “the essence of dialectics” and stated that ‘the division of the One and the knowledge of its contradictory parts is the essence of dialectics.” He further asserted, “In brief, dialectics can be defined as the doctrine of the unity of opposites”.
Lenin made some of his greatest contributions to political economy. While Marx and Engels revealed the various aspects of capitalism when it was at the stage of free-competition and pointed out its tendencies and future direction, it was not possible for them to analyse imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism which was yet to be unfolded. Lenin further developed the Marxist political economy and analysed the economic and political essences of imperialism.
In his brilliant analysis of imperialism, which is a great contribution to the theory of Marxism, comrade Lenin scientifically explained the transformation of capitalism from the pre-monopoly stage to monopoly stage and how this highest stage of capitalism bred war and revolution. He pointed out that imperialist war is a continuation of imperialist politics. The imperialists because of their insatiable greed in scrambling for world markets, sources of raw materials and fields for investment, and because of their struggle to re-divide the world start world wars. Hence, so long as imperialism exists in the world, the source and possibility of war will remain. He laid bare the myth of democracy and showed how “politically imperialism is always a striving towards violence and reaction.”
Lenin asserted that imperialism is monopolistic, parasitic or decaying, moribund capitalism, that it is the highest and final stage in the development of capitalism and therefore is the eve of the proletarian revolution.
Another major contribution of Lenin was regarding the smashing of the State structure of the exploiting classes and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. He explained how the State is an instrument of oppression of one class by another and how the exploitative State can be smashed only by means of revolutionary violence. Lenin repeatedly pointed out that the proletarian revolution must smash the bourgeois state machine and replace it with the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Drawing lessons from the experiences of the Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution, he discovered that the Soviet form of government was the best form of the dictatorship of the proletariat; defined the dictatorship of the proletariat as a special form of the class alliance between the proletariat, and the exploited masses of the non-proletarian classes, particularly the peasantry, under the leadership of the working class; and explained how the dictatorship of the proletariat is the highest type of democracy, the form of proletarian democracy, which expresses the interests of the majority of the masses. Lenin pointed out that the dictatorship of the proletariat is a persistent struggle - bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative - against the forces and traditions of the old society, that it means all-round dictatorship over the bourgeoisie. The importance of the dictatorship of the proletariat in Lenin’s thinking could be gauged from his famous observation: “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat.”
Lenin also warned of the danger of the restoration of capitalism if the working class does not completely transform the small commodity production. Lenin said: “small production engenders capitalism and the bourgeoisie continuously, daily, hourly, spontaneously, and on a mass scale.” That is why Lenin considered that the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential to check the rise of the new bourgeoisie. Moreover, basing on the law of the uneven economic and political development of capitalism, Lenin came to the conclusion that, because capitalism developed extremely unevenly in different countries, socialism would achieve victory first in one or several countries but could not achieve victory simultaneously in all countries. Therefore, in spite of the victory of socialism in one or several countries, other capitalist countries still exist, and this gives rise to imperialist subversive activities against the socialist states. Hence the struggle will be protracted. This was very lucidly brought out by the CPC in its famous June 14 Letter of 1963:
“After the October Revolution, Lenin pointed out a number of times that:
  a. The overthrown exploiters always try in a thousand and one ways to recover the “paradise” they have been deprived of.
  b. New elements of capitalism are constantly and spontaneously generated in the petty-bourgeois atmosphere.
  c. Political degenerates and new bourgeois elements may emerge in the ranks of the working class and among government functionaries as a result of bourgeois influence and the pervasive, corrupting atmosphere of the petty bourgeoisie.
  d. The external conditions for the continuance of class struggle within a socialist country are encirclement by international capitalism, the imperialists’ threat of armed intervention and their subversive activities to accomplish peaceful disintegration. “
. This thesis of Lenin that the struggle between socialism and capitalism will embrace a whole historical epoch is a tremendous contribution to the theory of building socialism and communism.
Lenin made a path-breaking leap in the concept and practice of Party building, which is a great addition to the arsenal of Marxism. Lenin considered it of prime importance for the proletariat to establish its own genuinely revolutionary political party, which completely breaks with opportunism, that is, a Communist Party, if the proletarian revolution is to be carried through, and the dictatorship of the proletariat established and consolidated. He brilliantly summed up the need for the party in the famous phrase “The Proletariat, in its struggle for power, has no weapon other than organization”. He postulated that the Party is the highest form of class organization that directs all other forms of organization of the masses, that the dictatorship of the proletariat can be realized only through the proletarian Party, and that the Party should consist of a stable nucleus of professional revolutionaries with an extensive network of Party membership. This political party must identify itself with the masses and attach great importance to their creative initiative in the making of history; it must closely rely on the masses in revolution as well as in building Socialism and Communism.
The Leninist understanding on the national question is qualitatively of a higher level. He fought both the chauvinism of the oppressor nation and the narrow nationalism of the oppressed nation and laid out a correct policy for the Party of the proletariat on the national question i.e. complete equality of rights for all nations; the right of nations to self-determination, including the right of secession, and the amalgamation of all nations. He showed how the national and colonial question is a component part of the general question of the world proletarian revolution and how it can be resolved only by the complete elimination of imperialism worldwide. According to the National and Colonial Thesis of Com. Lenin, the proletarian revolutionary movements in the capitalist countries should ally themselves with the national liberation movements in the colonies and dependent countries; this alliance can smash the alliance of the imperialists with the feudal and comprador reactionary forces in the colonies all dependent countries, and will therefore inevitably put a final end to the imperialist system throughout the world.
Lenin creatively developed the ideas of Marx and Engels on an alliance of the working class and the peasantry into an integral doctrine. Refuting the line of the Mensheviks like Plekhanov who argued that the proletariat should only play the role of extreme left opposition and leave the leadership role of the bourgeois democratic revolution in Russia to the bourgeoisie and that the peasantry should be left under the latter’s tutelage, Lenin formulated the strategic plans for both the stages of revolution in Russia as: “The proletariat must carry the democratic revolution to the completion, allying to itself the mass of the peasantry in order to crush the autocracy’s resistance by force and paralyse the bourgeoisie’s instability. The proletariat must accomplish the Socialist revolution, allying to itself the masses of the semi-proletarian elements of the population, so as to crush the bourgeoisie’s resistance by force and paralyse the instability of the peasantry and the petty-bourgeoisie.”
Analysing the international and the internal conditions in Russia in the era of imperialism Lenin thus developed a completely new theory of two stages of revolution-bourgeois democratic and proletarian socialist-both of which are indivisible and should be led by the proletariat.
Leninism developed through relentless fight against the various shades of opportunists such as the Bernstenian revisionists, Narodniks, Economists, Mensheviks, Legal Marxists, Liquidators, Kautskyites, Trotskyites, etc. Lenin drew up the tactics by taking Marxism as not a dogma but a guide to action. The amazing clarity of the tactical slogans and the astounding boldness of the revolutionary plans of Lenin won over all the Left forces in the Second International and the revolutionary masses to the side of the Bolsheviks.
Lenin considered revisionists as agents of imperialism hiding among the ranks of the working class movement and said: “…the fight against imperialism is a sham and humbug unless it is inseparably bound up with the fight against opportunism.”
With the collapse of the Second International during the First World War due to the betrayal by most of the Social-Democratic Parties that pursued a national chauvinist policy of “Defence of the Fatherland”, Com. Lenin formed the Third International immediately following the War and made it a powerful instrument of the international proletariat in its fight against imperialism.
While Marxism is the doctrine of the era of relative peaceful development of capitalism and Leninism is the doctrine of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution.
Describing the conditions under which Leninism arose, Com.Stalin said: “Leninism grew up and took shape under the conditions of imperialism, when the contradictions of capitalism had reached an extreme point, when the proletarian revolution had become an immediate practical question, when the old period of preparation of the working class for revolution had come up and passed over to a new period, that of direct assault on capitalism”. And that “Leninism is the theory and tactics of the proletarian revolution in general, the theory and tactics of the dictatorship of the proletariat in particular.”
Lenin’s teachings on imperialism, on proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, on war and peace, and on the building of socialism and communism still retain their full vitality. The science of Marxism thus took a qualitative leap into the second and higher stage of Marxism-Leninism in the course of the proletarian revolution and the struggle against the opportunists of the Second international in the imperialist stage of capitalism.
Stalin’s Defence of Marxism-Leninism
Stalin’s contribution is part and parcel of Leninism. Based on the theoretical foundations of Com. Lenin he further enriched and played a leading role in construction of socialism in the USSR, the world’s first ever socialist country.
Com. Stalin, the comrade-in-arms of Lenin, creatively applied, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism in some fields. He led the International Communist Movement, in the three decades after the death of Com.Lenin. He played a glorious role in defeating the Hitler fascism during the 2nd World War.
Stalin defended and developed Marxism-Leninism in the fight against various kinds of opportunism, against the enemies of Leninism, the Trotskyites, Zinovievites, Bukharinites, and other bourgeois agents.
Stalin made an indelible contribution to the international communist movement through a number of theoretical writings such as those on the Nationality question, Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, History of the CPSU(B), on linguistics, etc and is known for the most lucid, popular and simplified presentation of the works of Lenin such as “The Foundations of Leninism” making them easier to grasp by the Marxist-Leninists all over the world.
Mao and Maoism
Combining the Chinese Revolution and the international proletarian revolution with the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism, Com.Mao has protected, inherited and developed Marxism-Leninism to a new and higher stage in the field of philosophy, political economy, military science and scientific socialism. Com.Mao has further developed the Marxist-Leninist strategy and tactics. Protracted people’s war was developed through revolutionary struggle and was for long 28 years in colonial, semi-colonial, semi-feudal China-in a situation totally different from the capitalist Europe. His theory of the New Democracy is also a unique contribution to the arsenal of Marxism-Leninism.
After the successful completion of the great Chinese Revolution in 1949 he made some of his most brilliant contributions through the process of leading a worldwide struggle against Khrushchov revisionism as well as modern revisionism which is popularly known as The Great Debate in the history of the International Communist Movement and thereafter by making continuous contributions to the treasury of Marxism-Leninism, he initiated and led the earth-shaking GPCR which marked a historical turning point in the history of International Communist Movement. During this period he developed the theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat to prevent the restoration of capitalism thereby consolidating and strengthening the socialist system and the dictatorship of the proletariat with the very purpose of advancing it towards communism on a world scale. On the whole, Com. Mao developed the science of Marxism-Leninism to its third, higher and qualitatively new stage.
 Marxist philosophy: Mao Tse-tung made invaluable contributions in greatly developing the proletarian philosophy of dialectical materialism including the theory of knowledge. Through his pene­trating study of society and human thought and particularly fighting against the dogmatists and made a conceptual leap in understanding and developing the law of contradiction. He pointed out that law of contradiction, the unity and struggle of oppo­sites, is the fundamental law of motion governing nature and society including the human thought. He expounded that the unity and identity in all things and processes is temporary and rela­tive, while the struggle between opposites is constant and abso­lute which marks “breaks in continuity” and new leaps. He further explained this conceptual leap in identifying the relationship between the particularity of contradiction and the universality of contradiction. He said that in given condition, opposite in a contradiction possesses identity, and consequently can coexist in a single entity and can transform themselves into each other. This is the particularity and relativity of contradiction. But the struggle of opposites is ceaseless, it goes on both when the opposites are coexisting and when they are transforming them­selves into each other, and this struggle becomes especially visible when the opposites are transforming themselves into one another - this is universality and absoluteness of contradiction. In this context he further said that in analyzing the particular­ity of contradictions we must give attention to the distinction between the principal contradiction and the non-principal contradiction and to the distinction between the prin­cipal aspect and the non-principal aspect of a contradiction, while in studying and analysing the universality of contradic­tion and the struggle of opposites in contradiction, we must give attention to the distinction between the different forms of struggle. That is why he stressed that “the study of the various states of unevenness in contradictions, of the principal and the non-principal contradictions and of the principal and the non-principal aspects of a contradiction constitutes an essential method by which a revolutionary political Party correctly determines its strategic and tactical policies both in political and in military affairs.”
(Mao - ‘On Contradiction’ Selected Readings, Page 117)
How we must study every great system of the forms of motion of matter, Com. Mao said, “It is necessary not only to study the particular contradiction and the essence determined thereby of every great system of the forms of motion of matter, but also study the particular contradiction and the essence of each process in the long course of development of each form of motion of matter . In every form of motion, each process of development which is real (and not imaginary) is qualitatively different. Our study must emphasise and start from this point.” (On Contradiction).
How to solve the qualitatively different contradictions Com.Mao taught us, “qualitatively different contradictions can only be resolved by qualitatively different methods.” ( Ibid.). How to study a long process he advised us to remember the following guideline: “ the process is marked by stages. If people do not pay attention to the stages in the process of development of a thing, they cannot deal with its contradictions properly.”
Regarding the interrelationship between class struggle and the development of ideology, Com. Mao said, “The three basic constituents of Marxism are scientific socialism, philosophy and political economy. The foundation is social science, class struggle. There is a struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Marx and others saw this. Utopian Socialists are always trying to persuade the bourgeoisie to be charitable. This won’t work. It is necessary to rely on the class struggle of the proletariat…….it is only starting from this view-point that Marxism appeared. The foundation is class struggle.” (Talks on the Question of Philosophy, Mao, 1964)
Mao also developed the dialectical understanding regarding the relationship between productive forces and relations of production, theory and practice, economic base and superstructure, matter and consciousness, and so on. He raised the understanding to a qualitatively higher level by pointing out that although productive forces, practice, matter, economic base, etc. are the principal aspects in the above contradictions, in certain conditions, aspects such as relations of production, theory, superstructure and consciousness can become the principal and play a decisive role.
Thus Mao stressed the profound truth that matter can be transformed into consciousness and then consciousness back into matter, thereby further developing the understanding of the conscious, dynamic role of man in every field of human activity.
Mao Tse-tung masterfully applied this understanding in analysing the relationship between theory and practice, he stressed that practice is both the sole source and ultimate criterion of truth and emphasising the leap from theory to revolutionary practice. He elaborating this understanding in developing the theory of knowledge :
“Discover the truth through practice, and again through practice verify and develop the truth. Start from perceptual knowledge and actively develop it into rational knowledge; then start from rational knowledge and actively guide revolutionary practice to change both the subjective and the objective world. Practice, knowledge, again practice and again knowledge. This form repeats itself in endless cycles, and with each cycle the content of practice and knowledge rises to a higher level. Such is the whole of the dialectical-materialist theory of knowledge, and such is the dialectical-materialistic theory of the unity of knowing and doing.”
(Mao, On Practice, Selected Reading, page 81-82)
During the GPCR Mao Tse-tung gave utmost importance to the study and popularising the philosophy of the proletariat and thereby coined the term that “Philosophy is no mystery” and hence to take philosophy to the masses in their million he developed the new concept of “one divides into two” in opposing the revisionist thesis of “Two combine into one”. This became the most popular version of the law of the unity and struggle of opposites which marked a new development in philosophy.
Political Economy :
In the realm of the political economy of Socialism, Com.Mao Tse-tung made tremendous advances, particularly analyzing the concrete laws of motion governing the Socialist Construction by undertaking deep and critical analysis of the then ‘Soviet Economics’ and by taking lessons from the positive and negative experiences of socialist construction in Soviet Russia. During this penetrating analysis he defended and highlighted the positive achievements of the socialist construction while at the same time criticised some of its negative aspects. On the basis of this analysis including the analysis of the Chinese experience itself, com. Mao developed a new conception thereby making a major breakthrough in this field. In his masterful writing “Ten Major Relationships” Com.Mao underlined and developed new concepts for building Socialism, such as “take agriculture as the foundation and industry as the leading factor”. He emphasized the contradictory and dynamic role of production and its interaction with the political and ideological superstructure of the society. Mao recognized that although the ownership of the whole people will coexist with the ownership of the collective for a fairly long period of time, the latter can also prove to be a hurdle for the further and full development of the productive forces. That is why he stressed that there should be constant interaction between the system of socialist ownership with the other aspects of the relations of production, that is the relations between the people in production including the system of distribution. In this context he emphasized the fact that since the law of value and the “bourgeois right” still continue to operate (although restricted) in the Socialist society, it is therefore the correctness of the ideological and political line that decides whether the proletariat actually owns the means of production. It is in this background that Com.Mao warned time and again that if the revisionists succeeded in capturing the political power it would be easy for them to rig up the capitalist system. He thereby enriched and developed the Marxist political economy by profoundly criticizing and waging a life and death struggle against the revisionist theory of the productive forces represented by Liu Shao-chi &Co in China and Khrushchov in Russia. He concluded that the superstructure and consciousness can transform the base and, by placing politics in command in every field, productive forces can be constantly developed.
With this higher stage of conception and understanding of the laws of socialist construction Com.Mao formulated some important guidelines in the form of slogans such as “Grasp Revolution, Promote Production”, “Never Forget Class Struggle” and “Take Class Struggle as the Key Link” in carrying out production in the correct direction. Refuting the revisionist theory of “Only Expert”, com. Mao enunciated an important guideline by emphasizing the interrelationship between expertise and revolutionary politics or “Red and Expert”.
Another great contribution of Com. Mao is the new conception of bureaucrat capital, which is comprador in nature and is tied to imperialism and feudalism. He explained how, during their twenty-year rule, the four big families, Chiang, Soong, Kung and Chen, have piled up enormous fortunes and monopolized the economic lifelines of the whole country; how this monopoly capital, combined with state power, has become state-monopoly capitalism. He stated: “This monopoly capitalism, closely tied up with foreign imperialism, the domestic landlord class and the old-type rich peasants, has become comprador, feudal, state-monopoly capitalism. Such is the economic base of Chiang Kai-shek’s reactionary regime. This state-monopoly capitalism oppresses not only the workers and peasants but also the urban petty bourgeoisie, and it injures the middle bourgeoisie. This capital is popularly known in China as bureaucrat-capital. This capitalist class, known as the bureaucrat-capitalist class, is the big bourgeoisie of China.” He said that besides doing away with the special privileges of imperialism in China, the task of the new-democratic revolution at home is to abolish exploitation and oppression by the landlord class and by the bureaucrat-capitalist class (the big bourgeoisie), change the comprador, feudal relations of production and unfetter the productive forces.
Com. Mao’s analysis of the degeneration of the Socialist economy of the Soviet Union into a capitalist economy, the process of development of state monopoly capital in the Soviet Union and the transformation of the latter into a social-imperialist country and then into a superpower has also enriched our understanding of the bureaucratized capitalist states i.e. in States where capitalism is restored.
Development of a Maoist Revolutionary Line
The principal elements of Com. Mao’s revolutionary line are the political line of carrying out the New Democratic Revolution under the leadership of the working class which will pass over to the Socialist stage; the military line with the protracted people’s war as its essence; the organizational line that consists of the basic principles underlying the construction of the three magic weapons; and the revolutionary mass line.
Com. Mao’s revolutionary line emerged by creatively and masterfully applying the science of Marxism-Leninism to the concrete practice of the Chinese Revo­lution. During the long and complex course of the Chinese Revo­lution he developed a qualitatively new theory regarding the nature and the path of the revolution for the colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries; developed the strategic and tactical principles of people’s war and enriched the military science; and developed the mass line and class line and thereby developed the new theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
New Democratic Revolution
According to the new theory developed by Com. Mao that the revolution in the semi-colonial, semi-feudal, countries will generally pass through two different or distinct but inseparably interlinked stages. The first stage will be the New Democratic Stage, which will uninterruptedly pass over to the socialist stage directed towards communism. This is because these countries have not gone through the bourgeois democratic revolution and hence are oppressed by both imperialism and feudalism. By basing on the Leninist thesis with regard to the Russian revolution Mao developed the theory of two stages to a qualitatively new level. Thus he explained that the democratic revolution in China is not the old type of bourgeois revolution but a new democratic revolution and that it had the two-fold task of overthrowing feudalism on the one hand, which determined the democratic character, and of overthrowing imperialism, which determined the national character of the revolution. The NDR will remain directed against imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. Agrarian revolution will be the axis of this revolution. The proletariat and its party will play the leading role in this revolution. He analyzed that the bourgeoisie is divided into two sections-the comprador big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. While the former is the target of the revolution the latter is a vacillating ally in the democratic stage of the revolution. It is this penetrating analysis that made it possible for the CPC to forge a powerful united front of all the classes that stood opposed to imperialism and feudalism based on worker-peasant alliance and led by the working class.
Path of Protracted People’s War
In order to victoriously carry out the new democratic revolution Com. Mao developed a qualitatively new theory of protracted people’s war. Before the Chinese Revolution the path of armed insurrection, generally known as the soviet model of revolution, was considered as the general path for the seizure of power by the working class. But great Mao Tsetung solved the question of successful completion of the revolution in the colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries. He solved this question by waging a bitter struggle against various right, dogmatist and “left” deviations and learning from mistakes in the course of advancing the Chinese revolution. With the victorious completion of this revolution the truth that has come out is marked with internationalist significance. This truth is revolution in colonial, semi-colonial and semi-feudal countries can be victorious generally by following the path and the principles underlying the strategy and tactics of the Chinese Revolution. According to this path the countryside will remain the main centre of the revolution and armed agrarian revolution will be the key in the creation of the unending flow of armed revolutionary forces from the mass of the peasantry, which will lead towards establishing the invincible people’s army. The protracted people’s war will advance towards victory by liberating the vast areas of the countryside first and then encircling and finally capturing the cities.
During this revolution Com. Mao put forth immense importance to the building of a staunch and heroic people’s army and establish­ment of the liberated base areas firstly in the strategic areas of the countryside. The emergence of the base areas will contrib­ute to enhance and expedite the revolutionary high tide through­out the country and this lays the basis for building up new base areas. Moreover, the task of carrying out the revolutionary transformations in the base areas, by mobilising and relying on the masses themselves, will help in further strengthening these base areas politically, economically as well as culturally, which will definitely help in achieving new victories in the protracted people’s war.
Military Line
Com. Mao developed a most comprehensive military line of the proletariat of a new type in the history of the international communist movement. He developed this line by comprehending the laws of war developed in the previous history and particularly by basing on the Marxist-Leninist understanding regarding the revo­lutionary warfare.
Comrade Mao systematically and comprehensively formulated the basic principles of building up the Red Army and of the Red Army’s strategy and tactics during the course of China’s Revolutionary war, or in short, the laws that govern the people’s war. The basic strategic and tactical principles of the Red Army were derived from the principal characteristics of China’s revolutionary war These basic principles, together with other military theories, constitute the military line of the CPC represented by Com. Mao.
The principles and theories comprising the military line have enriched the military science and have become a guide for directing the war, particularly in colonial, semi-feudal. semi-colonial countries as the experiences of the people’s wars and national liberation struggles in several countries since the Second World War amply demonstrate.
One of the greatest contributions of Com.Mao to military science lies precisely in his interpreting guerilla warfare on a strategic level. Formerly, guerilla warfare was only considered as a tactical problem. He said that throughout the period of war, guerrilla warfare and mobile warfare of a guerilla character are the chief forms of fighting. The strategic role of guerilla warfare is two-fold, to support regular warfare and to transform itself into regular warfare. While guerilla warfare is basic, he stressed that “the outcome of the war depends mainly on regular warfare, especially in its mobile form”, and that “these two forms of warfare will afford full play to the art of directing the war and to the active role of man”. Which form of warfare-guerilla, mobile, positional-will assume the main form at a particular phase of the protracted people’s war depends on the concrete conditions. But in all conditions the basic principle will remain “You fight your way and we’ll fight ours: We fight when we can win and we retreat when we cannot.” In the same way he categorically stated that “ all the guiding principles of military apparatus grow out of one basic principle, ‘to preserve oneself and destroy the enemy’”. All technical principles and all principles concerning tactics, campaigns and strategy represent application of this basic principle.
One of the most important contributions of Mao is the involvement of the broad masses in the people’s war. He showed that it is the people, not weapons that are decisive in carrying out the people’s war. The development of the people’s militia as the local fighting force with the slogan of “Every citizen a soldier” spread the guerilla warfare in depth and breadth throughout China. Guerilla warfare acquired a mass character behind the enemy lines thereby facilitating the advance of the regular people’s army and the guerilla units. Com. Mao taught that Party should always command the gun and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party.
Com. Mao also profoundly chalked out the three distinct but interlinked stages that the revolutionary war would generally traverse through. These are the stage of strategic defensive, the stage of strategic stalemate or strategic equilibrium and finally the stage of strategic offensive. The duration of these stages will vary according to varying conditions of a country. Com. Mao forcefully stated that “It is imperative that we arouse interest in the study of mili­tary theory and direct the attention of the whole membership to the study of military matters.” In this context of developing and applying the military line, the military writings of Mao Tse-tung are a guide to action. These must be studied and grasped for continuously deepening and advancing the revolutionary protracted people’s war to higher and higher stages.
Mass Line
Com. Mao further developed the concept regarding the revolu­tionary mass line based on his famous dictum that “the people and the people alone are the motive force in making world history.” He explained the basic method of leadership by showing how correct ideas are formed in the leadership by taking the ideas of the masses and concentrating them, and again going to the masses, persevering in the ideas and carrying them through. He stated that “take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas), and concentrate them (through study, turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas) then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action and test the correctness of these ideas in such action.” Such is the essence of Mao’s mass line. The 1945 CPC ‘Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party’, lucidly summed up Com. Mao’s conception of mass line inside and outside the Party:
“As Comrade Mao Tse-tung says, the correct line should be ‘from the masses, to the masses’. To ensure that the line really comes from the masses and particular that it really goes back to the masses, there must be close ties not only between the Party and the masses outside the Party (between the class and the people), but above all between the Party’s leading bodies and the masses within the Party (between the cadres and the rank and the file); in other words there must be a correct organizational line. Therefore, just as in each period of the Party’s history Comrade Mao Tse-tung has laid down a political line representing the interests of the masses, so he has laid down an organizational line serving the political line and maintaining ties with the masses both inside and outside the Party.”
Three Magic Weapons
The “Three Magic Weapons”-the party, army and the united front-is another new thesis developed by Com. Mao. The deeper understanding and masterful use of these weapons by the party of the proletariat can and will guarantee the advancement of revolution towards victory. It is extremely neces­sary to understand and grasp not only the significance of each weapon taken by itself but it is more important to understand and master their interrelationship in theory and, more importantly, in concrete practice. In this regard Com. Mao remarkably concluded: “Our eighteen years experience show that the UF and armed strug­gle are the two basic weapons for defeating the enemy. The UF is a UF for carrying on armed struggle, and party is the heroic warrior wielding the two weapons, the UF and the Armed Struggle to storm and shatter the enemy’s positions. That is how they are related to each other.” (Mao, “Introducing the Communist” Vol. II, Page 295)
This is the essence of Com. Mao’s theory in understanding and correctly handling the two weapons, UF and Armed Struggle, by the Party of the Proletariat.
Apart from the three magic weapons Com. Mao also developed an important guideline in understanding and developing the relation­ship of other forms of organization and struggles. He said that “....war is the main form of struggle and the army is the main form of organization. Other forms such as mass organizations and mass struggles are also extremely important and indeed indispens­able and in no circumstances to be overlooked, but their purpose is to serve the war.” This is the most correct criterion in judging the performance of all other forms of organization and forms of struggles.
Communist Party
Com. Mao further developed the vanguard role of the Leninist concept regarding the Communist Party who emphatically stated that “if there is to be revolution there must be a revolutionary party.” The party must be armed with the scientific ideology of MLM, it must be built on revolutionary style and should be well disciplined, using the method of criticism and self- criticism and closely linked with while relying vast masses of the People. Apart from fighting against bourgeoisie ideology and various shades of revisionism Com. Mao developed the profound understanding of how to develop and preserve and enhance the proletarian character of the party through waging active and relentless struggle against the influence of the bourgeoisie tendencies inside the party ranks at all levels.
Com. Mao taught that the communist party plays the primary and vanguard role in all matters before, during and often the revolu­tion in leading the proletariat and the masses in the historic struggle leading toward communism. He developed the profound understanding of how to develop and preserve the proletarian character of the party through waging an active and serious struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois tendencies in the party ranks at all levels. In addition to the ideological remoulding of the party members the weapon of criticism and self-criticism should be used for strengthening the party organization and increasing its fighting capacity. In opposing subjectiv­ism and sectarianism and other alien class tendencies communist must firstly “learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones,” and secondly “cure the sickness to save the patient”, this is the only correct and effective method. He also set a new example to constantly rectify the party in order to proletarianize the Party and safeguard the political line through initiating rectification campaigns from time to time. He also warned against subjectivism, arbitrariness and vulgarization of criticism and emphasized that during this process statements should be based on facts and criticism should stress the political side.
Com. Mao highlighted the importance of integration of the leadership with the masses. Thereby he emphasized that they should be bold in unleashing their initiative and creativity. For this they should set an example in “simple living and hard work”. Both commandism and the attitude of dispensing favors have to be fought. Communists must be modest and prudent and guard against arrogance and impetuosity; they must be imbued with the spirit of self-criticism and have the courage of correcting the mistakes and shortcomings in their work. They must not cover up their errors and claim the credit for themselves and shift all the blame on others. In developing the mass line Mao Tsetung contin­ued to stress that communist should set an example in learning from the masses and relying on them.
On Democratic Centralism
Mao’s dialectical presentation of the understanding of democratic centralism was a significant contribution to the Marxist theory of organisational principles. He stressed on creating ‘a political situation in which we have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness’ both inside and outside the Party and said that “Otherwise it will be impossible to arouse the enthusiasm of the masses. We cannot overcome difficulties without democracy. Of course, it’s even more impossible to do so without centralism. But if there’s no democracy, centralism can profit to only few”
“Without democracy there can’t be correct centralism because centralism can’t be established when people have divergent views and don’t have unity of understanding. What is meant by centralism? First, there must be concentration of correct ideas. Unity of understanding, of policy, plan, command and action is attained on the basis of concentrating correct ideas. This is unity through centralism. But if all those concerned are still not clear about the problems, if their opinions are still unexpressed or their anger is still not vented, how can you achieve this unity through centralism? Without democracy, it is impossible to sum up experience correctly. Without democracy, without ideas coming from the masses, it is impossible to formulate good lines, principles, policies or methods.”
Mao also explained the dialectical relationship between democratic centralism and dictatorship of the proletariat:
“Without democratic centralism, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be consolidated. Without broad democracy for the people, it is impossible for the dictatorship of the proletariat to be consolidated of for political power to be stable. Without democracy, without arousing the masses and without supervision by the masses, it is impossible to exercise effective dictatorship over the reactionaries and bad elements or to remould them effectively.”
He warned that if the DOP is not consolidated based on democratic centralism it is impossible to establish a socialist economy and then China will turn into a bourgeois state and the DOP will turn into a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and into a reactionary fascist dictatorship.
People’s Army
The importance of the people’s army in the seizure of political power is captured in the well-known statement of Mao, “Without a peo­ple’s army the people have nothing.” He further stated that “the people’s army is an armed body for carrying out the political tasks.” For this is it highly necessary to comprehend that the people’s army can accomplish its historic tasks only by earnestly and firmly following the great teachings of Com. Mao. He showed that besides fighting to destroy the enemy while preserving its own strength it should shoulder such political tasks of doing propaganda among the masses, mobilizing the masses along with organizing and arming them and helping them in establishing their revolutionary political power thereby setting up and developing the party also. Com.Mao said without these objectives fighting looses and the red army looses the significance of its existence.
The Revolutionary United Front
The building of the united front of the four anti-imperialist, anti-feudal classes-the working class, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie- on the basis of the worker-peasant alliance, is another major breakthrough in the Marxist-Leninist understanding on the united front. Com. Mao laid down the basic tactical principles of the united front to be pursued by the proletariat. These were: to isolate, and destroy the main targets of the revolution-the imperialists, the feudal forces and the comprador bureaucratic capitalists by mobilising and organising the broad masses and uniting with all classes, parties, organizations and individuals that were willing to oppose feudalism and imperialism; to maintain the hegemony of the working class over the united front; to maintain the independence and initiative in the hands of the working class and to rely on its own efforts in all conditions; and that the united front should serve the armed struggle. Such a UF should be built up through armed struggle and for carrying forward the armed struggle. The party of the proletariat should play a vanguard role in this united front. The national bour­geoisie will take part in the revolution against imperialism and feudalism at certain times and to a certain extent. Hence the correct and incorrect handling of relationship with the national bourgeoisie will be another hallmark for the party of the prole­tariat.
On Art and Culture
 Com. Mao’s contribution to the field of culture and art are a new development. He forcefully refuted the idea of art for art’s sake. He said all literature and art belong to definite classes and are geared to definite political lines. There is no such thing as art for art’s sake. He emphatically declared “all our literature and art are for the masses of the people.” He put forth a completely new line. He said that our literary and art workers must “move their feet over to the side of the workers, peasants and soldiers, to the side of the prole­tariat.” He also called upon them that they should go “into the thick of practical struggles and through the process of studying Marxism and society.” He further asserted, “an army without culture is a dull - wetted army, and a dull-wetted army cannot defeat the enemy.” How to develop a socialist culture, Com. Mao in a unique way said, “Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting the progress of the arts and sciences and a flourishing socialist culture in our land.”
This is the only way to bring forth a revolutionary and socialist culture in the finest sense.
On Imperialism and the National Question
Basing on Lenin’s theses on the national and colonial question Mao developed the concept of national liberation struggles in the colonies and semi-colonies particularly in the conditions prevailing after WW II, analyzed the neo-colonial forms and methods of rule adopted by imperialism in the post WW II period, and explained how the struggles of the oppressed nations and people in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America - the storm centers of world revolution - are dealing blows against imperialism shaking the very foundations of imperialist rule. He stressed on the importance of forging a united front of the national liberation struggles in the semi-colonial, semi-feudal countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America on the one hand and the proletarian revolutionary movements in the capitalist countries on the other in order to defeat imperialism and hasten the victory of the world revolution. He pointed out that no nation, however big and powerful, can subject a weak and small nation and said that even a superpower like the US is a paper tiger and the nuclear bomb is also a paper tiger. Explaining how we should look at imperialism and all reactionaries from the strategic and tactical points of view, Com. Mao said:
 “Imperialism and all reactionaries have a dual nature-they are real tigers and paper tigers at the same time. Hence, imperialism and all reactionaries looked at in essence from a long-term point of view, from a strategic point of view, must be seen for what they are-paper tigers. On this we should build our strategic thinking. On the other hand, they are also living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers which can devour people. On this we should build our tactical thinking.”
The Great Debate and Ideological struggle against modern revisionism
After the demise of great Stalin, the agent of imperialists and the die-hard revisionist Khrushchev through the 20th Congress of the CPSU held in 1956, brought forth his pernicious theory like ‘peaceful transformation to socialism’, ‘peaceful competition’, and ‘peaceful co-existence’. All these theories are diametrically opposite to the theory of Marxism-Leninism and through these harmful theories Khrushchev left no stone unturned to make a split and loss to the international communist movement. In the same way, Khrushchev revisionism tried to divert the world prole­tarian movement by denying the existence of imperialism and by showing the danger of ‘atom bomb’ and ‘war’ in the situation developed after the 2nd World War. Com. Mao fought relentlessly and resolutely against Khrushchev revisionism and defended and advanced the ICM with a correct Marxist-Leninist orientation by drawing a clear line of demarcation with those die-hard revision­ists. As a part and parcel of the struggle against revisionism Com. Mao resolutely fought against Tito, the agent of imperialism and against the recognised revisionists like Togliotte and Thorez and through these struggles against revisionism he defended and developed Marxism-Leninism and formulated a new and general line for the international communist movement.
Mao Tsetung led the international struggle against modern revi­sionism through initiating the Great Debate. During this great struggle he not only defended Marxism-Leninism but also developed it in some aspects. This struggle was focused on all the major questions particularly on the dictatorship of the proletariat. He set forth a new general line for the international communist movement, which paved the way for the genuine Marxist - Leninist forces for struggling against and revolting from revisionism thereby advanced towards forging and building new ML parties based on ML principles all over the globe.
During this period Mao Tsetung has to wage repeated two line struggles against the revisionist headquarters within the CPC also. Actually, this process of analysis and struggle against modern revisionism including the repeated two-line struggle in the CPC begins in the new form with the 20th Congress of the then CPSU. Thereafter this process go deepening and getting sharp and sharp in the subsequent period. It culminated during the GPCR.
Mao Tsetung initiated and led the historic GPCR. The GPCR represented the culmination of the great struggle against Modern Revisionism including repeated two-line struggles in the CPC. During the initial period of this struggle Com. Mao, while keeping the edge of his struggle against Revisionism, also analysed some of the questions related with the history of the International Communist Movement. In this context, he analysed the role of Com. Stalin. While doing so, he principally defended and highlighted the great achievements of Com. Stalin while at the same time summed up some of his errors in the “Second Comment” of the CPC “On the Question of Stalin”.
 GPCR and the theory of continuing revolution
Mao Tsetung initiated and led the historic GPCR which proved to be a earth-shaking event in the history of the international communist movement. It represented a new and qualitative leap forward in defending and exercising the dictatorship of the proletariat. It was directed mainly against the capitalist roaders who emerged from within the socialist society itself. Their chieftains were espe­cially concentrated in the leadership of the Party. During the GPCR Mao Tsetung’s historic and powerful new slogan “It is right to rebel” and “Bombard the Headquarters” resounded throughout China and proved to be a clarion call against the capitalist roaders. This helped in rousing millions of people and from below. Actually this mass mobilisation of the proletarian masses set forth a new record.
Fighting against the headquarters of the capitalist roaders led by Liu Shao-chi, Com. Mao Tse-tung had already reasserted that the principal contradiction in socialist China continues to remain between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie and thereby laid down the tasks for carrying on the class struggle against the bour­geois class through to the end. The high point of this class struggle reached during the GPCR. In this great struggle masses in their million led by Mao himself deeply uprooted the soil which engendered capitalism, that is , the bourgeois right and the three major differences still existing in the socialist society. This great revolution not only helped in deepening the class consciousness in China but also greatly helped in sharpen­ing the struggle against revisionism in various communist parties at the international level. Two outstanding achievements of the GPCR marked its historic importance.
One is that it developed a completely new method in the arsenal of MLM to prevent the resto­ration of capitalism. That method is continuing the revolution thereby to prevent the restoration of capitalism. With this purpose it concentrated on remoulding the world outlook. The class struggle and the two-line struggle are extremely complex. When one tendency covers another many comrades often fail to note it. This great teaching of Com. Mao was vindicated immediately after the Cultural Revolution against the capitalist roaders in the case of Lin Piao. While being in the forefront during the GPCR Lin Piao actually proved himself later to be a conspirator in the guise of Mao Thought who had tried to bring forth a revisionist line. But, according to dialectical materialist point of view, all objective things are knowable. But for this, “natural eye is not enough, we must have the aid of the telescope and the microscope. Marxist method is our telescope and microscope in political and military matters.” For this one must diligently study the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tse-tung and take active part in actual struggle and work hard to remould one’s world outlook. That is the way one can constantly raise the ability to distinguish genuine from sham Maoism and differentiate between correct and wrong lines and views. The concentrated expression of this understanding is that for constantly going on remoulding the world outlook., “Fight Self, Repudiate Revisionism” and the “Revolutionary spirit of daring to go against the tide”, are extremely necessary.
Second is it represented a higher leap in defending and strengthening dicta­torship of the proletariat. It also represented the most exten­sive and deep going exercise of the proletarian democracy in the world history, that too, under the dictatorship of the proletari­at.
The capitalist restoration following the 1976 counter-revolutionary coup d’etat led by Teng-Hua revisionists in no way negates the historic lessons of the GPCR rather it confirms Mao’s teachings that classes and class contradiction remain operative in the entire socialist society and the need to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. No doubt, if the working people of the world want to defeat the bourgeoisie fully then the task to continue the revolution continuously will be the inevitable condition.
Com.Mao, through the process of integrating the truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution, developed this science to its higher and new qualitative stage. His theory of GPCR, which is meant for preventing the restoration of capitalism and consolidating and strengthening of Socialism, is the outcome of higher and qualitatively new synthesis and has no parallel in the history of class struggle under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
So, it can be said that the GPCR is not only tremendous and higher contribution of Mao to the theory of Scientific Socialism, rather it is a theory of historic importance to prevent restora­tion of capitalism and advance the socialist society towards communism on a world scale.
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is an Integrated Whole
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is an integrated whole today. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is the most advanced and scientific ideology of the world proletariat. Not only that, MLM is the all-powerful weapon, by which we can combat and defeat bourgeois ideology and all brands of revi­sionism, including that which may don the garb of Maoism.
Marxism arose as a science of the laws of motion of nature, society and human thought, a science of revolution at a moment in history when the proletariat made its appearance as a revolutionary class capable of shaping the destiny of the society including its own destiny. Marxism is the ideology of the proletariat that was further synthesized and developed to new and higher stages. From Marxism it developed into Marxism-Leninism. Thereafter, it further developed into Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is not a science pertaining to a particular field of knowledge but a science representing a whole comprehensive philosophical system, political economy, scientific socialism, and the strategy and tactics of the proletariat in comprehending and transforming the world through revolution.
The CPC led by Com. Mao made historic and comprehen­sive analysis of the development of Mao Thought (now Maoism), through its 9th Congress, held in 1969. It summed up Mao Tse-tung Thought as a completely new and higher stage of Marxism-Leninism. Thus Mao Tse-tung Thought, whose historic significance began to be recognized by the Marxist-Leninist forces worldwide ever since The Great Debate, became established as a qualitatively higher stage in the development of the proletarian ideology by the time of the 9th Congress of the CPC. Maoism is not just the sum total of Mao’s great contributions. It is the most comprehensive and all-round development of the science of Marx­ism-Leninism that had taken shape in the period of the tremendous changes and great upheavals that had occurred in the world since the time of Com. Lenin, namely, the emergence of the Socialist camp following WW II; the upsurge of the national liberation struggles throughout the world leading to a new phase of neo-colonial control and exploitation; and the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe with the usurpation of power by the modern revisionist Khrushchov clique. Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is an integrated whole. Maoism is Marxism-Leninism of the present-day. To negate Maoism is to negate Marx­ism-Leninism itself.
In our understanding, there has never been a Chinese wall between Marxism-Leninism-Mao Thought and MLM. Yet the term Maoism is a more precise and scientific explanation for Mao’s contribution. In addition since modern revisionism is belittling Mao Thought and negating or denying the historical and international significance of Mao Thought, it will be more correct and appropriate to use the terminology Maoism in lieu of Mao Thought in order to draw a clear line of demar­cation with them
Lenin put forth the dividing line that “Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” But today this dividing line has become more sharpened. Today only he is a Marxist-Leninist who extends the recognition of class strug­gle not only to the recognition of the dictatorship of the prole­tariat but also to the recognition of the existence of classes and antagonis­tic class contradictions, to the recognition of the existence of the bourgeoisie in the party and of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the prole­tariat throughout the period of socialism up until commu­nism.
Today the world situation is passing through a period of unprece­dented turmoil. People in their millions are increasingly drawn into the struggle against imperialism, particularly the US imperialism and all reactionary forces serving imperialism. All the genuine Maoist forces throughout the world and in India are duty bound to spread our ideology of MLM among the struggling masses. Protracted people’s war, presently in the form of guerrilla war, is powerful­ly going on and developing in India, under the leadership of our two Maoist parties. Armed with the ideological weapon of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, we are confident that we can further deepen and advance the protracted people’s war on the soil of India by applying our ideology to the concrete conditions in India and the contemporary world. And that we can victoriously complete the New Democratic Revolution and successfully build Socialism, prevent the restoration of Capitalism, and advance to Communism under the guidance of MLM. It is only by assimilating the substance of the ideology of MLM and creatively applying it to the solution of the practical problems of the revolutionary movement under the varying conditions of the class struggle, only by applying it to the all-important task of forging of a strong proletarian Party, a mighty People’s Liberation Army and the Revolutionary United Front, and achieving great leaps in our people’s war, that we can spread MLM more vigorously to the four corners of India and also at the international level. It is also in this process of creative application of MLM and synthesis of our revolutionary experiences that we can further enrich the proletarian science.
Adopted by
Central Committee
MCPM on 10th August 2011