a statement published by Partizan.

While the fascist AKP-MHP clique holds out one hand for peace with the Kurds, it brandishes the truncheon against the Kurds and all other social groups with the other. While ‘lullabies of democratisation’ are sung on the one hand, not even a balance of power can be established within the system. In the 100-year history of fascism, the peoples, the oppressed nations and nationalities, the oppressed religions were mercilessly and bloodily persecuted, and the struggle between the fascist cliques also took on infinitely harsh, merciless and destructive forms. This situation is permanent and stable. It is also compatible with the fascist character of all ruling cliques. When one of the fascist cliques took the reins of the state in hand, tyranny was the only way it knew, while when it let go of the reins, it became the most implacable defender of ‘democracy and the interests of the people’. This became its irrevocable law. Turkish history is a testament to this.

As the Turkish Republic enters its second century under the leadership of the AKP-MHP alliance, it is in the process of reinforcing its two main characteristics. The first is its fascist character and the second is its economic and political dependence on imperialism. This is not a preference, but a necessity of its socio-economic system. It sees the expansion of its sphere of influence in the region as a strong part of the imperialist warmongering. Otherwise, there will be existential developments, such as the inability to protect the borders that it has established through intimidation, violence, fraud and massacres. That is why he is taking peace steps with the Kurds. That is also why he is trying to strengthen the fascist regime at home as much as possible. This situation clearly shows us that the process initiated by Devlet Bahçeli will not include the ‘democratisation’ of the state and is an impossible dream.

On the one hand, the AKP-MHP coalition continuously uses oppression and violence against the people, the Kurdish nation and all sections of society, depriving them of their fundamental political, economic and social rights, while on the other hand it crushes, suppresses and dissolves rival cliques. In doing so, it tears up the constitution, laws and decrees. There are no longer any rules for planning attacks. There is no consistency. Anything that gets in the way is targeted. The rule ‘what comes with the ballot box goes with the ballot box’ only applies to them. The ‘will of the people’ only applies if the result is in their favour. The constitution and the laws are sacred insofar as they protect them. Freedom of speech, action and opinion only apply as long as they are praised and supported. Theft, favouritism, nepotism and even exploitation must be their monopoly. The monopoly on the possession of arms is not up for debate, and only they have the right to be organised. For everyone else, it is all forbidden: terrorism, subversion. This is the sabotage of the great Turkey that is emerging at the beginning of the second century.

This approach leads to the masses of the people being kept in devastating political, social and economic poverty. It also requires the liquidation and intimidation of all organised popular forces. Not only that, it also leads to the wearing down, weakening and threatening of all other reactionary cliques in the police and judicial apparatus.

This is the aim of the police and judicial pressure that has been exerted on Ekrem Imamoglu for some time. Ekrem Imamoglu, who has turned the discontent, anger and reaction of the broad masses against the AKP-MHP into a filling material to increase his political power, is at the centre of the attack. The AKP-MHP is ruthless enough to consolidate its power and destroy its rivals by using all fascist forms. It is ruthless enough to make Ekrem Imamoglu’s university degree, which he obtained 35 years ago, the subject of a court ruling. The will to continue the struggle of the cliques without rules, laws and constitutions was first demonstrated by the revocation of the 35-year-old degree and then by a large-scale arrest operation for ‘corruption and electoral alliance with Kurds’.

The hypocritical discourses such as ‘ballot box’, ‘election’, ‘power of the word’, ‘expansion of the democratic space of politics’, ‘will of the nation’ are attacked in reverse. The anger of the masses at these attacks is seen by the CHP as a potential ‘threat to the survival of the state’. Out of this concern, the CHP advised the masses only: ‘Don’t take to the streets, we will resist,’ while Ekrem Imamoglu, who was running for president, was arrested on 18 and 19 March for openly disregarding the conditions for running for office.

In the face of this ruthless attack, the CHP leader and officials parroted the palace’s buffoonery and called on everyone to take part in the primaries on 23 March. The palace’s buffoonery was not laughed at by the masses, who are angry at the AKP-MHP. Over the last ten years, it has become clear that the AKP-MHP clique relies too much on the inability of the masses to react, no matter how much they attack them, how ruthless they are, how much they make them suffer, impoverish and impoverish, and on the existence of a structure like the CHP, which is the gendarme of the state’s survival.

But it turned out differently than expected. The rule that a spark of anger and reaction to a knife to the bone turns into action worked. The spark ignited when the struggle between the ruling cliques took its sharpest and most ruthless form.

The masses, who did not laugh at the CHP, which behaved like the clown in the palace, took the initiative. They mobilised their pent-up rage. The streets and squares in dozens of provinces and districts, and especially in dozens of universities, were filled with anger against the fascist AKP-MHP clique. The police barricades set up to prevent the protests were destroyed in Saraçhane and on the university campuses. The masses united in their anger against political oppression and tyranny, against the appropriation of rights and freedoms, against the plundering of the achievements at every moment and at every time, against the introduction of luxury and splendour in their eyes while they struggle with vital problems. On the second day, the CHP was condemned to expressions such as ‘street, action’ out of fear, fear and a desire to control the developing movement. The masses acted out of the necessity to break the barricade of the rules imposed on them in conditions where those in power, within the framework of the rules and ways of operating determined by the system, are obstructing in the most ruthless way. On the one hand, the CHP is calling for demonstrations and protests, while on the other, it is trying to erect the barricade of the rules and survival of the state. They tremble and fear a movement that moves outside the system and displaces parliament and the approach of resisting here in their name.

The arrest of Ekrem Imamoglu has ignited the pent-up anger and reaction of the people. The movement itself tends to become independent and to defend itself against the imposed fetters by taking an active stance. The protests of 19 and 20 March have spread, and the angry mood has been translated into action. When we lift the veil of Ekrem Imamoglu, we can see that the essence of this movement is hatred for the system, hatred for the fact that it only grants people the freedom of slavery.

More importantly, it is pursuing an independent line despite the attack on the CHP. The will of the masses who have gathered in the universities and in Saraçhane with their slogans is to object to being ruled as before. The will and determination is to go to the areas symbolised by the struggle that is blocked by the police barricades. The four-day ban on demonstrations was broken by the masses, who filled the streets and squares at the same times. Above all, however, the prevailing political style, according to which political rights and freedoms and democratic achievements are to be obtained through parliament and elections, was questioned and rejected. Now, the ‘victim’ CHP, whose attitude led to the movement and ignited the spark, is trying to take possession of this result of the masses, who are striving for independent politics and struggle.

It is very important to get involved in this movement, to strengthen its independent structure, to orient it towards its goals, to engage with it. The masses long for democracy and freedom. The Kurds, who believe that these goals can only be achieved through reconciliation and peace, go to the fields on Newroz. It must be clear that the state will not democratise itself through reconciliation, dialogue and peace, that it has no interest in doing so. The Turkish state is trying with all its might to position itself as the imperialist war power in the region. The ruling classes, who are preparing for war, need an even more repressive, chauvinistic and aggressive structure internally. The fascist AKP-MHP clique also needs this. The Kurdish peace is necessary in order to be able to fight better in the region, and the appropriation and destruction of the freedoms of the whole people is necessary to strengthen the ‘internal front’. The disorganisation of the people, their fragmentation and their inability to form an independent action is the state that all rulers desire most. They know best how great and glorious the dormant energy of the people is when it is mobilised and organised.

Now the masses of the people are on the move to defend the democratic gains that have been snatched from them. The essence of this movement is anti-fascist. Not only the AKP-MHP clique, but also the CHP is hostile to this trait. The revolutionary forces must actively engage in the process and strengthen its anti-fascist character.

The universities have been transformed into areas where there is not even a spark of academic freedom. Democratic, scientific and academic education has been destroyed by the trustees and reactionism of the state. The energy lying dormant in the universities has been mobilised. We need to mobilise to break down the barricades that have been erected against academic, democratic and scientific education, and we need to increase our efforts to develop and strengthen the will and determination to fight.

The working class and labourers are living in poverty, hardship and misery. The demands and resistance of the working class are being suppressed by the police and judiciary. This movement will give the working class more courage. We need to strengthen our political work, our union work and our attitude towards mobilising workers and labourers to stand up for their rights. The demand for rights must be spread.

Let us not be deceived by the fascist cliques’ rhetoric of democracy and freedom. Let us build our own organised power for people’s democracy and step up the struggle. Democracy is not achieved through elections and ballot boxes, but through the organised struggle of the people.

The demands of Newroz and the spark of 19 March are democratic demands. What is desired is freedom. The full equality of the Kurdish nation and the struggle for rights against the appropriation of the most fundamental democratic gains must be brought to a common denominator. Greater unity and more joint action are needed to achieve greater gains. The Turkish, Kurdish and labouring masses of various nationalities are now awakening from a ten-year nightmare. The ground for an independent political revolutionary struggle is becoming firmer and the conditions are maturing. The exploited classes, the Kurds, who are denied full equality, the Alevites, who are massacred in Syria and are told what will happen to them in the future, and all classes and sections who want freedom should dig the grave of fascist Turkey with their struggle in 2025, unite for people’s democracy and challenge the chauvinism of the rulers. While the broad masses make the streets their independent field of action, they will undoubtedly broaden their horizons, develop their abilities, test their strength, equip their consciousness and try to revolutionise their will. The revolutionary will must be based on transforming this tendency into political power, further militarising it and directing it towards the goal of political power.

Let’s create stronger organisations for the democratic achievements!

Don’t be fooled by the political art of fascism!

Let us focus our attention, understanding, insight and unity not on the one who ignites the spark, but on the dry steppe that will be ignited by the spark!

Let’s take to the streets, let’s take to the fields with the will to ignite the dry steppe!

PARTİZAN

21 March 2025