The October Revolution
Celebrating the Anniversary of the October Revolution, it is useful to remember the victory of the proletariat on imperialism, within the history of the workers' and communist movements.
The bourgeoisie, imperialists are those who say that it is useless to celebrate such and other anniversaries, because they want to delete from history their defeats, and the victories of the proletariat.
But we communists, proletarians, must look at our own victories, because they continue to indicate us the path to win again today.
The October Revolution is meaningful today so and more than before, especially if we see what it has been. The image that most of all makes clear what the October Revolution ha been is Lenin, who with a broom sweeps away all the powers of his era.
The concept of sweeping away the rulers, their state and government is that we choose to put at the focus of this anniversary, because we think that this is now the main task of all those who want to change the existing status of things. We have to sweep away the rulers, if we just want to think to have jobs, wages, social services, a decent life.
To sweep away the rulers, their government, their state, the capitalist system, today imperialist system, that created them, this is today the meaning of the October Revolution. The October Revolution still offers the indication to go on this path.
To say that the October Revolution is not relevant today means to deny the relevance of the revolutionary path. This is the purpose of all those who try to reduce it into a remnant of the past.
The October Revolution opened a new era in the history of humanity. After that the Communist International was formed, that is, the international unity of proletarians and peoples against the whole ruling system, against the imperialist system.
Today we see a world crossed by wars, people fighting people in proxy wars, in the interests of the world's rulers. Well, the October Revolution not only wiped out the war, it also wiped out the divisions coming from the war within the proletariat and peoples throughout the world, it concreted the message of Marx to our movement: proletarians from all countries, unite!
The October Revolution gave birth to the construction of a new society, the socialist society.
No one can deny that right after the October Revolution there was not an unemployed, no one lacked a house or the basic social services. Everyone had confidence in a future, in a social growth, in the transformation of his condition.
During the October Revolution, many workers, proletarians, peasants, women became leaders of the state, members of government, participated and controlled the state apparatus.
This is what we need today if we really want to change the things: not only a State that guarantees the fundamental rights, but a State that is in the hands of the proletarians, the masses, the people.
The Revolutionary Party
Without a revolutionary party, it is impossible to make revolution to establish a new State. Because it is the revolutionary Party that gathers in its ranks the best sons and daughters of the proletariat and the masses. Only the revolutionary Party allows them to take the fight in their hands and leads their struggle through their best sons and daughters. This is the Party.
But the Party is also the strategy that we know be necessary to overthrow a State, a system.
And the Party is also the tactics we need to strengthen us and weaken the enemy until when it is possible to seize the political power.
The strategy and tactics that have allowed the Lenin's victory are still crucial for any idea of revolution in a country like ours. The Party, for a long time, must educate the class consciousness of workers’ and people’s vanguards, because these vanguards are not immediately ready for revolution, to seize power and handle it, and the Party is the one that allows the rise of workers class consciousness, and eventually gives them the ability to direct the fight to the goal.
The political struggle is called revolutionary when it has the goal to overthrow the State in a revolutionary way, and it necessarily requires that the proletarian Party will be able also to forge the military instruments that will overthrow the enemy's State.
In this sense, the revolutionary Party is not limited to the legal struggle, the mass struggle as developed every day, but it is the Party that constructs within itself and among the masses the apparatus that makes possible the attack to the State and the entire system.
This attack can not be once and for all, it is a protracted struggle, that requires a progressive buildup of forces and the ability to become stronger than the enemy.
This buildup of forces requires the unity of the working class, of workers, class unions, it requires a united front among workers, students and all those who are impoverished or dissatisfied by this social system, who are an increasing number.
Because the existing social system is not only exploitative, it is also corrupt to the core, it widens and sharpens the contradictions between rich and poor, it worsens every day and every day we see a step more of its barbarization.
Today the proletariat is formed not only by factory workers but also by all those who are exploited. In the proletariat ranks today there is a huge mass that comes from the oppressed countries: either they have a job or had migrated and look for asylum in our country. The unity between the proletarians from our country and those who come from other countries is a force for our struggle against the common enemy.
Only this unity can make us stronger than enemy and able to defeat it.
Stalin and Mao
To discuss the continuing validity of the October revolution today means also speak about comrade Stalin and his role.
The whole the international communist movement has to uphold and take up the summation of the experience of the proletarian dictatorship under Stalin's made by the Communist Party of China led by chairman Mao Tsetung.
Today there are two types of revisionists:
- those who deny the October Revolution and the construction of socialism led by Stalin, and
- those who deny the criticism of the socialist construction in USSR made by chairman Mao and concreted in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
To defend Stalin today without keeping into account the criticism by chairman Mao is the denial of the path of the socialist revolution opened by the October revolution.
The Chinese Communists and we, with them, point out that the disagreement on Stalin are not merely historical, academical issues, or concerning a detached assessment of events, but they have a class basis: "The classes and political parties and political factions representing different classes have divergent opinions”.
But it is clear in this position that to liquidate Stalin means to liquidate 30 years of socialism in the USSR and the attempt to liquidate the form of state produced by the socialist revolution: the dictatorship of the proletariat.
After Stalin there was not the reign of a restored democracy but the restoration of the other form of dictatorship possible in a society divided into classes: the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the darkest one, as shown by the whole trajectory, up to Putin, today.
The Chinese Communists and we, with them, do not fail to see that, when Stalin is questioned, not only the years of socialism in the USSR are questioned but also the great victory in the anti-Nazi war, that was the corollary of the last phase of Stalin's leadership of Communist Party of USSR. Without his leadership, Nazism would have won. We recognize Stalin the merit of being an irreconcilable enemy of imperialism and all reactionaries.
Thanks to this irrefutable historic assessment, Chinese Communists led by Mao were able to deeply analyze Stalin's mistakes and identify them with absolute historical accuracy. Some of them were principle mistakes, others were made during the practice. Some could have been avoided, others were hardly avoidable, as there was no previous experience of proletarian dictatorship to which refer easily.
The lost of this correct and scientific approach to the assessment of Stalin, spread confusion, contributed to neglect the red thread that marks the history of the workers' movement and the international communist movement and constitutes the consolidated memory from which to start and advance.
The Chinese Communists and we, with them, point out that Stalin's thinking on certain problems has moved away from the dialectical materialism to fall into metaphysics and subjectivism, and for this reason he departed from the reality and detached from the masses.
As well as it is definitely correct to point out that Stalin confused, at certain times and on certain issues, the two categories of contradictions of different nature: contradictions between the enemy and us and contradictions within the people, and consequently he also confused the methods for the resolution of these two categories of contradiction.
However, it should be said that Stalin's errors, that have caused damage both in USSR and within the international communist movement, occupy only a secondary place and should be considered as a lesson from the history and a warning for the Communists, wherever they operate, so the do not repeat the same mistakes, or make less mistakes.
Ahead on the road of the October Revolution for the Socialist Revolution in the imperialist countries!
Ahead in the construction of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist communist parties throughout the world!
In the sign of the October, let us unite for an international conference to give birth to a new international communist Organization!