Saturday, January 25, 2025

Operation Kagar represents the Indian state's intensified attempt to mercilessly crush the struggles and aspirations of Adivasis.

 


Operation Kagar represents the Indian state's intensified attempt to extinguish Maoism, which claims to embody the struggles and aspirations of Adivasis. Criminalized by the state, the Maoists have been portrayed as a threat, with Operation Kagar deploying strategies that jeopardize their activities. This operation weaves together economic, cultural, and political motives, allegedly with drone attacks on Adivasi homes.

The Revolutionary Writers Association (Virasam) has compiled a booklet on Operation Kagar, claiming to expose the Indian government’s brutal efforts to displace Adivasis from their forest lands. The booklet talks of Operation Kagar as a broader strategy of Brahmanical fascism, highlighting the interplay between corporatization, militarization, and Hindutva. It places the operation within the wider framework, drawing parallels with the Delhi farmers’ protests of 2020.

Dandakaranya, a region with a rich history of revolutionary struggle, is now the epicenter of relentless violence. For decades, it has endured unparalleled oppression. Under Operation Kagar, more than 100,000 paramilitary forces, supported by drones and satellite surveillance, have been deployed to crush the Maoists, who have base among Adivasis.

Historically, the Indian state has marginalized Adivasis to exploit forest wealth and natural resources. Despite their vital role in sustaining the economy, their traditional way of life has been undervalued. Today, Adivasis continue to resist, striving to protect their lands and constitutionally guaranteed rights.

Home Minister Amit Shah has openly declared Maoism the biggest obstacle to development, framing the operation as a means to "liberate" the country’s wealth, allegedly for corporate interests. This rhetoric justifies the deployment of thousands of security forces to the region. The BJP, following its ascent to power, has pushed policies aimed at eradicating Maoism, clearing the way for corporates.

Central India has witnessed several mass struggles over the past three years, with Adivasis resisting displacement and environmental destruction. The state's strategy involves privatising public sector mining and issuing new licenses for mineral extraction. This has led to increased militarization, as infrastructure projects like roads and railways pave the way for corporate expansion.

Since 2013, the Chhattisgarh government has signed hundreds of Memoranda of Understanding with corporations, aiming to exploit the region’s rich mineral wealth. These agreements are said to have often disregarded constitutional protections, such as those under the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, leading to widespread human rights abuses.

The roots of this exploitation trace back to the 1990s, when globalization policies reshaped India’s federal structure. The creation of smaller states like Chhattisgarh facilitated easier corporate access to resources. Movements in regions like Jharkhand and Bastar emerged in response, opposing both colonial and modern forms of exploitation.

Repressive State Strategies

Since the 1990s, the state has employed various counter-insurgency tactics, including extrajudicial killings, forced displacement, and attacks on civil liberties. The Jan Jagran Abhiyan of the early 1990s and its successor, Salwa Judum, exemplified these brutal methods. Adivasis were coerced into denouncing the Maoists.

Despite a Supreme Court order in 2007 to disband unconstitutional activities like Salwa Judum, the state circumvented this by introducing the Chhattisgarh Auxiliary Armed Police Force Ordinance, legitimizing the role of Special Police Officers. In 2009, Operation Green Hunt marked another escalation in state repression.

Under the Modi government, these efforts have intensified. Operation Samadhan in 2017 sought to eliminate the Maoists but failed to achieve its objectives. By 2024, Operation Kagar had escalated violence further to destroy Maoism from its roots.

Operation Kagar, believe Maoists and their sympathisers, epitomizes the Indian state’s war on its own people, driven by the interests of corporate and Hindutva agendas. Despite relentless repression, the resistance in Dandakaranya and beyond continues to challenge this nexus. The struggle of the Adivasis serves as a beacon of defiance, urging democrats and progressives to oppose this assault on democratic rights.

 

Democratic Front against Operation Greenhunt convention in Barnala was a fitting reply to merciless Operation Kagar in Bastar-Harsh Thakor



The Democratic Front against Operation Green Hunt, Punjab, organised a ‘Provincial Convention against Repression’ at Tarksheel Bhawan in Barnala on January 19th. The convention, convened by Buta Singh ,Parminder Singh and AK Maleri and by prominent tribal rights activist and researcher Bela Bhatia, as well as Narvsharan Kaur; garnered leaders, intellectuals, and activists of diverse spheres discuss issues concerning tribal rights and state repression and unite at a common platform.

Most impressive to witness a confluence of around 500 persons, comprising people from a diverse stratum, be it farmers, agricultural workers, teachers, industrial workers and intellectuals. It had the participation of every part of the Communist revolutionary and democratic contingent of Punjab, apart from CPI(ML)New Democracy. A most qualitative expression of people’s democratic consciousness fermenting at a boiling point and a testament to the capacity of the masses to organise against state terror.

In the current scenario of pro-fascism simmering at crescendo in Bastar and India, it was almost timely or welcoming gathering, symbolising the mass resistance of people against the tyranny of corporate and Hindutva fascism. It exposed Operation Kagar, penetrating it’s very root and base, to dissect the poisonous weeds that stemmed it.

During the event, speakers narrated that the policies of the Indian state, which champions the prospects of domestic and foreign corporate capitalists and jeopardises the welfare of tribal and other marginalised communities. They summarised how the laws safe guarding the natural rights of tribal people over forests are being repealed to promote corporate monopoly and tyranny, while the government shows contempt to existing laws to procure tribal lands.

The speakers also condemned how law was turned into a weapon to suppress protests, recounting those intellectuals, writers, lawyers, artists, and activists propagating tribal rights or being critical of “anti-people policies” are increasingly being bracketed with the tag of “urban naxals” and imprisoned.

They placed stress on linking the oppression in Bastar with attacks on democratic rights in the nation as a whole. The convention called for consistent public opposition to these repressive actions, projecting that such attacks endanger every movement in the country that represents people’s rights and interests.

Buta Singh chaired the conference, elevating the morale of the crowd at every juncture, infusing revolutionary democratic spirit.

Dr Parminder and Professor AK Maleri also addressed the gathering and were honoured with mementos featuring a historic photograph of Shaheed Bhagat Singh.

The conference announced the booklet on ‘Operation Kagar ‘by Virasam and on ‘Marxism and caste Revolution ‘by N.Ravi.





Resolutions

Resolutions passed during the convention included demands for the immediate removal of security camps and special forces from tribal regions, the eradication of corporate-friendly economic models that lead to displacement, upholding f tribal rights over water, forests, and land, and the repeal of laws such as the UAPA. The convention also called for the release of all prisoners who have completed their sentences and vociferously condemned the Punjab government’s suppression of farmers and other struggles.

Additionally, the convention demanded adequate compensation and jobs for families affected by tragic road accidents. The event was attended by leaders, activists, writers, journalists, rationalists, and other democratic figures from various organisations.

The conference announced the booklet on ‘Operation Kagar ‘by Virasam and on ‘Marxism and caste Revolution ‘by N.Ravi.



Speeches



Bela Bhatia profusely attacked the sheer abuse of human rights in Bastar, redressing issues of rape, torture, unconstitutional arrests, marginalising of tribals who were stripped from basic rights for livelihood, penetration of Brahmanical or pro-Hindu casteist practices. She narrated several instances of how evidence was falsely manufactured to interrogate innocent Adivasis or civilians as Maoists, how children and women were often made hapless during police attacks, how certain villages or hamlets were turned into zones making the inhabitants totally subservient to the jurisdiction of police force, merciless suppression of investigative journalism to expose infringement of rights, and breaking of any collective resistance.

Bela penetrated how the BJP patronised corporates giving them licence to plunder natural resources as never before and legal procedures to safeguard Adivasi or civilian rights reached rock bottom. At the same time, she also projected how courage and relentless spirit of tribals soared in heights unparalleled, being victims of the most mortal state attacks ever since Independence. She summarised how the Surajakand Scheme, sponsored by BJP- RSS Fascists, was a concoction of corporatisation, militarization, and Hindutva, which mercilessly extinguished any form of democratic resistance to corporate plunder and fabricating of democratic forces. In sum she projected how the human rights situation plunged to an abysmal low.

Bela adhered to the view that Brahmanical fascism was determining factor in the genocide in Bastar.



Narvsharan covered a broader spectrum. She encompassed aspect of repression on women in particular, engulfing regions of Punjab, Manipur and Kashmir and struck a chord between Hindutva ideology and subjugation of women. She also delved into the conspiracy launched by the pro-Hindutva state, in the Bhima Koregaon case. She addressed how the Hindutva brigade plagued the rights of all sections of society, and stripped civilians of basic human rights in Manipur and Kashmir. Navasharan spoke about how the current genocide in Chattisgarh could infect or spread to other regions of India. In her view the farmers movement recently, taught innumerable lessons in confronting the might of state repression.



Parminder Singh focused on how the neo-fascist oppression or loot sin the colonial or imperialist plunder and socio-economic nature of India which was not eradicated in 1947, with foreign capital still circulating and dictating the economy. He affirmed that the rots of Hindutva fascism ascending were in the exploitative economic conditions that prevailed, which backed landlordism, capitalism ad imperialism. He expressed unfolding admiration for sacrifices of Maoist forces and emphasised how it was the very need of the hour to stem a mass democratic movement to combat the offensive of state oppression and how democratic rights movement should be linked to oppressive socio-economic conditions.

AK Maleri concluded the conference stressing on the imperative task of converging all oppressed sections or struggles into a single platform, be it of farmers, agricultural workers, industrial labour, students, youth, teachers etc. He gave examples of linking Maruti workers repression with farmers movement. He stressed on defeating sectarian approach to construct a broad-based movement.



Weakness



A possible shortcoming in the gathering was not placing sufficient emphasis on the subject of relationship of Hindutva fascism with corporate tyranny or tracing link of Hindutva ideology with oppressive subordination of mases by exploiter classes. There was a dictonomy between the speakers and participating forces on analysis of Brahmanical fascism and assessment of Maoist Movement.



Harsh Thakor is freelance journalist who attended this convention of Democratic Front against Operation Greenhunt in Barnala and been closely in touch with democratic movement of Punjab for 13 years visiting Punjab innumerable times.











Harsh Thakor is a freelance journalist covering civil liberties and the Adivasi movement, drawing insights from Virasam's booklet on Operation Kagar

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