Friday, July 31, 2026

1092547 visit in this month maoistroad!

                                1092547

the 50th death anniversary tribute to Comrade Zhu De,the legendary revolutionary of China.

 

Zhu De played role of a Mascot in military leadership in the Chinese Revolution standing as one of its most outstanding characters

On 6th July 1976 Zhu De died in Beijing at the age of 89. It was an irreparable for the Chinese people: Zhou Enlai had died in January; Mao Zedong would follow in September. Of the three, Zhu De is the least remembered in the West – and yet the army he built, the People’s Liberation Army, left the most indelible mark of everything the Chinese Revolution has achieved, being amongst the finest specimens of it. Thus, a few weeks ago we celebrated Zhu De’s 50th death anniversary.

Very rare to know about any individual who more made a testament that a revolutionary movement cements a spiritual transformation or gives birth to a new man. Zhu De’s journey’s contradictory dynamics that shaped his life reflect experimentation and exploring in realms mystical. Zhu De also made path breaking contribution to inventing tactics in a revolutionary war, transcending regions unexplored in military art.

Origins

Zhu De was born in December 1886 into a tenant family in Yilong county, Sichuan, on an estate whose landlord was known locally as the “King of Hell”.

His mother bore 13 children; the last five were drowned at birth because the family could not feed them. She herself, he recalled, “was so humble that she had no name of her own”. The clan pooled its resources to educate a single son who could talk back to the tax collectors – and so Zhu De, became literate, passed through the old examination system in its dying days, and entered the Yunnan Military Academy, where he joined Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary Tongmenghui (a radical secret society and precursor to the Kuomintang) and played an active role in the 1911 Revolution and the campaigns that shattered Yuan Shikai’s attempted monarchy.

Baptsim into Communist Party and Red Army

By his mid-thirties Zhu De was a general in the warlord armies of the south-west: wealthy, powerful, and addicted to opium. The 1911 Revolution, he concluded, had been “aborted by republican compromise with foreign imperialism”; warlordism was a dead end, and he represented if. Thoroughly disillusioned with the endless struggles for personal power that passed for politics among the warlord cliques he made a dramatic rupture. He relinquished his commands and his fortune, and did away with his opium addiction alone – pacing the deck of a Yangtze steamer for a month, in what Snow called “the hardest battle of his life”, proof that “this man had more steel in his will than his acquaintances supposed”.

Then he asked to join the infant Communist Party. Rejected in Shanghai by then CPC General Secretary Chen Duxiu on grounds that a former warlord general was incapable of becoming a communist – he sailed for Europe, and in Berlin in late 1922 presented himself to a student organiser more than ten years his junior named Zhou Enlai. His old life, he said, “had turned to ashes beneath his feet”. He was admitted to the party he would relentlessly serve for the remaining 54 years of his life.

Role as Military Leader



On 1 August 1927, after Chiang Kai-shek’s massacre of the Shanghai workers had drowned the first united front between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in blood, Zhu De orchestrated the Nanchang Uprising – the date still marked as the founding of the People’s Liberation Army. When the uprising’s forces were demolished, it was Zhu De who binded the fragmented forces together through a desperate winter retreat, facing down the defeatists: “I refused to return to warlordism. I had chosen the road of the people’s revolution and I would follow it to the end.”

In the spring of 1928, he brought his survivors to Jinggangshan and joined forces with Mao Zedong. From that meeting the two men’s lives became, in Agnes Smedley’s memorable phrase, “like the two arms of one body”; the Kuomintang press, unable to conceive of them separately, called the Red Army the “Chu Mao Army”.

Zhu De's life stood as a testament, more fully perhaps than that of any other senior Chinese communist, the trend that revolutionary leadership could germinate directly from the peasantry rather than descend upon it from the intelligentsia or the professional officer corps.

The script unfolded in August 1927, when Zhu took part in the Nanchang Uprising, the armed communist rising against the Kuomintang that marked the birth of the Chinese Red Army. The uprising was crushed and Zhu was compelled to lead his remaining troops on a long and perilous retreat through Fujian, Guangdong and Hunan before finally, in the spring of 1928, joining forces with the small guerrilla army that Mao Zedong had assembled in the Jinggang Mountains of Jiangxi. From this meeting was forged the partnership, celebrated among the peasantry of the base areas as that of "Zhu Mao," in which Zhu designed the military framework and Mao the political line, and together they built the Fourth Red Army into a force that grew from some five thousand troops in 1929 to two hundred thousand by 1933. It was Zhu who gave a practical design or shape to the Maoist strategy of protracted people's war, to convert it into a concrete military practice, evolving and designing a doctrine of mobility, self-sufficiency and deep integration with the rural population that stood in deliberate opposition to the conventional, city centred warfare favoured by the Kuomintang and, for a time, by Communist International (Comintern) advisers. His maxim, that the army retreats when the enemy advances, harasses when the enemy halts, attacks when the enemy tires and pursues when the enemy retreats, distilled a revolutionary military philosophy in which the peasant soldier and the peasant base area were not coincidental to the struggle but manifested its very foundation. This was guerrilla warfare designed not as a tactic of the weak but as the organisational expression of a genuinely popular army, one that survived successive Kuomintang encirclement campaigns against the Jiangxi Soviet precisely because it was rooted in the countryside rather than imposed upon it.

When the Fifth Encirclement Campaign (of the Kuomintang's military offensives), fought conventionally and mechanically on the advice of the Comintern agent Otto Braun, ended in disaster, it was Zhu who at this most critical juncture resurrected the forces and organised the breakout that unfolded into the Long March, and who served as commander in chief through the entire six-thousand-mile retreat to Shaanxi. On the Long March he marched a distance farther than anyone, spending an extra year in the Tibetan borderlands – and profusely refusing and countering the disastrous ‘southern retreat’ tactic advanced by Zhang Guotao, a founding member of the party who later abandoned the revolution: “We had not made the Long March in order to stick in the high Tibetan–Chinese borderland while the Japanese continued lopping off province after province.”

As commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army, he orchestrated the resistance behind Japanese lines, launching the Hundred Regiments Offensive in 1940 – and ordering, rebelling against all norms of that brutal war, that Japanese prisoners be treated humanely, as “the sons and brothers of the toiling Japanese masses”. This characterised the strategy of an army waging a distinct type of war, that could distinguish the enemy’s conscripts from the enemy’s rulers.

In August 1945, when Chiang Kai-shek ordered the liberated areas’ armies to halt so that the Kuomintang could reap the victory, Zhu De’s reply entered history: “We consider that you have given us a mistaken order. We are compelled to firmly refuse the order.” Four years later he stood beside Mao on the Tiananmen rostrum as commander-in-chief of the PLA at the proclamation of the People’s Republic. In 1955 he was named first among the ten marshals; from 1959 until his death he served as Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress – serving the people without seeking the slightest personal gain, until the end.





Snow’s verdict was unequivocal: “For pure military strategy and tactical handling of a great army in retreat nothing has been seen in China to compare with Chu Teh’s splendid generalship of the Long March.”



He would go on to command the Eighth Route Army against the Japanese occupation from 1937, and then the People's Liberation Army (PLA) through the civil war that brought the Chinese revolution to victory in 1949.

The commander-in-chief spun, wove, planted vegetables and carried supplies like any soldier, characterising the nature of the red army. “Chu Teh’s devotion to his men was proverbial”, Snow recorded in Red Star Over China: he “lived and dressed like the rank and file, had shared all their hardships, often going without shoes in the early days, living one whole winter on squash, another on yak meat, never complaining”. Corporal punishment – which Zhu De waged a bitter struggle against as a cadet – was abolished; officers and men ate the same food; after every battle, conferences were held at which any fighter could subject any commander to criticism, Zhu De included.

A comrade who knew him in his Berlin years told Snow that “he always invited criticism; he had an insatiable appetite for criticism”.



Post-Revolution Life



It was hallmark of the humility of Zhu's political character that his influence receded steadily after the founding of the People's Republic of China, as younger and more overtly political men took the reins of state, and by 1959 he had relinquished formal leadership of the PLA altogether, settling into the largely ceremonial chairmanship of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. He accepted this demotion without evident bitterness, and his defence of Peng Dehuai (a Chinese communist marshal and military leader who commanded Chinese forces in the Korean War) at the Lushan Conference in 1959, at a critical moment, symbolised his independence of judgement that never was influenced by personal ambition. It is most admirable too that he never drew his full marshal's salary, regarding it as wasteful of resources that belonged to the people, a small characterising a life that never buckled to the lure of personal accumulation even as the man who risen from nothing occupied the summit of state power.

El gobierno del FA se somete cada día a las exigencias del imperialismo yanky

 

Editorial LaVerdad 209 uruguay


Cada pocos días este gobierno oportunista presidido por Yamandú Orsi, toma decisiones que lo acercan a las de los gobiernos de la derecha y ultraderecha que se han extendido en el continente con apoyo e intromisiones descaradas del propio Trump, al impulso de su Estrategia de Seguridad Nacional.

Estrategia imperialista yanky que es parte de su lucha desesperada y en todos los terrenos por frenar su declinación y mantener la hegemonía en el sistema imperialista-capitalista mundial, hoy cada día más asediada por China, en un mundo multipolar y donde la clase obrera internacional y los pueblos oprimidos acrecientan sus luchas, por diferentes medios según las condiciones.

La no definición del genocidio en Gaza como tal, perpetrado por el estado sionista de Israel y claramente apoyado por los yankys; las lamentables declaraciones del gobierno ante la invasión a la hermana República Bolivariana de Venezuela, con el secuestro del presidente Maduro y su esposa, en enero pasado, y la no condena abierta de la guerra de agresión yanky- israelí contra Irán, son parte de esta política de sumisión.

Recientemente el presidente Orsi sube con una delegación al portaviones, Nimitz, el que ha participado en cuanta invasión hubo contra los países oprimidos en décadas y que actualmente forma parte del bloqueo criminal a la hermana república de Cuba. Fue trasladado al mismo por una aeronave del propio portaviones y sonriente se saca fotos vestido con el equipo militar que le proporcionaron, dando una señal tan clara como denigrante y lesiva para la honrosa tradición antiimperialista y de solidaridad internacionalista de nuestro pueblo.

Este mes, junto a la derecha, los senadores del FA, TODOS, el del PCU incluido, votaron el ingreso de un grupo de Marines para “actividades de intercambio”. Esto se ha repetido varias veces bajo este gobierno del FA, que dice ser antiimperialista pero no actúa como tal.

Este mes también el embajador uruguayo en los EE.UU participa oficialmente en representación del gobierno, en la convocatoria que encabezó Marco Rubio, el fascista y guerrerista secretario de estado, para la lucha “Contra el Terrorismo político”, que en su desarrollo era contra el supuesto “terrorismo de la extrema izquierda”, léase izquierda revolucionaria.

‘Why should Filipinos pay for the guns pointed at their own heads?’NDFP

NDFP responds to Gibo Teodoro’s remark that ‘Pax Silica’ profits should go to the AFP
July 30, 2026

Defense Secretary Gibo Teodoro’s remark that profits from the proposed Pax Silica AI hub should flow to the AFP because the project falls under the Bases Conversion Development Authority (BCDA) is both revealing and deeply insulting to the Filipino people. Why should the Filipino people pay for the guns pointed at their own heads?

By declaring that profits should flow to the AFP, Teodoro has confirmed what many have already known – that Pax Silica is not meant to generate jobs for Filipinos as Marcos Jr. histrionically promoted in his last SONA, it is instead a war chest for militarization.

His remarks are made worse by the AFP’s bloody record of bombing and militarization of communities in repeated violations of international humanitarian law. Following the recent clash in Naujan, Oriental Mindoro, the 203rd IB publicly posted photographs of supposed slain fighters on social media as their trophies of war – an act that violates the principles of dignity and humane treatment of the dead embodied in IHL. In the aftermath of the encounter, military checkpoints were also established across Naujan, further tightening armed military presence in civilian communities.

The brazenness of Teodoro and Marcos Jr’s bootlicking to their US master is not only reflected in their efforts to siphon resources towards the AFP, but also in the aggressive expansion of war games and military exercises in recent months. The use of live ammunition, missile systems, and other weapons of war in these exercises places civilians directly in harm’s way. As the Marcos administration pours resources to the AFP, it is simultaneously transforming the Philippines into a staging ground for US war preparations, placing the Filipino people at greater risk.

We urge the Filipino people to reject any proposal that funnels the wealth generated from our labor, land, and resources into the hands of the fascist AFP and its US imperialist masters.

Marian Espinosa, NDFP Representative



India: Police Report The Arrest Of CPI (Maoist) Politburo Member Misir Besra In Dhanbad

dhanbad District, July 29, 2026: A representative of the Jharkhand State Police (JSP) announced to the press today that Misir Besra, a Central Committee Member and Politburo Member of the Communist of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), was taken into custody by a joint team of security personnel in Dhanbad District. In addition to Besra, two other Maoists – identified as Tumba Manjhi and Biren Hansda – were also arrested during a vehicle check by security forces along the Dhanbad-Giridih inter-district border in the state.

A native of the village of Madnadih in Giridih District, Besra was influenced by Leftist ideology early in life, as his college years coincided with the movement against landlords in the villages of Giridih and neighboring districts. In the early 1980s, police records suggest that Besra, (who at one time or another during his association with the Maoist movement used the aliases Sunirmal, Bhaskar, Sagar, and Pradhan), worked in tandem with Prashant Bose, a senior Maoist leader at the time, traveling from village to village as an organizer and cadre of the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI). The MCCI merged with the CPI (ML) People’s War Group in September 2004 to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist). This was included in the report of the JSP official.

Following the founding of the CPI (Maoist), police records indicate Misir Besra rose to become a member of the Maoist Party’s Politburo, Central Committee, Central Military Commission, and Eastern Regional Bureau. The JSP official stated in his report.

Details about Besra’s current activities in service to the Maoist party will emerge after his interrogation, the JSP official said in conclusion, while declining to disclose where Besra would be interrogated.

Inde : Répression contre les étudiants après la démission du ministre de l’Éducation


En Inde, les organisateurs du mouvement étudiant du « Parti du peuple des cafards »  dénoncent une vaste répression après la démission du ministre de l’Éducation, obtenue à l’issue de plusieurs semaines de manifestations. Des centaines d’étudiants ont été arrêtés dans plusieurs États dirigés par le BJP, le parti d’extrême droite au pouvoir, malgré les assurances du gouvernement qu’aucune mesure de rétorsion ne serait prise contre les manifestants. Les personnes interpellées font l’objet de poursuites pénales particulièrement lourdes et cette répression cible notamment les étudiants musulmans. Le mouvement menace de reprendre les mobilisations si les arrestations se poursuivent.

Inde : Le dirigeant maoïste Misir Besra incarcéré après son arrestation


Le dirigeant maoïste Misir Besra, membre du bureau politique du Parti communiste d’Inde (maoïste), a été placé en détention après son arrestation dans le Jharkhand lors de l’opération militaire « Daura Pahad ». Arrêté avec quatre autres membres présumés du mouvement dans une zone forestière du district de Dhanbad, il a été transféré sous haute sécurité après des interrogatoires au siège de la police à Ranchi, puis présenté à un examen médical avant d’être envoyé à la prison de Dhanbad. Les autorités avaient annoncé une récompense de 2,20 crore de roupies (environ 220 000 euros) pour sa capture, faisant de lui l’un des cadres maoïstes les plus recherchés du pays.

Âgé de 65 ans, Besra, également connu sous plusieurs pseudonymes (Sagar, Bhaskar ou Sunirmal), était considéré comme l’un des derniers hauts responsables actifs de la guérilla naxalite. Son arrestation rappelle notamment le souvenir de 2009, lorsqu’une cinquantaine de combattants maoïstes avaient attaqué un tribunal de Lakhisarai, dans le Bihar, pour le libérer alors qu’il était sous escorte policière. Les forces de sécurité se concentrent désormais sur les autres dirigeants encore recherchés, notamment Asim Mandal, présenté comme l’un des derniers cadres importants du mouvement dans le Jharkhand.

Wednesday, July 29, 2026

Italy - it begins the preparation of 26 september demostration

 


Nazariya: Two New Traitors to the World Proletarian Revolution

Two New Traitors to the World Proletarian Revolution – Vishwavijay and Seema

Two more names have today been added among the traitors to the world’s revolutionary communist movement – Vishwavijay and Seema. These are not merely two more individuals who have damaged the revolutionary party and the people; they are representatives of the opportunist–liquidationist–revisionist line within the revolutionary movement. Today our movement is in a deep crisis, and one of the principal causes of this is the growing influence of ruling-class ideology within the revolutionary communist ranks. Comrade Mao had said that the ruling class wages war on the people in two ways – one by using weapons, and the other by using the pen. The war of the pen is the more lethal, because it is not visible, and because it betrays the revolution and the proletariat while in the guise of a revolutionary. In our own time this war of the pen is being represented – passing from Balraj, Venugopal, Rupesh and Devji – by Vishwavijay and Seema. It has therefore become imperative that we too wage war against them.

The names of Vishwavijay and Seema belong among those very people who “revised” Marx and Engels’s theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of socialist revolution and thereby worked in the interests of the bourgeoisie; those very people who conspired against the dictatorship of the proletariat in socialist Soviet Russia and socialist China – which had shown the road to emancipation to the proletariat of the whole world – and who, by overturning it, betrayed the proletariat of the entire world. These people are carrying on that same old idea of betrayal in a new guise. Here it is also necessary to understand: who, after all, is called a traitor?

A traitor is one who works against the objective interests of the proletariat. If we look within India’s revolutionary party (the Maoist Party), then whoever works against the line laid down at the Party’s Ninth Congress, and goes against the Party to propagate a separate political line of their own, and does not abide by Party discipline, and damages the Party organisation – such a person is certainly a traitor to the Party, to the revolution and to the people. In Lenin’s book The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky it is explained that Kautsky is a traitor because he carried out a liberal distortion of Marxism, because he is against the use of armed struggle by the proletariat, and because he is against establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. This corresponds entirely to Vishwavijay and Seema. They have negated the dictatorship of the proletariat both theoretically and practically. They are terrified of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and so they altered it and declared it wrong. In practical terms too, trying to build an open legal party and working against underground (UG) party building is precisely to obstruct the dictatorship of the proletariat. They are also against armed struggle – which is why they levelled the baseless charge that the military line dominates the Party; why they never paid attention to military work; and why, in the mass organisation too, instead of raising the level of militancy they only discouraged it.

I. The History of Betrayal in the World and in India

Let us see how Vishwavijay and Seema are carrying forward the legacy of two hundred years of the history of anti-Marxists – a legacy against which our great teachers (Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao) and the party of the proletariat have fought.

When Com. Marx and Engels first put forward the theory of proletarian revolution, they fought resolutely against the reformists and the anarchists of their time. In the First International they fought all these currents and established the current of socialist revolution. After this, Marxism became the theory of the emancipation of the proletariat throughout Europe and the whole world. Ruling-class ideology therefore cloaked itself in the very garb of Marxism and began to work against the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialist revolution. The first and a major example of this is Bernstein. Citing quotations from the writings of Marx and Engels, Bernstein said that socialism could arrive through peaceful development within the existing system, and that revolution was not necessary for it. At the time of the Russian Revolution, Karl Kautsky proved himself Bernstein’s true heir by saying that there was no need to overthrow the state by violent means – that is, that proletarian revolution was possible without armed struggle. After this, Khrushchev implemented the revisionist line in socialist Russia and laid the foundations of modern revisionism, which Deng carried forward in China.

Later, in Nepal, when the revolutionary movement was at its high tide, the General Secretary of the party, Prachanda, committed betrayal. Prachanda said that economic, social and political changes had come about in Nepal, and that therefore neither the Russian road nor the Chinese road would be adopted in Nepal; rather, by combining the two, a new road – the Nepali road – would be built. According to this theory, it was necessary to fuse together the line of insurrection and the line of protracted people’s war. This theory was fabricated precisely so that the line of protracted people’s war and armed struggle could be attacked and the party pushed into the mire of parliamentary politics. This was Bernstein in a new form – the same Bernstein who had abandoned armed struggle and advocated peaceful change.

Revolutionary Students' Front - RSF 'immediate and unconditional release of everyone detained '

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দেশজুড়ে ফ্যাসিবাদী কায়দায় ছাত্র আন্দোলন দমনের অপচেষ্টার বিরুদ্ধে বিপ্লবী ছাত্র ফ্রন্টের (RSF) বিবৃতি
কেন্দ্রীয় শিক্ষামন্ত্রী ধর্মেন্দ্র প্রধানের ইস্তফা সহ একাধিক দাবি নিয়ে দিল্লির যন্তর মন্তরে চলমান ছাত্রআন্দোলনের শুরু থেকেই আমরা ক্রমাগত রাষ্ট্রীয় দমনপীড়নের সাক্ষী হয়ে চলেছি। গত ২০শে জুলাই দিল্লিতে প্রতিবাদরত ছাত্রছাত্রীদের সংসদ যাত্রা শুরুর সময় আমরা দেখেছি কীভাবে রাষ্ট্রের বিভিন্ন বাহিনী যৌথভাবে হামলা চালিয়েছিল ছাত্রছাত্রীদের ওপর। শনাক্তকরণ আটকাতে নিজেদের নেমপ্লেট সরিয়ে দেয় দিল্লি পুলিশ, র্যাফ, সিআরপিএফ সহ বিভিন্ন বাহিনী। শান্তিপূর্ণ প্রতিবাদ মিছিলেও পেলেট গান, রাবার বুলেট ফায়ার করা হয়। যে কারণে চোখ নষ্ট হয়ে গেছে এক ছাত্রের। পেরেক পোঁতা, ইলেকট্রিক শক দেওয়া লাঠি চার্জ করা হয় মাথা লক্ষ্য করে। বহু ছাত্রছাত্রী এখনো পর্যন্ত আশঙ্কাজনক অবস্থায় হাসপাতালে ভর্তি। বিস্ফোরক ছোঁড়া হয়। বিষাক্ত মেয়াদোত্তীর্ণ কাঁদানে গ্যাস ব্যবহার করা হয়। অনশন মঞ্চেও হামলা চালায় বাহিনী। মিথ্যা মামলায় ব্যাপকভাবে ধরপাকড় চালানো হয়।
এর পাশাপাশি আমরা দেখেছি, শিক্ষার্থীদের প্রতিরোধে ফ্যাসিবাদী বিজেপি-আরএসএস ও তাদের দালাল বাহিনী পিছু হটতে বাধ্য হয়েছে। তাদের অগণতান্ত্রিক কার্যকলাপের বিরুদ্ধে ছাত্রছাত্রীরা ন্যায্য দাবি নিয়ে দেশজুড়ে জঙ্গি গণপ্রতিরোধ শুরু করেছে। দিল্লি, পাঞ্জাব, বিহার, মহারাষ্ট্র থেকে বাংলার ছাত্রছাত্রীরা বিক্ষোভে অংশ নেয়। এই অবস্থায় গত ২৪শে জুলাই ছাত্রবিক্ষোভের সমর্থনে ধর্মেন্দ্র প্রধানের ইস্তফা সহ NTA বাতিল, NEP 2020 আইন প্রত্যাহার প্রভৃতি দাবি নিয়ে বিপ্লবী ছাত্র ফ্রন্ট (RSF) সহ বাংলার একাধিক ফ্যাসিবিরোধী, প্রগতিশীল, গণতান্ত্রিক ছাত্রসংগঠন কলকাতার শিয়ালদহ থেকে ধর্মতলার মিছিলে অংশ নেয়। মিছিলের সফলতা ছাত্রযুবদের অবস্থান স্পষ্ট করে দেয়। এই মিছিলেও হিন্দুত্ববাদী গুণ্ডাদের সাথে মিলে বাংলার ফ্যাসিবাদী ডবল ইঞ্জিন সরকারের পুলিশবাহিনী নেমপ্লেট সরিয়ে হামলা চালায়। লাঠিচার্জ করা হয়, টিয়ার সেল ছোঁড়া হয়। স্বাভাবিকভাবেই ছাত্রছাত্রীরা রাষ্ট্রীয় বাহিনী ও দালাল সাংবাদিকদের বিরুদ্ধে প্রতিরোধ গড়ে তোলে এবং তাদের সরে যেতে বাধ্য করে। অন্যদিকে, বিহারে ২৫ তারিখ বন্ধ চলাকালীন প্রতিবাদীদের ওপর একে-৪৭ বন্দুক দিয়ে গুলি চালায় পুলিশ।
২৪ তারিখের পর থেকেই পশ্চিমবঙ্গের সরকার ‘সাংবাদিক নিগ্রহে’র অভিযোগকে কেন্দ্র করে উঠেপড়ে লেগেছে এদিনের মিছিলে উপস্থিত ছাত্রছাত্রীদের গুণ্ডা দমন আইনের আওতায় এনে মিথ্যা মামলায় ফাঁসিয়ে তাদের বন্দি করতে। এই দালাল সংবাদ মাধ্যমের প্রতিনিধিকেই আমরা দেখেছি, বক্তব্য রাখতে যে, ভারতে সরকার নাকি আন্দোলন দমনে যথেষ্ট কড়া পদক্ষেপ নিচ্ছে না। অন্যান্য দেশে আন্দোলন দমনে হওয়া গণহত্যাকে তারা খোলাখুলি সমর্থন করছে। এদিনের পর থেকে প্রায় ৭০ জন ছাত্রছাত্রীকে চিহ্নিত করা হয়। তাদের মধ্যে ১৬ জনকে গ্রেফতার করা হয়েছে। গ্রেফতার হওয়া ছাত্রছাত্রীদের বেশিরভাগ সংখ্যালঘু মুসলিম সম্প্রদায়ের। যাকে কেন্দ্র করে নিজেদের হিন্দুত্ববাদী রাজনীতির এজেন্ডা অনুযায়ী প্রচারে নেমে পড়েছে বিজেপি সরকার ও তার দালাল মিডিয়া। অগণতান্ত্রিকভাবে এই গ্রেফতার হওয়া প্রতিবাদীদের গতকাল (২৭/০৭/২০২৬) ধর্মতলায় হাফ প্যান্ট পড়িয়ে খালি পায়ে প্যারেড করানো হয়। যা দেশের গণতান্ত্রিক পরিসরের ক্রমহ্রাসমান অবস্থাই তুলে ধরে। শুধু তাই নয় দিল্লি, বিহার, অসম সহ সারাদেশে প্রতিবাদীদের গ্রেফতার করা হচ্ছে। সমাজমাধ্যমে নজরদারি চালানো হচ্ছে জোরদার। অসমে শুধুমাত্র NEET প্রশ্নপত্র ফাঁসের বিরুদ্ধে হোয়াটসঅ্যাপ গ্রুপ খুলে ছাত্রছাত্রীদের সংগঠিত করার চেষ্টার জন্য তিনজন ছাত্রকে গ্রেফতার করা হয়েছে। দিল্লিতে ছাত্রছাত্রীদের খাবারের ব্যবস্থা করায় উত্তরপ্রদেশের পুলিশ মহম্মদ জুনেইদ নামের এক স্বেচ্ছাসেবককে পরিবার সহ বেআইনি ভাবে গ্রেফতার করেছে।
এ সমস্ত গ্রেফতারি ও ফ্যাসিবাদী নিপীড়ন ভীষণভাবে উদ্দেশ্যপ্রণোদিত। বাংলায় গ্রেফতার হওয়া এই সমস্ত প্রতিবাদীরা দীর্ঘদিন ধরে ফ্যাসিবিরোধী রাজনৈতিক আন্দোলনে সক্রিয় ছিলেন। SIR-NRC বিরোধী আন্দোলনে এরা ছাত্রসমাজে প্রচারের ভূমিকা রেখেছেন। এই প্রত্যেকটি গ্রেফতারি বৃহত্তর ফ্যাসিবিরোধী আন্দোলনের ওপর সরাসরি হামলা। গুণ্ডাদমন আইন পশ্চিমবঙ্গ বিধানসভায় পাশের উদ্দেশ্যই ছিল গণআন্দোলনকে সম্পূর্ণভাবে ভেঙে ফেলতে ও বিরোধীদের দমনে তার ব্যবহার। অর্থাৎ দেশজুড়ে বিজেপি-আরএসএস নাগরিক সমাজের বিরুদ্ধে যে ঘোষিত যুদ্ধ জারি করেছে, তারই পরিবর্ধিত রূপ বর্তমান বাংলার এই ‘রাউলাট আইন’। আমরা লক্ষ্য করেছি, ২৪ তারিখের মিছিলের আয়োজক সুবিধাবাদী সংসদীয় শক্তিগুলি পুলিশ চিহ্নিত ও গ্রেফতার হওয়া প্রতিবাদী ছাত্রছাত্রীদের পাশে দাঁড়ানোর বদলে, এই ঘটনার বিরুদ্ধে যথাযথ আন্দোলন গড়ে তোলার বদলে, বারংবার প্রতিবাদীদের ওপরেই দোষারোপ ও নিজেদের সাথে তাদের সমস্ত সংসর্গ অস্বীকার করে চলেছে। এদিকে, গত ২৫ তারিখ ধর্মেন্দ্র প্রধান ইস্তফা দেওয়ার পর ককরোচ জনতা পার্টির (সিজেপি) প্রতিনিধিরাও তাদের অনশন তুলে নিয়েছে। তাদের অন্যতম দাবি ছিল, ভুয়া মামলায় আটক ছাত্রছাত্রীদের মুক্তি। যৌথ আন্দোলন তুলে নেওয়ায় এবং সুবিধাবাদীদের তরফে ক্রমাগত প্রতিবাদীদের একঘরে করে দেওয়ার রাজনীতিতে বাংলায় গুণ্ডাদমনে আটক প্রতিবাদীদের মুক্তির বিষয়টি বর্তমানে অনিশ্চিত হয়ে পড়ল।
আমরা বিপ্লবী ছাত্র ফ্রন্টের তরফে দাবি জানাচ্ছি, বাংলার ১৬ জন সহ দেশজুড়ে ভুয়া মামলায় আটক প্রত্যেকের অবিলম্বে নিঃশর্ত মুক্তি চাই। উদ্দেশ্যপ্রণোদিতভাবে চিহ্নিত ৭০ জন ছাত্রছাত্রীর বিরুদ্ধে কোনরকম ব্যবস্থা নেওয়া চলবে না। প্রতিবাদীদের ওপর থেকে গুণ্ডাদমন আইন সহ সমস্ত ভুয়া মামলা তুলে নিতে হবে। পুলিশ ও সেনাবাহিনীর হামলায় ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত সমস্ত ছাত্রছাত্রীর চিকিৎসার ব্যবস্থা সরকারকেই করতে হবে। প্রশ্নপত্র ফাঁসে যুক্ত ও সেনাপুলিশ কর্তৃক ছাত্রবিরোধী হামলায় যুক্ত প্রত্যেকের বিরুদ্ধে সঠিকভাবে তদন্ত ও তাদের শাস্তির ব্যবস্থা করতে হবে। প্রশ্নফাঁসে ভুক্তভোগী পরীক্ষার্থী ও আত্মঘাতীদের পরিবারকে আর্থিক সহায়তার ব্যবস্থাও সরকারকে করতে হবে। সর্বোপরি, বারবার ব্যর্থ NTA বাতিল করার ডাক দিতে হবে আমাদের। শিক্ষার শ্রেণিবৈষম্য বাড়িয়ে চলা, বেসরকারিকরণের হাতিয়ার NEP 2020 বাতিল করতে হবে। এই প্রত্যেকটি দাবি একে অপরের সাথে যুক্ত। এর মধ্যে একটি দাবিও অপূর্ণ থাকলে তা ছাত্রযুবদের সাথে বিশ্বাসঘাতকতা। স্রেফ ধর্মেন্দ্র প্রধানের ইস্তফা দেশের সামগ্রিক শিক্ষাকাঠামোর দরুন উৎপন্ন দুর্নীতি ও ছাত্রবিরোধী নীতির পতন ঘটাতে পারবে না। সিজেপি তার শ্রেণিচরিত্রের কারণেই মাঝরাস্তায় আন্দোলন তুলে নিতে বাধ্য। কিন্তু সমগ্র দেশের ছাত্রসমাজ আজ নিজেদের দাবি বুঝে নিতে ঐক্যবদ্ধ। এই মুহূর্তে দেশজুড়ে চলমান ছাত্র আন্দোলনকে সঠিক রাজনৈতিক দিকে পরিচালিত করতে সমস্ত ফ্যাসিবিরোধী, প্রগতিশীল, গণতান্ত্রিক শক্তির যৌথ জঙ্গি গণসংগ্রামই একমাত্র রাস্তা।
 

We have been witnessing continuous State repression since the beginning of the ongoing student movement at Jantar Mantar in Delhi and its several demands, including the resignation of the State Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. On July 20th, when the protesting students in Delhi started their march to the Parliament, we saw how various forces of the State jointly attacked the students. Delhi Police, RAF [Translator’s note: Rapid Action Force, riot police of the CRPF], CRPF and other forces removed their nameplates to prevent identification. Pellet guns and rubber bullets were fired even during peaceful protest marches, due to which one student lost his eye. Nails were driven into him, electric rods were discharged at his head. Many students are still hospitalized in critical condition. Explosives were thrown. Toxic expired tear gas was used. The forces also attacked the hunger strike stage. Large-scale arrests were made with false cases.

Iran - iranian regime during imperialist aggression USA/ISRAEL continue repression against workers and masses

info from italian comradesd

IRAN, LA REPRESSIONE DI GUERRA NON FERMA LA PROTESTA INTERNA E GLI OPERAI IN LOTTA

Il sistema carcerario iraniano sta intensificando le esecuzioni con la scusa dell'emergenza bellica. Nell'attuale situazione difficile e pericolosa la resistenza della società civile continua sotto la guida delle organizzazioni dei lavoratori che firmano l'appello qui sotto.

workers ' struggles

Sono in corso lotte in varie zone dell’Iran che, sia pure piccole e spesso isolate, danno coraggio alla resistenza nel paese contro il regime e l’aggressione straniera.
Negli ultimi giorni.
6 luglio:
sciopero dei minatori di rame di Sarcheshmeh (miniera nel sud-est del paese, a 2600m di altitudine) per tre mesi di salario non pagato
8 luglio:
-agitazione di lavoratori licenziati dalla raffineria di Bid Boland (nor del Golfo Persico); hanno presentato denunce al governo, all’ufficio del lavoro e al tribunale perché la direzione della raffineria non ha rispettato il contratto che prevedeva la loro assunzione definitiva. Il procuratore del tribunale a sua volta li ha minacciati di denuncia. La raffineria è stata bombardata dagli americani il 23 luglio;
– gli operai di produzione e sicurezza del campo petrolifero di Masjid-e-Suleiman (Iran Occidentale) sono in agitazione per mancato pagamento del salario di un mese. Stanno organizzando una manifestazione davanti alla prefettura assieme alle loro famiglie e con il sostegno organizzativo del consiglio per l’organizzazione delle proteste dei lavoratori del petrolio.
12 luglio:
è stata ottenuta la scarcerazione di Yasr Ahmadi Nejad, ex operaio petrolifero che ha organizzato e guidato lotte sindacali, incarcerato varie volte, l’ultima con una condanna a 42 mesi per partecipazione alle mobilitazioni di “Donna, vita, libertà” del 2023. Da prima del 2023 si era laureato in legge ed aveva iniziato l’attività di avvocato nei processi contro i lavoratori.
13 luglio:
– circa 700 lavoratori assunti con il sistema delle cooperative (come in Italia ad esempio nella logistica) nella miniera di carbone di Tazreh (est di Tehran a 2200m di altitudine ) sono scesi in sciopero per ottenere le retribuzioni arretrate e il versamento dei contributi non pagati da precedenti cooperative e miglioramento della sicurezza e delle condizioni di lavoro (6 morti per un crollo nel 2023);
– sciopero dei lavoratori della fabbrica di materiale rotabile ferroviario di Karaj (nord di Tehran, verso il Caspio) per salari non pagati e contributi non versati.
16 luglio:
proteste nei mercati di Tehran per i prezzi delle derrate.
20 luglio:
manifestazione della domenica di pensionati ad Ahvaz e altre città per il costo della vita e l’assistenza sanitaria

call of oil workers

USA : 13 arrestations lors d’une action contre un centre de l’ICE dans le Vermont

secours rouge

Treize personnes ont été arrêtées lors d’une action de désobéissance civile non violente visant le Centre national d’analyse criminelle et de ciblage de l’ICE, situé à Williston, dans le Vermont. Présenté comme un centre stratégique de l’agence étatsunienne chargée de l’immigration et du contrôle douanier, ce site centraliserait des activités de surveillance, d’analyse de données et de ciblage utilisées dans les opérations de l’agence. Les participants affirment avoir perturbé le fonctionnement du centre pendant une journée afin de dénoncer les pratiques de surveillance et les opérations d’expulsion menées par l’ICE. Les participants réclament la suppression de l’ICE et la remise en cause de ses méthodes d’action.

Cachemire : Affrontements lors d’une marche de manifestants vers Muzaffarabad - info


Des affrontements ont éclaté à Rawalakot, dans le Cachemire administré par le Pakistan, lorsque des milliers de partisans du Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), un mouvement de défense des droits civiques récemment interdit, ont tenté de rejoindre la capitale régionale, Muzaffarabad. Au moins cinq manifestants ont été tués, tandis que la police fait état de deux agents blessés.

Le JAAC, qui boycotte les élections régionales en cours, réclame notamment la suppression de 12 sièges réservés aux réfugiés au Parlement local, estimant qu’ils permettent aux partis pakistanais d’influencer la formation du gouvernement régional.

CCM: Partido de revolucionários profissionais ou partido de funcionários profissionais? - for debate

marxleninmao

Repostamos aqui este artigo, originalmente encontrado no Blog Luta de Duas Linhas, devido a importância da luta pelo Partido Comunista no estágio em que se encontra o movimento revolucionário de nosso país.


Camarada Vítor (Comitê Comunista Maoísta)

Julho de 2026

O blog Servir ao Povo publicou, em outubro de 2025, um artigo do revolucionário cubano Julio Antonio Mella, de 1926, intitulado “Pela criação de revolucionários profissionais”1. É curioso que sobre um tema que foi tão meticulosamente estudado pelos clássicos do comunismo científico – Marx, Engels, Lênin, Stalin e Mao –, os editores deste blog recorram a um documento dos primórdios do comunismo latino-americano. Na verdade, incapazes de elaboração própria, os gonzalistas envergonhados não fazem mais do que reproduzir um passadismo acrítico, que em nada se assemelha ao método dialético de aprender da experiência histórica a fim de superá-la, no duplo sentido que a palavra abriga, qual seja, de preservação e de negação2.

É certo que a formulação de que os comunistas devem erigir uma organização conspirativa, sólida e estável, composta por revolucionários profissionais, está no cerne da concepção leninista do partido de novo tipo. Entretanto, que tipo de partido é este – um partido com base proletária, ou uma seita conspirativa sem lastro no movimento operário – e que tipo de revolucionários profissionais são estes (dirigentes experimentados do movimento prático ou uma casta de elementos desclassificados sem nenhum contato com os trabalhadores) é o que indicará não apenas a capacidade de combate desta organização, mas também o seu caráter de classe. Um corpo de funcionários remunerados, agrupados em torno de um centro político dirigente, será um partido, mas não, decerto, um partido comunista. Aqui, não é apenas uma questão de formas organizativas, mas de conteúdo político, e o conteúdo se impõe e determina a forma em última instância.

A respeito destes pontos, o texto de Mella é de uma infelicidade e incompreensão gritantes, talvez inevitáveis na infância do movimento comunista latino-americano há cem anos, mas completamente imprestáveis no princípio do século XXI. Logo no início, Mella (e seus tradutores do blog Servir ao Povo, que subscrevem o texto sem ressalvas) afirma que:

letter received from China - for info

 

 Hello comrades,
 
 We are Marxist-Leninist-Maoists from China. We have created a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Wiki. Our goals are:
 
 1. To reflect the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism;
 2. To use the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and communist worldview to explain phenomena in nature, society, and history.
 
 However, we are not familiar with some historical events and figures related to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism outside China. We also do not currently have the capacity to create articles in languages other than Chinese.
 
 Therefore, we hope that comrades from around the world can help us, or encourage other comrades to participate in this project.
 
 Thank you for your support and assist

Tunisie : Quatre organisateurs de la flottille Sumud maintenus en détention provisoire


En Tunisie, quatre organisateurs de la Global Sumud Flotilla sont toujours détenus après plus de 140 jours de détention provisoire. Wael Nawar, Nabil Al Shnoufi, Ghassan Henchiri et Ghassan Boughdiri ont été arrêtés en mars 2026 et poursuivis dans le cadre d’une enquête portant sur des soupçons de complot lié au blanchiment d’argent et de fraude qui concerneraient le financement de la flottille.

Trois autres personnes arrêtées dans cette affaire ont été libérées sous conditions restrictives, tandis que les quatre organisateurs restants demeurent incarcérés dans des conditions difficiles, certains ayant rencontré des problèmes de santé. Leurs soutiens demandent l’abandon des poursuites, la levée des restrictions imposées aux personnes libérées et la remise en liberté immédiate des quatre détenus.

sol rojo mexico - alto a la guerra contra los pueblos originarios

 

 

México. El pasado 17 de julio fue detenido el compañero Jesús Plácido Galindo, integrante del Concejo Indígena y Popular de Guerrero – Emiliano Zapata (CIPOG-EZ) y del Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI). Su detención es el resultado de la complicidad de los diferentes niveles de gobierno con el crimen organizado en Guerrero, uno de los estados más pobres del país donde la guerra contra el pueblo tiene un claro contenido político-social contra los movimientos populares y las comunidades en resistencia. 

Durante los últimos años los compañeros del CIPOG-EZ han denunciado las agresiones constantes de grupos criminales como “Los Rojos” y “Los Ardillos” quienes han generado una escalada de violencia dejando 84 asesinados, 25 desaparecidos y al menos 2,200 desplazados en la región, sin que las autoridades burguesas intervengan para garantizar la vida y la paz de las familias campesinas, dando manga ancha al latifundio y sus grupos armados para atacar a la población. 

Hoy con la detención del compañero Plácido en manos del ejército mexicano, el gobierno de Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo confirma una vez más de qué lado está el régimen, y no es del lado de los pobres. 

En un breve comunicado las autoridades que integran el CIPOG-EZ han tomado posición sobre el caso… “Jesús Plácido Galindo, hijo de la lluvia, representa la voz de nuestras comunidades y la esperanza de un México más justo. Su encarcelamiento constituye un acto de criminalización contra quienes luchan por la libertad y la participación ciudadana. Declaramos con absoluta claridad: Responsabilizamos al Estado mexicano de todo lo que pueda sucederle a Jesús Plácido Galindo. Exigimos su liberación inmediata e incondicional. Demandamos respeto irrestricto a sus derechos humanos y garantías constitucionales”

En respuesta a esta detención, el CNI ha convocado a jornadas de movilización Guerrero y Ciudad de México las cuales han iniciado el día de hoy. Una vez más exigimos la libertad inmediata e incondicional del compañero Jesús Plácido Galindo.  

¡Solidaridad total con los compañeros del CIPOG-EZ! 

¡Alto a la guerra contra el pueblo!

 

Free Niall Sherin ! Anti Imperialist Action Ireland - infosolidarity


Anti Imperialist Action Ireland fully supports the campaign by the Irish Republican Prisoners Welfare Association to Free Niall Sheerin.

Niall Sheerin is a Derry Republican currently being held hostage by British Imperialism in Maghaberry Prison.

Having been sentenced in a British Court in Occupied Ireland to seven Years imprisonment for his part in the struggle for National Liberation, Niall Sheerin has now served his sentence but the British Occupation is refusing to release him as her remains an unrepentant Irish Republican.

British Imperialism is using draconian legislation called the ‘multi agency review arrangements’ better known as MARA to intern Niall Sheerin.

Under this British legislation occupation can keep a prisoner interned after they have served their sentence, if MARA deem the Prisoner is still a threat to the British Occupation.

This means Niall Sheerin has a being interned without any release date, having served the sentence handed down in the occupation court.

This is a gross abuse of Human Rights ands the Free Niall Sheerin Campaign should be supported by all Republicans, Anti Imperialists, socialists and progressives.

Niall Sheerin is not a criminal. He is an Irish Republican who has a legitimate right to pursue the National Liberation and sovereignty of our country and our people. He should be back with his family, friends and community, where he belongs.

In the coming weeks and months AIA will be stepping up our support for Niall Sheerin and all Republican POWs as we continue to build and develop the campaign for National Liberation across Ireland.

Free Niall Sheerin now- Smash MARA!

Saor Éire Anois- An Phoblacht Abú

Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Statement: Stop the Attack on Sudanese Workers – Oppose Mass Dismissals and Political Purges

 

مرفق ترجمة عربية للبيان، يمكنكم الاطلاع عليها والتوقيع أسفل الصفحة. كما يمكنكم تنزيلها ومشاركتها

We condemn in the strongest terms Ministerial Decision No. (22) of 2026 issued by Sudan’s de facto Ministry of Human Resources and Social Welfare, which establishes a committee to “study and audit” federal government employees and prepare recommendations to reduce the public sector workforce.

This is not administrative reform. It is a political attack on workers, public services, and democratic rights, carried out under the cover of war and economic collapse.

Since the outbreak of the counter-revolutionary war for power, wealth, and control of Sudan on 15 April 2023, Sudan has been plunged into catastrophic devastation. The war is being fought between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the former Islamist regime on one side, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on the other, following their joint overthrow of Sudan’s civilian government in the 2021 coup. Fuelled by regional and imperialist interests competing for influence, resources, and strategic control, the war has become a direct assault on the aspirations of the historic 2018 Revolution, when workers, women, youth, neighbourhood resistance committees, and revolutionary forces overthrew the dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir.

Hundreds of thousands have been killed and millions displaced. Public services, infrastructure, workplaces, farms, and markets have been devastated, driving hunger, displacement, and social collapse. Workers and pensioners are enduring impossible conditions. Public sector workers across education, healthcare, and the civil service have repeatedly faced attacks on wages and conditions, while incentives, entitlements, and pensions remain unpaid. Instead of protecting livelihoods and rebuilding services, the de facto authorities are now threatening mass dismissals.

This decision evokes one of the darkest chapters in Sudan’s modern labour history. Following the 1989 coup, the former Islamist regime implemented systematic “public interest dismissal” policies that dismantled the civil service and removed more than 600,000 workers between 1989 and 1991, replacing them with politically loyal cadres. These purges destroyed trade union organisation, weakened public institutions, and entrenched dictatorship.

Today, the same methods are returning under new language: “administrative reform”, “workforce reduction”, and “auditing employees”.

Decision No. (22) of 2026 violates international human rights and labour law, including Article 23(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), Articles 2(2), 6(1), and 7(a) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and Article 22(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which guarantees freedom of association and trade union rights.

It also stands in direct contradiction to the principles of the international trade union movement and the constitution of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which commits the global labour movement to defend workers’ rights, oppose anti-union repression, uphold collective bargaining and freedom of association, and fight for decent work, social protection, and equality.

GALIZA: 28 de Julio - Celebrando los 74 años del nacimiento del camarada eterno MARTIN NAYA (MIGUEL ALONSO)

 




Honor y gloria eterna al camarada Martín Naya!!!
Camarada Martín Naya, Presente en la lucha!
Viva el Marxismo-Leninismo-Maoísmo!!!
¡¡¡Viva la Revolución Proletaria Mundial!!!

Revolutionary Communist Party Spokesperson States Nepal is in Neo-Colonial State


Kathmandu. Revolutionary Communist Party spokesperson Hemant Prakash Oli (Sudarshan) has stated that Nepal's current situation is a neo-colonial state, and that the comprador capitalist system will bring about neo-colonialism. 

Oli said this while speaking at a discussion program organized by Pushpalal Friendship Center on the occasion of the 48th Pushpalal Smriti Diwas on the topic 'Role of Leftist Parties in the Current Political Situation'. 

“We had gone into government in the past keeping the army, police, court, and bureaucracy the same,” he said, “Now imperialism has captured Nepal's army and overthrown the government by putting on the masks of Rabi and Balen (RSP), due to which the question of national independence has come forward.” 

Oli stated that in such a situation, a loose forum should be created and everyone should be ready to form a forum that accommodates all. 

For that, patriotic leftists should unite, hold political conferences, and announce struggle programs to form an alternative independent coalition government against the Balen government. 

india - Reddening the Green: Costs, Contexts and Consequences of the War in Bastar (2024-2026) – PUDR Report - info

July 20, 2026

PUDR Press Release

This report presents an account of 27 months of Operation Kagaar – security operations conducted jointly by the central and state governments between January 2024-March 2026 with the professed object of complete elimination of ‘Naxalism’ or ‘Left-Wing Extremism’.

While Kagaar was conducted across several states of central-eastern India, including Odisha, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Maharashtra, this report focuses on seven districts of Bastar division. In attempting an exhaustive documentation of all publicly-reported killings, arrests and surrenders under Kagaar, the report raises unanswered questions on State accountability in pursuit of a policy of militarization (Part I), and the accompanying context of mining, dispossession and violations of Adivasi rights under the Fifth Schedule, PESA and FRA (Part II).

PART I

The documentation of killings, arrests and surrenders has been collated from newspapers, primarily Bastar edition of Dainik Bhaskar. These accounts have not been independently verified by PUDR and remain subject to revision, as they are, directly or indirectly, sourced back to representations of the Chhattisgarh government and the security apparatus alone.

KILLINGS: 607     ARRESTS: 487     SURRENDERS: 1496

On the face of it, these 27 months of Operation Kagaar in Bastar have resulted in about 607 deaths, with 85% of those killed alleged to be Maoists (516), 09% civilians (55), and 06% security personnel (36). By comparison, between 2021-23, government sources report the killings of 101 ‘Maoists’, 79 security personnel, and 107 civilians.

The report makes three key findings relating to the nature of Operations and accountability:

1. Lack of Independent Information

Operation Kagaar was waged within a paradox, having been conducted in full public view, but with severe restrictions on public access to independent information. While national and local dailies regularly reported on incidents of killings, surrenders, and arrests, these appear to have been sourced solely from information supplied by the government. Scarcely has the media undertaken any independent verification of these claims.

Information supplied by the government and newspaper sources is limited to the site of the incident, numbers, and often, identities of those killed or arrested. There is no reporting on the ensuing legal proceedings, either by way of magisterial inquiries, or the nature of allegations and detention of those arrested.

2. State Policy of Militarization

Kagaar represents an escalation of the Indian State’s military response to the conflict over land, forests and Adivasi autonomy, foreclosing political resolution of a conflict that is fundamentally about the constitutional rights of Adivasis. This rejection of political avenues of resolution was on display even during 2024-25 when the Chhattisgarh government continually rejected calls for ceasefire and peace talks.

Of particular concern are two prongs of this policy of militarization under Kagaar: (i) the proclamation of monetary rewards for security personnel, which set up adverse incentives for State forces to perpetrate unlawful force and extra-judicial killings in the manner of a bounty-hunt; and (ii) the so-called surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy, revised in 2025, which set up a choice for Maoists between surrendering or being killed, and precluded avenues of dialogue. While the surrender policy is a welcome form of amnesty for political dissidents, those who apparently ‘surrendered’ languish in camps under indefinite and illegal detentions, and subject to conditions entirely outside constitutional and criminal law.

3. Illegality and State Accountability

This report underlines the urgency of compliance with the PUCL guidelines on extra-judicial killings in each instance and raises questions on State actions on killings, arrests and surrenders as documented. However, the report goes further in finding PUCL guidelines insufficient to determine State accountability to prosecute the adoption of force as a matter of State policy in context of an armed conflict.

Martyrs' Week 28th july/3august and new international day of action stop state repression/freedom for political prisoners/support CPI(maoist)for prolonged people's war - english and spanish


 

In the Martyrs' week, the first call for a new International Day of Action, the 26th september 2026


The ICSPWI (International Committee of Support to the People's War in India) calls on all the marxist-leninist-maoist organisations and parties, revolutionaries, anti-imperialists, progressives and sincere democrats to honour the Indian revolutionaries Martyrs on the occasion of Martyrs' Week - july 28th -August 3rd

The blood shed by martyrs in their struggle for New Democratic Revolution and Socialist Revolution must be honoured!

At the same time we honour all people killed and massacred during the Modi's criminal and genocide Operation Kagaar.

The martyrs of the Indian revolution are the best sons and daughters of Indian people who sacrificed their lives not only for the liberation of India, but of the entire world, from capitalist/imperialist exploitation, contributing to the World Proletarian Revolution.

The Indian revolution, the people's war, the CPI (Maoist) is today in a very difficult situation, the Modi's regime claims that India is “naxal-free” today. The ruling classes, other governments and regimes in India had said the same in the past but the history has showed that this is an illusion.

People's war and CPI (Maoist) are immortal! New generations of sons of the people are in struggle and take in their hands the flag of revolution.

It is true that in these hard times it needs more than ever the international and internationalist solidarity and support by the communist, proletarian, revolutionary movement, anti-imperialist movements, proletariat and people in struggle and in arms in the world.

ICSPWI with its strong and permanent support of CPI(Maoist) in all form, exists for this and is engaged to mobilise everybody for this support.

The actions of protest of the International Emergency campaign agaist Operation Kagaar

until the strong 28thMarch demostrations in the world have showed that in many parts of the world this is possible, but it needs to continue this campaign and do much more.

It needs to unify the international movement against all the forms of opportunism and sectarianism.

It needs to unite the initiatives on the democratic front and in support of the democratic people’s opposition movements against the Modi regime with the support to the CPI(Maoista) and his struggle against revisionists, traitors and capitulationists, today. and particularly on the 22nd anniversary of Party foundation in september, to defend the Party and the road of protracted People’s War in India e in the world.

It needs to bring this struggle within the international communist movement, the large anti-imperialist movement in the world, first the movement of solidarity with the Palestine, the movement aganit the imperialist war, the movement against repression for the release of political prisoners.

Therefore, as part of an ongoing protracted campaign, we call for a new International Day od Solidarity and struggle on the 26th of September 2026.

The platform and plan of actions for the Day will be developed with the cooperation of the forces in solidarity during the next weeks, from Rome to Paris, from Switzerland to Germany, from Turkey to Brazil, from Colombia to USA, from Bangladesh to China e and everywhere it is possible in the world.


ICSPWI

28 july 2026

 


 

En la Semana de los Mártires primer llamado para un nuevo Día Internacional de Accion el 26 de septiembre de 2026.


El ICSPWI (Comité Internacional de Apoyo a la Guerra Popular en la India) llama todas las organizaciones y partidos MLM, los revolucionarios, antiimperialistas, progresistas y demócratas sinceros para que honren a los mártires de la revolucion india durante la Semana de los Mártires, del 28 de julio al 3 de agosto.

¡La sangre derramada por los mártires en su lucha por la Revolución de Nueva Democracia y la Revolución Socialista debe ser honrada!


Asimismo, honramos a todas las masas asesinados y masacrados durante la Operación Kagaar, criminal y genocida, del gobierno de Modi, muchos de ellos pertenecientes a las poblaciones indígenas Adivasi

Los mártires de la revolución india son los mejores hijos e hijas del pueblo indio, quienes sacrificaron sus vidas no solo por la liberación de la India, sino del mundo entero, de la explotación capitalista/imperialista, contribuyendo así a la Revolución Proletaria Mundial.


La revolución india, la guerra popular y el CPI (maoísta) se encuentran hoy en una situación muy difícil. El régimen de Modi afirma que la India está 'libre de naxalitas'. Las clases dominantes, otros gobiernos y regímenes en la India habían dicho lo mismo en el pasado, pero la historia ha demostrado que es una ilusión.


¡La guerra popular y el CPI (maoísta) son inmortales! Nuevas generaciones de hijos del pueblo luchan y levantan la bandera de la revolución.


Es cierto que en estos tiempos difíciles se necesita más que nunca la solidaridad y el apoyo internacional e internacionalista de los movimientos comunistas, proletarios, revolucionarios y antiimperialistas, del proletariado y las masas en lucha y in armas en el mundo.


El CIAPI, con su sólida y permanente supporte del CPI (maoísta) en todas formas, existe para esto y se dedica a movilizar a todos en busca de este apoyo.

Las acciones de protesta de la Campana d'Emergencia Internacional contra la Operacion Kagar hasta las fuertas manifestaciones del 28 de marzo en todo el mundo demostraron que en muchas partes del mundo esto es posible, ma se necesita continuar esta campana prolongado y hacer mucho más. Es necesario unificar el movimiento internacional de solidaridad y apoyo contra toda forma de oportunismo y sectarismo.


Es necesario aunar las iniciativas del frente democrático y el apoyo a los movimientos de oposición popular democrática contra el régimen de Modi con el apoyo al CPI(Maoísta) y su lucha contra los revisionistas, traidores y capitulistas, hoy, en particular en el 22.º aniversario de la fundación del Partido en septiembre, para defenderlo y continuar la Guerra Popular Prolongada en la India y en el mundo.


Es necesario llevar esta lucha internacionalista en el movimiento comunista internacional, el gran movimiento antiimperialista mundial, en primer lugar el movimiento de solidaridad con Palestina, el movimiento contra la guerra imperialista, el movimiento contra la represión para la liberación de los presos políticos.


Por lo tanto, como parte de una campaña continua y prolongada en curso, hacemos un llamado a un nuevo Día Internacional de Solidaridad y Lucha el 26 de septiembre, 2026. La plataforma y el plan de acciones para este Día se desarrollarán con la cooperación de las fuerzas solidarias durante las próximas semanas, desde Roma hasta París, desde Suiza hasta Alemania, desde Turquía hasta Brasil, desde Colombia hasta Estados Unidos, desde Bangladesh hasta China y en cualquier lugar del mundo donde sea posible.


CIAPI

28/7/26