Sheikh Hasina Government: A Record of Corruption and Oppression
December 14, 2024
By Kallol Mustafa. This article appeared in the webzine Sarbojonkatha
Through a mass uprising of students and the public, the highly corrupt and oppressive autocratic rule under Sheikh Hasina came to an end on August 5. Understanding the political economy behind why Sheikh Hasina’s government, once elected with overwhelming public support, became deeply despised and rejected is crucial. Her prolonged regime was marked by the suppression of voting rights and freedom of speech, enforced disappearances of opposition and dissenters, extrajudicial killings, police brutality, looting of banks, widespread corruption and money laundering, the collapse of various state institutions, rampant inflation, and a submissive stance toward India’s injustices.
These factors cumulatively fueled widespread public resentment. The brutal killing of students and citizens protesting for rightful demands triggered the explosion of this accumulated anger. This article highlights the key aspects of corruption and misrule during Sheikh Hasina’s one-and-a-half-decade-long tenure.
Sheikh Hasina was forced to resign and leave the country on August 5 following a bloody mass uprising led by students and citizens. The immediate cause of her downfall was the indiscriminate shooting by law enforcement on agitated students and citizens during the quota reform movement, resulting in the deaths of hundreds. Reports indicate that at least 800 people were killed, and more than 18,000 were injured and received treatment in hospitals during this period.
However, the underlying reasons for this were rooted in the systemic issues that plagued Sheikh Hasina’s lengthy rule. These included the suppression of voting rights and freedom of expression, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and police repression; state-backed looting of banks in the guise of loans; extensive corruption and money laundering by government allies; widespread partisan control over state institutions from the secretariat to the judiciary; skyrocketing prices of essential goods; and a submissive foreign policy toward India. Despite attempts to mask this misrule by monopolizing media, promoting fabricated statistics of economic growth under the guise of the “spirit of the Liberation War,” and showcasing visible infrastructural development, these measures ultimately failed to prevent the regime’s downfall.
This article presents an in-depth analysis of the major aspects of Sheikh Hasina’s misgovernance during her prolonged tenure.
Electoral Authoritarianism
In the 2008 national parliamentary elections held under a caretaker government, Sheikh Hasina was elected as Prime Minister with a landslide victory. However, after coming to power, she abolished the caretaker government system and established an electoral framework where regular elections were held every five years but without genuine competition. Opposition parties either did not participate in these elections or were unable to do so due to systemic suppression. Even when opposition parties participated, they faced widespread voter fraud. This fraud was not limited to election day; opposition parties were systematically prevented from engaging in any political activities in the lead-up to elections. Thousands of fabricated cases were filed against opposition members, leading to arrests and forced displacement, effectively rendering the election field devoid of competition.
In the 2014 parliamentary elections, which were conducted unilaterally without the participation of opposition parties, the ruling Awami League formed the government by winning 153 seats uncontested. In the subsequent 2018 elections, despite the participation of opposition parties, the Awami League secured victory by pre-stamping ballots the night before the elections using government officials and party activists. Similarly, in the 2024 parliamentary elections, the ruling party ensured victory by nominating independent candidates from within its own ranks as “dummy” competitors, while opposition parties remained excluded.
Thus, while formal elections were held every five years in Bangladesh, there was no real participation by the people. This unchecked and unaccountable governance led to severe degradation of human rights and the rule of law, plunging the nation into economic crises that severely impacted public life.
Suppression of Freedom of Expression
During Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, freedom of expression was systematically curtailed through the enactment of laws. These included the amended ICT Act of 2006 (revised in 2013), the Digital Security Act of 2018, and the Cyber Security Act of 2023. These laws allowed law enforcement agencies to arrest and detain individuals indefinitely without a warrant under charges such as “damaging reputation,” “defamation,” “spreading false information,” “hurting religious sentiments,” or “opposing the spirit of the Liberation War.”
This created an atmosphere of fear, suppressing the freedom of speech of journalists, political activists, and ordinary citizens. Between October 2018 and January 31, 2023, a total of 7,001 cases were filed under the Digital Security Act. According to an analysis by the Center for Governance Studies (CGS) of 1,436 cases filed between October 2018 and September 2023, a total of 4,520 individuals were accused, and 1,549 were arrested. On average, 24 cases were filed, and 26 individuals were arrested per month. Among those accused, over 32% were politicians, and 29.40% were journalists. Approximately 78% of the complainants were affiliated with the ruling Awami League.
This widespread use of these laws created a climate of fear, effectively suppressing the voice of dissent across the nation. Journalists were accused under these laws for publishing news reports, with a significant number of them being from outside Dhaka. A total of 908 cases were filed for posts or comments made on Facebook, while 528 cases were filed on allegations of hurting religious sentiments. During this period, 190 defamation cases were filed against individuals for allegedly insulting the Prime Minister, most of which were initiated by her supporters. Following this, law enforcement agencies filed the highest number of cases. Even children were not exempt from being prosecuted under the Digital Security Act, with 28 minors accused and 22 arrested during this time.
Beyond cases and arrests, one way to control the flow of news was through the establishment of control over the media by appointing party-affiliated businessmen, editors, and journalists. This included shutting down media outlets and exerting pressure on them through military intelligence agencies and other governmental institutions. To further suppress citizens’ freedom of expression, the government, at various times, resorted to shutting down the internet, requesting global tech corporations like Facebook, Google, and TikTok to deactivate user accounts or pages, and to remove content.
Enforced Disappearances and Extrajudicial Killings
Sheikh Hasina’s government was involved in crimes against humanity, such as enforced disappearances, to suppress opposition movements and dissenting voices. Over the past decade and a half, individuals were taken from their homes, offices, or streets by personnel identifying themselves as members of law enforcement, only for the authorities to later deny these actions. Some of the disappeared individuals returned, some were found dead, while many remain missing. Families searched tirelessly, going from one agency to another, but often without finding any trace of their loved ones.
According to the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), from 2009 to 2022, 623 individuals were victims of enforced disappearances. Among them, 84 bodies were recovered, 383 individuals returned alive or were later shown as arrested, and 153 remain missing. There is no information available about three individuals.
One infamous secret detention facility, known as the “Ayna Ghor” (Mirror Room), became notorious during this period. It was controlled by the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the military intelligence agency. While the Hasina government dismissed these disappearances as individuals “hiding voluntarily,” it was revealed that within two days of the government’s fall, at least three individuals who had been victims of enforced disappearances were released from “Ayna Ghor.”
Extrajudicial killings by law enforcement agencies became a regular occurrence under the guise of combating terrorism, militancy, and drug trafficking. Newspapers frequently reported incidents of “crossfire,” “shootouts,” or “encounters,” in which alleged terrorists, militants, or drug traffickers were killed. The descriptions of these incidents were almost identical: authorities would claim that an alleged criminal was taken to recover weapons or drugs and, during the operation, the suspect was killed in crossfire or a gunfight following an attack by other criminals.
According to statistics from the Ain o Salish Kendra (Law and Arbitration Center), between 2009 and 2023, a total of 2,617 individuals were killed in incidents of crossfire, gunfights, encounters, or due to torture in police custody.
Banking Scandals
Under Sheikh Hasina’s regime, the looting of thousands of crores of taka under the pretense of loans became a regular occurrence. Over the past decade and a half, multiple high-profile scandals unfolded, including the Hallmark, Bismillah Group, Basic Bank, Janata Bank, Bangladesh Bank reserve heist, Farmers Bank, and Islami Bank scandals. These incidents involved various fraudulent practices, such as:
- Non-repayment of loans: Powerful business groups took loans from banks without intending to repay them.
- Direct fraud: Loans were misappropriated through outright fraud.
- Bank ownership exploitation: Entrepreneurs with minimal investment acquired bank ownership and looted public funds worth thousands of crores.
- Irregular lending practices: Private bank owners granted disproportionately large loans to each other by flouting rules.
- Repeated looting: Owners looted banks, leading to continuous exploitation.
- Political patronage: State-backed business groups, with support from intelligence agencies, gained control of banks.
- Irregular appointments: Politically appointed managing directors and board members of state-owned banks engaged in widespread corruption.
- Institutional support: The government and
institutions failed to hold perpetrators accountable, recover bad loans,
or prevent irregularities, enabling further looting. This included:
- Regular rescheduling of loans,
- Amendments to banking laws to extend directors’ tenure,
- Injecting public funds into failing banks annually.
When the Awami League government took power in 2009, the volume of non-performing loans in the banking sector was 22,481 crore taka. However, under Sheikh Hasina’s leadership, politically connected business groups exploited loans, causing non-performing loans to balloon eightfold to 1,82,000 crore taka by March 2024. If restructured and overdue loans amounting to 2,57,000 crore taka are included, the actual volume of bad loans exceeds 4,39,000 crore taka, more than one-third of the total loans in the banking sector.
Stock Market Manipulation
Over the past 15 years, stock market manipulation and fraud have resulted in the embezzlement of at least 100,000 crore taka from general investors. One of the most significant scandals occurred in 2011, during which some investors, suffering massive losses, resorted to suicide. Following the crisis, a probe committee led by Khondkar Ibrahim Khaledidentified 60 individuals responsible for stock market fraud. These included influential figures with close ties to the government, such as Salman F. Rahman, the Vice Chairman of Beximco Group and an investment adviser to Sheikh Hasina.
According to the investigation report, the methods used in stock market manipulation included:
- Artificially inflating share prices,
- Misuse of the placement trade mechanism,
- Irregularities in the IPO process,
- Suspicious transactions concealed under omnibus accounts, among other practices.
Although the perpetrators were explicitly named in the report, no legal action was taken against them. Consequently, stock market manipulation continued in the subsequent years.
Looting in the Energy Sector
In the name of solving the electricity and energy crisis, the Hasina government implemented plans dependent on foreign loans and private ownership, both domestic and international, for the construction of power plants and imported energy resources. These plans prioritized the interests of various domestic and foreign groups, plunging the country’s economy into turmoil. To avoid accountability for implementing these controversial policies, the government enacted laws that even nullified the opportunity for judicial review.
While claiming to address the power crisis, numerous privately-owned power plants were established, which were kept idle but still received substantial capacity charges. Foreign currency loans were taken in both public and private sectors for power plant construction, while no initiatives were undertaken to increase domestic gas extraction or renewable energy capacity. Instead, the government arranged for the import of expensive liquefied natural gas (LNG) and coal.
From 2009 to June 30, 2023, private power plants received approximately 105,000 crore taka in capacity charges. To cover deficits, electricity, gas, and fuel prices were increased repeatedly. Over 15 years, the price of electricity was raised 14 times.
The government also secured foreign loans for various projects, including:
- $11.38 billion from Russia for the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant,
- $4.4 billion from Japan for the Matarbari Project,
- $1.98 billion for the coal-based Payra Power Plant, and
- $1.6 billion for the Rampal Coal Power Plant.
The repayment of loans for these power plants, along with the additional costs of importing energy, has placed significant pressure on the country’s economy. With an anticipated increase in coal and LNG imports, coupled with the commencement of loan repayments for the Rooppur Nuclear Power Plant in 2027, the strain on the foreign currency reserves is expected to intensify. Despite creating this massive debt burden to serve domestic and foreign interests, the energy crisis has not been resolved. The brunt of this mismanagement is being borne by ordinary citizens and businesses alike. Alongside the gas crisis, rampant load-shedding has caused a collapse in industrial production.
Corruption and Money Laundering
During the prolonged autocratic regime, a nepotistic capitalist system emerged, where a mafia-like network of government officials, politicians, businessmen, and thugs operated with impunity under the protection of the ruling family. This mafia engaged in land grabs, corruption, embezzlement, and money laundering. Even in the face of restricted media freedom, several instances of corruption involving government ministers came to light. These included:
- Purchasing land before acquiring it for development projects to artificially inflate costs,
- Supporting illegal sand extraction,
- Engaging in massive procurement corruption within various ministries,
- Seizing state land using forged documents, and
- Corruption in recruitment processes.
Ruling party lawmakers have also been implicated in gold smuggling, drug trafficking, human trafficking, and money laundering to purchase properties abroad. Business syndicates closely linked to the government amassed monopolistic profits, looted banks under the guise of loans, and laundered money through discrepancies in import-export transactions. Government bureaucrats accumulated illicit wealth worth tens of thousands of crores of taka through corruption. Ruling party thugs and police extorted money on the streets.
Prominent officials were also involved in large-scale corruption. For instance, former police and RAB chief Benazir Ahmed used illicit funds to acquire and seize hundreds of acres of land to build resorts and houses. Similarly, former army chief Aziz Ahmed was implicated in passport forgery for his brothers and corruption in military procurements. Syndicates formed by ruling party leaders, engineers, and contractors secured half of all contracts under the Roads and Highways Department, awarding them to just five companies.
Through various corrupt practices, embezzled funds, misappropriated bank loans, and manipulation of import-export price discrepancies, a significant amount of foreign currency has been siphoned out of the country. Bureaucrats, politicians, government-affiliated businessmen, and bankers have used these illicitly acquired funds to purchase substantial properties in countries such as Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Malaysia, and the United Arab Emirates.
An estimate of the scale of corruption and capital flight can be gleaned from the 2021 report by the Washington-based research organization Global Financial Integrity (GFI). According to the report, $827 million is illegally transferred out of Bangladesh each year on average by inflating import prices and under-invoicing export prices.
Costly Development Projects Based on Foreign Loans
Between 2009 and 2023, Bangladesh’s external debt increased fourfold, rising from $24.21 billion to over $100 billion. This means that 76% of all foreign loans taken since Bangladesh’s independence were accumulated during Sheikh Hasina’s administration. However, the increase in foreign debt was not matched by a proportional rise in export revenue or foreign currency reserves.
This debt was used to fund expensive and wasteful projects that failed to generate adequate foreign currency earnings. Additionally, when the costs of such projects rise abnormally, they often cease to be economically viable.
The mega projects used by the government to promote development have been identified as some of the most expensive in the world. For example, the cost per kilometer of road construction in Bangladesh exceeds that of neighboring countries like India and China, and in some cases, even surpasses costs in Europe. Similarly, Bangladesh’s Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) project has been labeled as one of the most expensive globally. The construction cost of Dhaka’s first metro rail is more than twice the cost of similar recent projects in other countries. Additionally, the construction costs for Bangladesh’s coal, gas, and nuclear power plants are significantly higher than the global average.
The root causes of these abnormally high costs include irregularities, corruption, and flaws in project planning. While government-aligned domestic and foreign groups have profited from these expensive infrastructure projects funded by foreign loans, the debt burden on the country has increased, putting additional strain on foreign currency reserves.
As a consequence, the devaluation of the Bangladeshi taka and rampant inflation have severely impacted the general population, exacerbating their financial hardships.
Increase in Inequality
Under the Hasina regime, economic growth was accompanied by a significant rise in inequality. On one hand, economic crises forced lower-income households to stand in long lines for cheaper staples like rice, lentils, oil, and sugar through TCB and OMS programs. Due to the high prices of broiler chickens, low-income people increasingly resorted to buying chicken giblets and liver. On the other hand, sales of luxury cars and flats surged in the country.
While the majority of people struggled to meet their daily expenses and many were forced to reduce their food consumption, the number of millionaires in the country continued to rise. According to the 2022 Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), the wealthiest 5% of the population now control 30.04% of the total national income, while the poorest 5% account for a mere 0.37% of the total income.
Income Inequality
According to the 2010 Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES), the wealthiest 5% of the population accounted for 24.61% of the national income, while the poorest 5% accounted for only 0.78%. Over the past decade, the share of income for the wealthiest 5% has increased significantly, while the share for the poorest 5% has declined to half its previous level. As a result, the Gini coefficient, a measure of income inequality, rose from 0.458 in 2010 to 0.499 at the end of 2022, indicating a high level of income disparity.
The concentration of wealth in the hands of a select few is further evidenced by data from the Credit Suisse Research Institute. In Bangladesh, 21 individuals possess assets worth over $50 million (5,000 crore taka). While the Hasina government portrayed this increase in inequality as a “normal” process of economic development, it was actually the result of a specific political-economic structure fostered during her administration. Wealthy business owners exploited workers by paying extremely low wages and neglecting workplace safety measures, while also taking advantage of opportunities for embezzlement and money laundering through bank loans and import-export discrepancies.
The government collected a disproportionately higher share of taxes from the general population compared to the wealthy. 65% of the government’s tax revenue came from indirect taxes, while only 35% came from direct taxes or income taxes. This inequitable tax system, coupled with extremely low wages and unchecked corruption, created a dual economy in Bangladesh during the Hasina era.
Lack of Justice
Cases that provided political advantages to the ruling party were resolved swiftly, while investigations and trials for incidents that implicated the ruling party or its close associates were delayed indefinitely. While minor defamation cases or insults led to swift punishments for some, there are no records of factory owners being punished for worker deaths caused by fires or building collapses. Even high-profile disasters such as the Rana Plaza building collapse or the Tazreen Fashions factory fire, which garnered global attention, remain unresolved.
Ahead of the 2024 elections, testimonies in sabotage cases against BNP leaders and activists were expedited, with some hearings even conducted at night. In contrast, no progress has been made in prosecuting major scandals such as the Bangladesh Bank reserve heist or the embezzlement of loans from banks. Similarly, there has been no justice for high-profile murders, such as that of journalist couple Sagar-Runi, college student Sohagi Jahan Tonu from Comilla, or teenager Tanvir Muhammad Taqi from Narayanganj.
Jobless Growth and Unemployment
During Hasina’s tenure, the economy grew on paper, primarily through expensive infrastructure projects, but it failed to create sufficient or quality employment opportunities for young people. According to the 2024 Quarterly Labor Force Survey (Q1: January-March) by the government’s Bureau of Statistics, the unemployment rate was shown as 3.51% of the total labor force, equivalent to 2.59 million people. However, the actual number of unemployed is much higher, as this rate only includes individuals unable to work at least one hour per week. Considering the wage levels in Bangladesh, working one hour a week is far from adequate to sustain a livelihood.
A clearer picture of unemployment emerges from the Bureau of Statistics’ Sample Vital Statistics Survey (2023). It revealed that 39.88% of youth aged 15-24, equivalent to 12.8 million individuals, were neither studying nor working, highlighting a grim state of youth unemployment in the country. Among unemployed youth, the rate of joblessness is particularly high among the highly educated. The 2022 Labor Force Survey showed that the unemployment rate among those without formal education was 1%, while it was 12% among university graduates and those with equivalent qualifications.
For those with lower educational qualifications, employment often means low-wage, informal sector jobs. This has contributed to a rise in dangerous migration paths, as many take risky routes to seek better opportunities abroad.
Rise in Dangerous Migration
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) report titled “Migration from Bangladesh to Italy via Libya”highlights a growing number of Bangladeshis attempting dangerous sea crossings through Libya to reach Italy. In 2019, Bangladeshis accounted for 5% of migrants on this route. This figure rose to 12% by the end of 2021 and reached 14%by the end of 2022. In 2022, a total of 15,228 Bangladeshis entered Italy via this route, up from 7,838 the previous year. Bangladesh now ranks as the third-largest source of boat people heading toward Italy.
Intense Labor Exploitation
The economic development of Bangladesh has occurred in such a way that the majority of the labor force is employed in the informal sector. According to the 2022 Labor Force Survey by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 84.9% of the country’s workers are employed in the informal sector, where there is no guarantee of minimum wages, decent working conditions, or the right to unionize. Workers in these sectors are employed on a “no work, no pay” basis, with no fixed working hours, overtime pay, paid leave, insurance, pensions, or gratuity rights.
Even in the formal sector, factory owners pay wages that are insufficient for a decent standard of living. Many formal industries have no established minimum wage, and where minimum wages are set for 42 sectors, they remain significantly lower than the cost of living. For instance, in 2023, the minimum wage for garment workers, the largest export sector in Bangladesh, was set at 12,500 BDT, which is half the amount demanded by workers and insufficient for living above the poverty line with a family.
Workplace conditions in Bangladesh are dangerously unsafe, leading to frequent and premature deaths. In sectors such as transportation, construction, manufacturing, agriculture, day labor, steel, shipbreaking, and stone crushing, there are no institutional measures to ensure worker safety. The government does not maintain specific statistics on the regular injuries, disabilities, or fatalities suffered by workers in these sectors. Furthermore, there is no proper healthcare system, adequate compensation, or preventive measures in place.
According to the Bangladesh Occupational Safety, Health, and Environment Foundation, at least 9,263 workers died in workplace accidents between 2013 and 2023. Besides direct fatalities, many workers succumb to unhealthy working conditions over time, but there is no data available on these cases. Workers in brick kilns, rice mills, sawmills, steel factories, shipbreaking yards, chemical and plastic factories, tanneries, and stone-crushing industries face prolonged exposure to unsafe environments, leading to illnesses, disabilities, and deaths, with no available records of the actual toll.
Business Syndicates and Rising Prices
The Hasina government has demonstrated a complete failure in controlling the prices of essential commodities. Although the government attributed recent inflation to the Russia-Ukraine war, global prices of food and other essentials decreased during this time, whereas prices in Bangladesh remained high or even increased. This highlights the government’s internal policy and market management failures as major contributors to inflation. Some of the structural issues that emerged include:
- The monopoly of a few large business groups in the market;
- A lack of accurate data on food demand and production, leading to confusion about self-sufficiency;
- Insufficient government initiatives to regulate the supply and pricing of essential commodities.
In the sugar industry, only five companies—Deshbandhu, Abdul Monem, S. Alam, Meghna, and City—process imported raw sugar and dominate the market. These groups and their affiliates are the primary suppliers of sugar in the country. Similarly, 88% of edible oil is imported by just four companies—T.K., Meghna, City, and S. Alam. In the poultry sector, a few companies dominate the production of feed and chicks, as well as a significant portion of the egg and meat markets. The “Big Four” in this sector are Kazi Farms Limited, Aftab Bahumukhi Farms Limited, CP Bangladesh, and Paragon Poultry and Hatchery Limited.
A study by the Bangladesh Rice Research Institute (BRRI) revealed that rice mill owners have the most influence in controlling rice prices in the market. They make profits ranging from 8 to 13.66 BDT per kilogram of rice and its by-products.
The dominance of these large syndicates allows them to manipulate the supply and prices of essential goods at will, exploiting domestic and international situations as pretexts. Despite acknowledging the issue of syndicates, government ministers have failed to take effective action against them.
The monopolization of essential commodities and food markets by a few large corporate groups and business syndicates has allowed these entities to manipulate the import, production, and pricing of goods at will under various domestic and international pretexts. Despite significant global price reductions in key products such as soybean oil, palm oil, sugar, wheat (for flour), onions, lentils, chickpeas, and split peas following the onset of the Russia-Ukraine war, these reductions did not benefit the local market in Bangladesh.
While government ministers have publicly acknowledged the existence of these syndicates at various times, no effective measures have been taken to dismantle them.
Fabricated Statistics
During Hasina’s administration, statistical manipulations were a frequent occurrence involving GDP growth, per capita income, purchasing power, food self-sufficiency, population figures, agricultural production and consumption, foreign exchange reserves, and more. Economists and domestic and international organizations have long questioned the credibility of GDP growth figures, citing discrepancies with export and remittance data, industrial growth, and private investment rates.
The manipulation of GDP statistics was particularly evident during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite significant setbacks in transport, hospitality, and small industries, the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) reported substantial growth in these sectors. For example, during July 2020 to June 2021, despite restrictions on public transportation, BBS claimed an additional 240 billion BDT or over 10% value addition.
Initial estimates for GDP growth during 2020-2021 were 5.43% based on data from the first nine months. However, despite economic stagnation in the final quarter due to COVID-19, the finalized figure was reported as 6.94%, raising doubts about its accuracy. A former secretary of the statistics department remarked, “GDP growth figures are predetermined, and then the calculations are retrofitted to match.”
Unreliable Inflation Figures
Inflation statistics reported by BBS often failed to align with reality. For example, during a time of skyrocketing global and domestic prices for essentials like rice, lentils, and cooking oil, BBS claimed inflation had decreased. In January 2022, it reported a drop in inflation compared to December 2021. Monthly inflation rates (point-to-point) were cited as 6.05% in December and 5.86% in January. However, according to the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM), actual food inflation rates for January 2022 were 11.36% in urban areas and 11.21% in rural areas—more than double the BBS figures.
Export Misreporting
The government’s various departments often provided inconsistent export data. While media reports highlighted discrepancies between data from the Bangladesh Bank and the Export Promotion Bureau (EPB), no corrective measures were taken. When the IMF raised concerns, the government admitted that the EPB had overreported exports by $14 billion for the July-April period of FY 2023-24, and the discrepancy was $65 billion over the previous 10 fiscal years.
Environmental and Ecological Damage
Hasina’s development model demonstrated a disregard for environmental sustainability. Over 15 years, forests and rivers were encroached upon, air and water were polluted, trees and hills were destroyed, and wetlands were filled to serve the interests of domestic and foreign entities under the guise of development and growth.
Industrial waste pollution rendered rivers like Buriganga, Shitalakshya, Turag, and Balu near Dhaka almost biologically dead. While forests and wetlands were destroyed to build factories, untreated industrial waste polluted surrounding water bodies, affecting agriculture, fisheries, and public health. Local populations reported decreased crop yields, dwindling fish supplies, and rising respiratory and skin diseases.
Illegal Sand Mining
Backed by political patronage, influential groups have been engaged in large-scale illegal sand extraction, reaping hundreds of millions in illicit profits. A 2023 study by the River and Delta Research Center identified 265 individualsconducting illegal sand mining at 132 points across 77 rivers, including 54 local representatives and 192 other influential figures. Illegal sand mining has caused widespread river erosion, leaving thousands homeless and landless every year.
Smoke from unfit and expired vehicles, emissions from factories and brick kilns, and dust generated from infrastructure construction and repair work have placed Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, among the most polluted cities in the world for several consecutive years. According to the Air Quality Life Index 2023, published by the University of Chicago, Bangladesh has become the country with the most polluted air globally. Breathing this polluted air reduces the average life expectancy of Bangladeshis by approximately 6.8 years.
Instead of taking effective steps to control air pollution, the government has built coal-fired power plants that pollute both air and water. Furthermore, the government has relaxed pollution standards through legislation. For instance, under the Air Pollution (Control) Regulations 2022, the maximum permissible levels of pollutants emitted by coal-fired power plants in Bangladesh are set several times higher than the limits enforced in China or Japan, which also build such plants.
Due to the government’s neglect in controlling air pollution for the benefit of domestic and foreign investors, the general population has borne the consequences. The PM2.5 concentration in Bangladesh’s air is over seven times higher than acceptable levels, causing widespread health issues. As a result, 78,000 to 88,000 people die prematurely each year due to air pollution.
Government agencies have failed to play an appropriate role in preserving the environment and biodiversity; instead, they have contributed to environmental destruction. Actions include turning protected forests into tourist attractions, building infrastructure detrimental to nature under the guise of development projects, cutting down trees, leveling hills, filling water reservoirs to construct buildings, building coal- and oil-fired power plants, and polluting rivers.
Submissive Foreign Policy with India
To maintain power through unchallenged and manipulated elections, the Hasina government granted one-sided benefits to its large neighboring country, India. These included transit routes via Bangladesh for Indian goods through roads, waterways, and railways, access to Bangladesh’s seaports, opportunities for Indian public and private companies to operate in Bangladesh’s power and energy sectors, and permission for India’s state-run institutions to establish the Rampal Power Plant near the Sundarbans. Additionally, India gained rights for oil and gas exploration in Bangladesh’s maritime zones, access to special economic zones, and sales of military arms and equipment.
However, during this time, India did not grant Bangladesh its rightful share of water from transboundary rivers, failed to sign the Teesta water-sharing agreement, imposed anti-dumping duties on jute exports, erected barbed-wire fences along the border, and killed Bangladeshi nationals indiscriminately.
According to the Ain o Salish Kendra, between 2009 and 2023, 594 Bangladeshis were killed by the Indian Border Security Force (BSF) through shootings or torture. Despite this, the Hasina government neither pressured India to stop border killings nor issued strong protests.
Hasina herself acknowledged the one-sided benefits given to India. At a press conference in May 2018 after an official visit to India, she remarked, “What I have given to India, they will remember for a lifetime.” Responding to a question about an Anandabazar Patrika article titled “Delhi Has Dhaka’s Support, But Hasina Expects Reciprocity from Modi”, she said, “I don’t want anything in return. What is there to ask for?” Hasina maintained her policy of granting unilateral concessions to India without expecting anything in return throughout her tenure.
Public Discontent and Downfall
These actions accumulated into a massive pile of grievances against the Hasina administration. In July, the indiscriminate killing of hundreds of youth by law enforcement during the quota reform movement acted as a spark that ignited this volatile situation. Ultimately, this led to the downfall of Hasina’s prolonged authoritarian regime.
Author: Kallol Mustafa
Email: kallol_mustafa@yahoo.com
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- “Bangladesh’s foreign debt crosses $100 billion,” Bonik Barta, November 22, 2023.
… - “Hasina doesn’t expect reciprocity from Delhi,” bdnews24.com, May 30, 2018.
- “The World’s Most Expensive BRT Line!”, The Daily Star Bangla, August 29, 2018
- Comparison of Cost and Construction Times of First Metro Lines in Asia, Future Southeast Asia, November 6, 2021
- Corruption Significantly Increases the Capital Cost of Power Plants in Developing Contexts, Kumar Biswajit Debnath, Monjur Mourshed, Front. Energy Res., March 8, 2018
- Report of the Household Income & Expenditure Survey 2022, BBS, page 30
- Report of the Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES) 2022, BBS, pages 25-26
- Global Wealth Databook 2022, Credit Suisse Research Institute, page 130
- “Increase in ‘Boat People’ from Bangladesh to Italy,” Bonik Barta, April 7, 2023
- “Workplace-Related Accidents Killed 1,432 People This Year,” The Daily Star, December 29, 2023
- “Bangladeshis Are Buying Sugar at Double the Price Paid by Indians,” Prothom Alo, January 11, 2023
- “88% of Edible Oil Imported by Four Companies,” Bonik Barta, May 6, 2022
- “Top Four Companies to Sell Broiler Chickens at a Maximum of Tk 195 per Kg,” Prothom Alo, March 23, 2023
- “Rice Mill Owners Make Profits of Tk 8-14 Per Kg,” Prothom Alo, November 19, 2022
- “No Benefit of Global Price Drops Seen Domestically,” Prothom Alo, March 24, 2023
- “Addressing Syndicates Would Create a Crisis, Says Commerce Minister in Parliament,” Bangla Tribune, June 26, 2023
- “Questions Arise Over GDP Calculations in Three Sectors,” Prothom Alo, August 19, 2021
- “GDP Reaches $416 Billion,” Bonik Barta, February 9, 2022
- “Growth Is Decided in Advance; Calculations Are Adjusted Later,” Prothom Alo, August 23, 2020
- “BBS Inflation Data Raises ‘Surprise’,” NewsBangla24, February 16, 2022
- “Is BBS Providing Accurate Inflation Data?” Selim Raihan, Prothom Alo, March 2, 2022
- “Exports Overstated by $65 Billion Over 10 Years,” Samakal, July 8, 2024
- “Five Consecutive Years of Identical Growth Rate!” Bonik Barta, February 5, 2019
- Crop Prospects and Food Situation – Quarterly Global Report No. 3, FAO, September 2022, page 42
- Commodity-Wise Import Statistics Recorded by Customs [Annual Data], Bangladesh Bank, https://www.bb.org.bd/en/index.php/econdata/bop_yearly/3
- Breathing Heavy: New Evidence on Air Pollution and Health in Bangladesh, World Bank, 2022, pages xv-xvii, 39
- “Border Killings Persist Even During the Pandemic,” Prothom Alo, September 18, 2020; ASK Reports on BorderViolence; 2022 Report; 2023 Report
- “Hasina Does Not Expect Reciprocity from Delhi,” bdnews24.com, May 30, 2018
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