Adopted by the Founding Congress of the New Communist Party (Organizing Committee)
For release on May 1, 2013
The text below is a brief summary of our organizational line on the
current global conjuncture and by extension a basis for the formulation
of our strategic perspective in the years ahead. Fundamentally, it is
clear that the dynamics of the world imperialist system are creating the
objective conditions for global revolutionary power seizure by the
proletariat. The matter in question is the development of the subjective
forces of the World Proletarian Revolution.
We hope this text can contribute to the process of organization of a
proletarian vanguard in the United States through the coalescence of the
dispersed advanced elements of the class into a revolutionary party
that is capable of diffusing communist politics practically among the
masses, and organizing and directing the people’s hate against
imperialism, revisionism and all reaction.
Central Committee, NCP (OC) May 1, 2013
Global Situation:
Globally, the principal contradiction remains more than ever that
between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples. The competing
blocs of imperialist monopoly capital and the entire social formations
of the imperialist countries feed off the super-exploitation and
continuing dispossession of the proletariat and the popular masses in
the semi-colonial countries.
The global dichotomy between the imperialist and semi-colonial
countries is reproduced inside the imperialist countries by the
super-exploitation of immigrant workers. The imperialist countries also
contain oppressed nations and nationalities within them. The following
general tendencies are observable in the development of the imperialist
system:
-Over-production of capital: The pace of
accumulation of capital exceeds any outlet in production resulting in a
bloated financial sector and a tendency towards speculative bubbles as
the only viable engine of “economic growth”.
-Escalating plunder of the semi-colonial countries:
More and more material production is being relocated to the oppressed
countries, where the people are increasingly proletarianized, resulting
in a massive new source of value transfer to the imperialist countries
and their monopolies, while fueling the growth of the FIRE (Finance,
Insurance, and Real Estate) and service sectors in the imperialist
societies.
-Massive development of capitalist production and escalating proletarianization in the semi-colonial countries:
Dispossession of small producers, agrarian ruin, and the accumulation
of massive reserve armies of labor in the urban centers is the rule of
development in the oppressed countries, leaving semi-feudal relations
ever more thoroughly subordinated to comprador capitalist economies
locked in dependence upon the imperialist world market.
-Development of new expansionist powers and poles of accumulation:
US imperialism remains the main enemy of the world’s people. It is in
growing contention with the imperialist countries of Western Europe and
Japan. At the same time, the monopoly bourgeoisie of Russia and China
increasingly assert themselves as imperialist powers in their own right,
while continuing to provide cheap labor and raw materials within the
global market. Regional expansionist powers such as India extend their
influence. The response of US imperialism to this “rebalancing” raises
the possibility of a Third World War and motivates its aggression
throughout the world.
-Tendency towards expulsion of living labor from the production process:
Technological advances rendering living labor increasingly unnecessary,
not only in production but also in circulation and reproduction, make a
long term reduction in the total employed labor force inevitable, at
the same time as subsistence producers continue to be dispossessed by
ongoing primitive accumulation.
-Capitalist production encountering its limitations in the biosphere and geosphere:
Climate change, mass extinction, and soil degradation are only a few
examples of the way in which the irrational imperatives of capitalist
production come into contradiction with the maintenance of an
environment suited to the stable reproduction of human society. These
tendencies will serve to exponentially compound already explosive social
contradictions in the coming decades.
-Termination of the social-democratic compacts between capital and labor in the imperialist countries:
The 2008 financial crisis only served to further develop the
decades-long breakdown of the social-democratic compacts between the
imperialist bourgeoisie and sections of the working class in the
imperialist countries, through slashing of the social wage and the
restructuring of production.
Regional Situations:
In Africa, contention develops between US imperialism with its drive
towards military domination of the continent and China’s search for raw
materials. Spontaneous movements of the proletariat and the popular
masses erupt continually from South Africa and Uganda to Sudan and Kenya
to Nigeria and Ghana against super-exploitation in production, land
seizure by foreign capital, and the marginalization of urban masses in
the “informal sector”.
In the Arab countries and West Asia, the Arab Spring shocked the
reactionary regimes of the comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie, but in the
absence of proletarian leadership, its momentum was seized upon by
US-NATO imperialism and Islamist reaction to wage wars of aggression
first in Libya and now Syria in pursuit of the US regional agenda of
sectarian balkanization.
US imperialism and Zionism continue their aggressive maneuvers
against the Iranian people, who also face the clerical bureaucrat
capitalist regime. US aggression continues against the people of
Afghanistan and Iraq as well.The workers’ movement advances to a high
point of economic struggle in Egypt, while the national resistance
struggles in Palestine, Kurdistan and Western Sahara remain a great
source of explosive social material.
In Europe, the southern half of the continent is pushed to near
semi-colonial status by massive austerity, leading to strike waves,
riots and disorganized elements of armed struggle, while in the north,
the rollback of the “social state” continues. Fascist currents take
advantage of the weaknesses of the proletarian movement to make gains
among the masses.
In South Asia, a true “weak link” of imperialism, where capitalist
development coexists with the most backwards semi-feudal relations,
People’s War under the leadership of the CPI (Maoist) advances and
develops in India and armed Red Power is organized in rural districts
across a broad swath of the country. In Nepal, after ten glorious years
of People’s War, the parliamentary betrayal after the Comprehensive
Peace Agreement is finally being challenged by the CPN-Maoist.
In Bangladesh, the garment workers have led extremely fierce
struggles in recent years, while the communist movement remains weak and
factionalized. In China, there have been great waves of worker and
peasant struggles over wages and land tenure, but the task remains the
organization of a revolutionary Maoist party to struggle for state power
against the revisionist bourgeoisie.
In Southeast Asia, the National Democratic movement continues to
advance its position in the Philippines, while the workers and peasants
develop strike movements and wage militant struggles against eviction in
Indonesia, Cambodia, Myanmar and Vietnam. In Latin America, the mass
resistance against US imperialism over the past decade has been led onto
the electoral road under bourgeois leadership, e.g. “21st-century
socialism,” and resulted in new regional alignments of capital oriented
to Russian and Chinese imperialism, while Brazil has further asserted
its expansionist position.
All in all, with the exception of a few semi-colonial countries where
proletarian parties are leading the popular masses in struggle for New
Democratic Revolution, the upsurge of the masses at best is appropriated
by elements of the national bourgeoisie (destined to play its part in
inter-imperialist contention) and at worst by fascist reaction. The
objective conditions demand the reconstruction of the international
communist movement on the new basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as
formulated in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and further
developed in the People’s Wars around the world.
Domestic Situation:
The proletariat and the oppressed masses in the United States have
not yet recovered from the decisive defeat of the 1960s-1970s wave of
class and nationality struggles. The New Communist Movement, unable to
produce a genuine proletarian revolutionary party or at least set the
course for the construction of such a party, was co-opted into the
left-wing of the state apparatus and dissolved into today’s brokers of
capital in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Fragments of the New
Communist Movement also ended up in self-marginalization, as a result of
their lack of a mass line practice.
Other leading elements of the nationality struggles, as well as
groups of anti-imperialist guerrillas, without a clear guiding theory,
proletarian party, political strategy for revolution, practice of mass
line, and military strategy for People’s War were separated from the
masses and easily smashed by the state, leaving in their wake only a
scattering of prisoner support committees.
US society has been comprehensively restructured for preventive
counterinsurgency against the internal oppressed nations, on the one
hand through the unprecedented level of genocidal mass imprisonment of
oppressed nationalities and the thorough militarization of the police,
and on the other hand, multiculturalism, identity-based electoral
politics, “affirmative action” policies, and most recently “America’s
first black president”.
Resistance at the point of production has been shattered with the
restructuring of production and deindustrialization. The National Labor
Relations Board (NLRB) union bureaucrats “represent” only a small
proportion of workers. Since the 1980s, white right-wing populism has
been a more dynamic force of antagonism against the imperialist state
and its neocolonial restructuring than the marginal and isolated
proletarian left. What is called the “left” today is dominated by the
NGO system and its role as a bulwark of soft counterinsurgency in the
mass movements and in petty-bourgeois anarchist counterculture.
There is no objective base for the “regroupment” of the left today.
Because quite simply, there is very little to regroup. The class
struggle in the US develops at the level of sporadic and spontaneous
mass action, including prison hunger strikes, high school walkouts, the
brief upsurge of the immigrant rights movement, and the rise and decline
of the Occupy movement; the latter developing largely as a
manifestation of the discontent of petty-bourgeois youth pushed down by
the crisis. What we do see however is the existence of objective
conditions for developing revolutionary politics and building
revolutionary organizations among the masses.
These conditions include worsening living and working conditions for
the proletariat, genocidal state assault against the internal oppressed
nations, and the impending intensification of austerity. Though the
relatively large size of the labor aristocracy and petty bourgeoisie is
indicative of the parasitic character of US society in general, there
exists a lower proletarian stratum numbering in the many tens of
millions, the core of which is derived from the internal oppressed
nations and nationalities and immigrants from the oppressed countries,
as well as substantial semi-proletarian strata involved in part-time
waged employment, casual labor, and petty self-employment. This is the
social base for the development of a protracted struggle in this country
as a part of the World Proletarian Revolution, a base which during
periods of acute crisis will be able to organize many intermediate
strata into a United Front against the US imperialist bourgeoisie.
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