jeudi 6 septembre 2012
Merci aux Camarades de Feu de Prairie !
Saturday, September 8, 2012
Nepal - advances PCNmaoist, as towards mlm alternative to Prachanda revisionist party and struggle's mass instrument against Battarai's government
NEPAL: El camarada Hitman se une al partido maoísta.
correovermello-noticias
Kathmandu, 07.09.12
El ex Ministro de Estado para el Desarrollo Local, Nabin Bishwakarma "camarada Hitman" anunció el viernes que se ha unido el PCN-Maoísta, después de la reunión con los principales dirigentes del PCN-M en la oficina del partido en Buddhanagar.Hablando en una conferencia de prensa hoy en la capital, dijo el PCN-M es el único partido que puede sacar al país de la crisis imperante, y agregó que es eñ único partido que puede dar la verdadera libertad al pueblo en la actual confusión constitucional y político.
Bishwakarma que había jugado un papel fundamental en los 10 años de guerra popular, declaró que el PCUN-M ha sido desleal con el pueblo nepalí y traicionar una y otra vez en el nombre al decir que la revolución de los pueblos no es posible.
Bishwakarma que se convirtió en miembro del Comité de Área a la secretaria del partido en 1997 y miembro del comité de distrito en 1998 había adquirido también el cargo de secretario de distrito en 1999.
NEPAL: Ultimatum del PCN-maoísta de 70 puntos.
correovermello-noticias
Kathmandu, 06.09.12
A prensa nepalí informa que el PCN-maoísta ha presentado en una rueda de prensa un memorandum de 70 puntos cuyo cumplimiento exigen al gobierno. Dieciseis años despues que los maoístas presentaran un documento de 40 puntos antes de iniciar la Guerra Popular Prolongada.
El camarada Kiran acusó a la camarilla Prachanda/Bhattarai del gobernante Partido Comunista Unificado de Nepal (M) de "neo-revisionismo". -"En lugar de hacer frente a las demandas que ellos mismos habían planteado durante la guerra, los que fueron nuestros amigos se están comportando como la clase dominante."- Él dijo que aunque ha habido algunos "logros", el país mantiene su caracter "semi-colonial y semi-feudal. "La situación, y una nueva" lucha "era necesario. Muchas de las cuestiones que figuran en el nuevo documento se han tomado de la original de 40-puntos de 1996.
El nuevo partido maoísta ha exigido la anulación del Tratado de Paz y Amistad Nepal-India de 1950 , y el pacto de seguridad bilateral 1965, el Tratado de Mahakali, los pequeños proyectos de desarrollo apoyados por el gobierno de la India, en Nepal, y la energía hidroeléctrica Alto Karnali y Arun 3 contratos a empresas indias. Asi mismo exigen el control de las fronteras con India y de las actividades contra terceros paises poniendo fin al reclutamiento de soldados Gurkhas y de misiones armadas de la ONU.
A mediados del pasado mes el camarada Kiran había reunido con el presidente del pro-monárquico Partido Rashtriya Prajatantra de Nepal, Kamal Thapa, y discutido sobre la cuestión del "nacionalismo y soberanía".
"Democracia Popular"
Otras demandas giran en torno a la "democracia popular y los medios de subsistencia". Estos incluyen: la institucionalización de la Constitución de un "Republicana Popular y Federal " por elección popular representantes, federalismo con la" identidad nacional ", la inclusión plena proporcional en los órganos del Estado, la elaboración de una nueva política de seguridad nacional, el fin de la discriminación y la intocabilidad contra los dalit, garantizar el empleo, la educación gratuita y obligatoria hasta la clase 12, la reforma agraria, y la acción contra la corrupcion.
El camarada Kiran dijo que aunque inicialmente su lucha sería pacífica, pueden adoptar el método de armado si sus demandas no eran satisfechas. Los analistas, sin embargo, creen que es poco probable que todo el partido volverá a la insurgencia. Pero los informes no confirmados sugieren que una sección de la organización, liderada por un joven líder radical Netra Bikram Chand camarada Biplab , formada por ex soldados de las Ejército Popular de Liberación (EPL) trabajan la recolección de armas para prepararse para una revuelta violenta
NEPAL: Protestas por el alza de precios de los carburantes.
correovermello-noticias
Kathmandu, 03.09.12
La subida en un 4% de los precios del petroleo ha generado un fuerte rechazo en la población.
El gobierno del revisionista Bhattarai autorizo la subida de precios argumentando los precios del mercado internacional. Nepal es totalmente dependiente en carburantes por carecer de zonas petroleras, lo cual encarece todos los renglones economicos particularmente dañinas para las masas populares.
El PCN-maoísta publicó un comunicado en el que exige la anulación de la subida de precios y hace un llamado a la movilización popular y a tomar las calles para hacer retroceder la decision del gobierno reaccinario.
Por otra parte se informa que tras dos dias del encuentro en Damak el PCN-maoista y la Limbuwan Rastriya Mukti Morcha Nepal tomaron la decisión de re-constituir los "gobiernos populares" existentes durante los diez años de la guerra popular.
El recien elegido presidente de la Aangdambe Morcha, camarada Dhruba afirmo que se trata de que los gobiernos populares impulsen la revolución inconclusa en Nepal. Así mismo denuncio la campaña de falsedades contra los defensores del federalismo desde el gobierno y de los partidos reaccionarios.
En el encuentro participaron mas de 250 representantes de diversas partes del país
Friday, August 31, 2012
Document from CPI(Maoist)
Advance
with resolute determination in the path of People's War to fulfill
the aims of our great martyrs !
Let
us comprehend and pound the deceitful LIC policy of the enemy and
preserve the leadership and our subjective forces !
Let
us strengthen the Party and advance the People's War !
Call
of the CC, CPI (Maoist) to party ranks, PLGA commanders-fighters and
revolutionary masses to observe Martyrs' Memorial Week with
revolutionary spirit from July 28 to August 3, 2012
Dear comrades,
In the
course of striving with utmost dedication for the success of the New
Democratic Revolution in India in the path of Protracted People's War
as shown by the founders of our party, great leaders and martyrs
Comrade Charu Mazumdar and Comrade Kanhai Chatterji, for the
establishment of socialism and ultimately communism nearly more than
150 worthy daughters and sons of the proletariat and ordinary people
have laid down their most invaluable lives. Many among them have lost
their lives in fake encounters carried on by the government armed
forces. Our party Central Committee pays humble red homage to all our
beloved martyrs and dedicates itself one more time to the fulfillment
of their aims. It calls upon the party, PLGA, Revolutionary People's
Committees (RPCs), mass organizations and revolutionary masses to
observe with revolutionary
2
spirit the
Martyrs' Memorial Week in memory of our beloved martyrs from 2012
July 28 to August 3 holding aloft their sacrifices and pledging
ourselves one more time to fulfill their aims. We observe these
revolutionary memorial days to pay homage to the martyrs while
bearing in mind their memories, to rededicate ourselves to fulfill
their dreams and advance forward for fulfilling our aims by filling
our hearts with their inspiration. These days simultaneously fill us
with infinite grief, boundless inspiration and paramount
responsibility. Let us surmount all kinds of difficulties and hurdles
created by the enemy classes to stop us from observing the Martyrs'
Memorial Week as a revolutionary occasion in order to learn from
their inspirational lives and practice and to pledge to carry forward
their lofty aims even while overcoming our grief. Let us hold high
the red flag left to us by those valiant fighters who laid down their
lives in battle and aim our guns at the enemies in People's War and
advance forward with great determination !
The most
reactionary Indian ruling classes with the complete support, guidance
and all kinds of help from the imperialists, particularly the US
imperialists are carrying on the countrywide, multi-pronged Operation
Green Hunt and it is increasingly becoming more dreadful, horrible
and most oppressive to the masses in its second phase. Our beloved
martyrs have laid down their lives while valiantly fighting this
back. Majority of them have lost their lives while defending the
successes of the People's War, the people, the party, and the
people's army, while defending and expanding the newly emerging and
sustaining new democratic power organs in the guerilla zones and the
guerilla bases. They fought back the enemy valiantly and laid down
their lives thus adding new chapters in sacrifice to the history of
People's War. Some comrades have died in accidents and due to illness
and they were primarily martyred due to lack of medical facilities in
enemy repression. Some died due to the tortures of the enemy and in
jails. Whatever may have been the manner in which they died the
aspiration, selfless practice and sacrifices of all these martyrs are
aimed at liberating the people of our country and the oppressed
masses of this world from all kinds of exploitation and oppression.
That is why
their martyrdom is loftier than the Himalayas and worth remembering.
The Martyrs' Memorial Week of this year particularly brings us
unbearable grief and supreme inspiration of a great martyr. The
leader of the Indian Revolution, general of People's War, our
Politburo member and the beloved leader of the oppressed masses
Comrade Mallojula Koteswara Rao alias Kishenji was martyred in a fake
encounter on November 24, 2011 caught in a dragnet of the central and
Bengal state governments and the Bengal state and central
intelligence agencies. This cruel murder by
Sonia-Manmohan-Chidambaram-Pranab Mukherji-Jairam Ramesh fascist
ruling class clique in connivance with the Chief Minister of West
Bengal Mamta Banerji caused immense loss to the Indian revolutionary
movement. Comrade Koteswarlu was born into a middle class family in
1954 in Peddapally town of Karimnagar district, Andhra Pradesh. In
his 38 year long revolutionary life he developed from an organizer to
a Politburo member and won a permanent place in the hearts of the
masses as a hugely popular leader. He carried on his revolutionary
activities in Andhra Pradesh, Dandakaranya, Bengal and other North
Indian states. As a crucial member of the higher committees (state
and central) that take decisions which could turn the movement and
advance it, he took up important responsibilities and played a great
role. It was creative and full of revolutionary commitment. He played
a laudatory role in standing firmly with the party line and
conducting two-line struggle in the party against opportunism that
raised its head in the party and in strengthening the party by
imparting ideological and political education through
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. He played an exceptional and inspirational
role in developing North Telangana and Dandakaranya into guerilla
zones with the aim of building base areas, in building the people's
army of PLGA, in expanding and developing the revolutionary movement
in North and East India, in building New Democratic power that
emerged in an embryonic form and is developing, in strengthening the
party by uniting the revolutionary forces, in maintaining solidarity
relations with foreign revolutionary organizations and in creating
the deluge of Lalgarh people's rebellion.
As a party
leader he worked day and night to develop the People's War in all the
areas he worked. He paid special attention to revolutionary
propaganda and publication of revolutionary literature and magazines
and inspired the Indian people to enter revolutionary practice by
imparting them revolutionary politics. He dedicated his pen to the
liberation of the oppressed masses and wrote articles, poems and did
translations. The unprecedented level of responses from revolutionary
masses, parties, intellectuals, various sections of people, from
several areas in our country and internationally have severely
condemned the conspiracy of the Indian ruling classes in murdering
him and paid homage to him befitting a great leader. The hatred of
our party, PLGA and the revolutionary masses towards the ruling
classes that have murdered our beloved leader by torturing him in the
most inhuman and cruel manner has doubled. Though his loss for the
Indian revolutionary movement is irreparable, the movement, party and
PLGA that developed due to the sacrifices of our thousands of martyrs
including that of Comrade Kishenji, the invaluable experiences they
imparted and the revolutionary
ideals they
established are an assurance for the fact that many more leaders like
Comrade Kishenji would come forward. Let us hold aloft the high
ideals and values established by Comrade Kishenji in his life, long
revolutionary practice and even in death. Let us make them a part of
our practice at every step and advance forward.
In the past one year we have lost two state level
leaders one each in DK and NT and a Regional Committee level leading
comrade in Asom. Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) member
Comrade Harak (Srikanth) died at the age of 48 on February 26, 2012
due to severe illness relating to heart disease. North Telangana SZC
member Comrade Gundeti Sankar (Seshanna) died an untimely death at
the age of 47 due to snake bite on March 18, 2012. Comrade Srikanth
worked in the Red Flag party and later joined our party in 1993. He
worked in the urban and plain areas of Chhattisgarh among workers,
youth, and students and in the cultural field. He worked in the
Gadchiroli division of DK since 1998 and was elected into the DKSZC
in 2005. He led the Gadchiroli division movement till the end and
became the beloved leader of the people there. Though he had severe
heart related illness he was always smiling and spread cheer and won
the love of the cadres. He was an editorial board member of the
Prabhat magazine (DK zone political organ) and contributed to the
magazine and propaganda work. The untimely death of Comrade Seshanna
due to snake bite while he was tirelessly working to revive the North
Telangana movement is an irremediable loss to the party and
particularly to the NT movement. Seshanna had 30 years of long
experience in the movement and developed from a squad member to a
state level leader. He was a brave fighter who never left the people
even amidst several repressive campaigns of the enemy. He wrote many
literary pieces especially about martyrs. He worked in the political,
military and propaganda spheres and led the cadre and the people.
Though this is a severe loss to the NT movement it has been proven in
history that this land of struggles would give birth to many more
leaders like Seshanna.
Nearly 30 comrades were martyred in the
Bihar-Jharkhand-North Chhattisgarh Special Area during battles with
the enemy forces. Some comrades were martyred in the hands of
counter-revolutionary armed gangs like PLFI and Jharkhand Jan Mukti
Parishad. Like in other revolutionary movement areas, in this Special
Area too the Indian ruling classes are intensifying the military
offensive in an unprecedented manner and are also implementing
reforms and conducting psychological warfare, thus intensifying their
effort to pave the way for the loot of immense mineral, forest, water
and land resources. The most reactionary `Saranda Action Plan' is
also part of this. The Adivasi and other oppressed masses are
advancing forward in the revolutionary path under the leadership of
the party and the PLGA by valiantly fighting back such repressive
policies of the government. All the comrades who were martyred in B-J
such as comrades Yogendra Oraon, Pancham Paswan, Gulach Munda,
Bhagabat Marandi, Sri Krishna Mahato, Tapeswar Ganju, Anil Ram etc
laid down their lives in battles with the enemy while preserving the
natural riches that rightfully belonged only to the local people and
while defending the emerging people's political power there.
Repression intensified in Bengal, Odisha and North-East
states all of which fall under East Regional Bureau of our party.
Apart from murdering Comrade Kishenji in Bengal, three more comrades
were killed in the name of encounters in Lalgarh. In Asom where the
revolutionary movement spread and is strengthening, the army,
paramilitary and the police conducted a fake encounter in May 2012
and killed four of our comrades in cold-blood. P. Chidambaram who was
shouting at the top of his voice about the expansion of Maoist
movement in Asom and its borders finally quenched his thirst for
blood with this fake encounter. One of the martyred comrades is the
Asom leading committee comrade Siddharth Burgohain. The other three
comrades were Comrades Rajiv Gogoi, Arup Chetia and Kamla Gogoi.
Earlier Comrade Pavel, a commander was martyred in Asom during a
military action. These losses are severe for us due to the strategic
significance of the movements of oppressed nationalities and the
revolutionary movement of the North-East not only for the Indian
revolutionary movement but also for South Asia. However, there is no
doubt that more people's leaders would emerge from among the people
of North-East who are increasingly mobilizing vastly on their day to
day issues, against big dams and displacement as part of their
national liberation aspirations. Under the Odisha State Organizing
Committee area, Comrade Mitu (ACM) was martyred in an encounter with
the police in January 2012. Central Regional Company Comrade Ungal
was martyred in an accidental mine blast on January 4, 2012 and
Comrade Ravi was martyred due to illness in December 2011 when this
company went to Odisha to conduct military actions there.
In Dandakaranya, Kangerghati LGS commander comrade
Mahesh died a hero's death during an ambush conducted on the enemy
forces on October 11, 2011 near Netanar. On August 16 2011, comrades
Badru, Gopi, Akash and Ramsai valiantly resisted the police forces
that surrounded them and were martyred after killing a STF jawan. The
brutal police hurled grenades on a huge scale and finally torched the
house they were in.
Comrades
Paklu and Mangli were martyred while fighting the enemy forces
valiantly in an ambush conducted by the PLGA near Bhejji on March 26,
2012. West Bastar Action Team commander Comrade Pramod was martyred
in the hands of a body guard while trying to annihilate people's
enemy Rajkumar Tamo. Comrade Mangu Paddam (Sukku), a DVC member
working for expansion of the revolutionary movement in central India
as part of Chhattisgarh-Odisha Border State area was martyred while
fighting the enemy forces in Raigarh district of Chhattisgarh on
January 27, 2012. He worked in North Bastar area of DK and PLGA for a
long time and worked in the extension area since mid-2010. This is a
big loss for the extension area movement.
In North Telangana, comrades Sukkal (ACM) and Somal
(Militia) were killed in a fake encounter in Charla of Khammam
district. Comrade Sutari Papa Rao (LGS commander) was martyred in
Sayannapalli encounter in Khammam district. We have lost some very
valuable women comrades in the past one year. Comrade Swaroopa
(Sunita) who served in the technical field under the AP state
committee and the CC since 28 years and as a tailor in DK in her last
years died due to breast cancer in March 2012. A secret, selfless
activist who served the people, she protected the higher level
leadership of the party like the pupil of her eyes during her long
tenure in the technical field. In her entire revolutionary life she
faced several problems like illness, losing her life partners,
patriarchy, loneliness etc but she overcame them with the inspiration
of the martyrs and with Bolshevik spirit and set an ideal. On August
20 2011, Comrade Ramko Hichami (Ranita) was surrounded by the enemy
forces in Makadchuvva village in Gadchiroli of DK. But she did not
waver even for one second and with great valiance and bravery wiped
out three CoBRA/C-60 commandos and injured four more jawans with her
.303 rifle and died a hero's death. A battalion level of armed
forces, thousands of bullets, dozens of hand bombs and mortar shells
were deployed against her but with great determination she faced all
these and stopped the enemy forces in their tracks for hours together
and inflicted losses on them. Comrade Ranita is the President of the
Chadgaon Area Janatana Sarkar, a brave fighter and the beloved
daughter of the oppressed masses who registered a valiant chapter in
her name with red letters in the history of People's War and
emergence of New Democratic Society. On 31-5-2012 Comrades Sameera,
Ameela and Aruna were martyred in an encounter with the enemy forces
in Mainpur division belonging to the Chhattisgarh-Odisha Border
movement. Comrade Sameera was born in Nalgonda district of AP. She
worked in the protection platoon of the AP State Committee and was a
brave fighter who defended the state leadership by putting her life
at stake in those years. She became part of DK movement since 2009
and worked among the women in East Bastar. Later she worked in the
Gobra LOS area in Mainpur division and developed into AC secretary
and won a place in the hearts of the oppressed masses there as their
most beloved leader. Comrade Aruna was born in DK and learnt her
lessons in revolution there. She is a senior ACM who won the
confidence of the party and people in Mainpur. Comrade Ameela was a
great cultural artiste even while she was in DK and held many a
promise as an active ACM. Mainpur division that is playing a crucial
role in expanding the revolutionary movement in central India faced
irreparable loss with this. These most reliable and beloved young
women martyrs to the party and the people would live on forever in
our memories. Their martyrdom would be written in red letters.
Comrade Sombari of Darbha division died in a heartrending manner due
to burns during a military action. This young women fighter was paid
great homage by the people and her fellow PLGA fighters.
Comrade BSA Satyanarayana was a leader of the working
class movement, editor of the workers' magazine `Sramajeevi', a
people's lawyer and a leader working tirelessly for the release of
political prisoners. He breathed his last on June 22, 2012. In his
nearly four decade long revolutionary practice the services he
rendered for the rights of workers, civil rights and political
prisoners are invaluable and an ideal to be emulated by all those who
stand on the side of the oppressed people. Our CC is paying humble
and red homage to his great memory.
In the past one year several incidents of ordinary
people, activists of mass organizations and revolutionary people's
governments dying in police firings, due to tortures in police
custody and dying in fake encounters after being abducted from their
homes and killed in cold-blood have occurred. Particularly, in an
indiscriminate police firing that reminded one of the Jallianwalah
massacre in the Basaguda area of Bijapur district in DK on 28-6-2012,
the notorious CoBRA and police forces surrounded the people from all
sides and killed 17 unarmed people including women, children and
school children belonging to Sarkinguda, Raju Penta and Kothaguda
villages. Tens of them were injured. Two more villagers were killed
in nearby Imlipenta taking the toll to 19.
This would remain another example for the increasing
fascist nature and cruelty of the enemy.
Comrades
Sodi Nani (Militia platoon deputy commander), Venjam
Kelu (Militia member), village patel Madkami Maasa of
Chikpal in South Bastar, Podiyami Maasa, senior mass organization
activist Comrade Negi Yadav of Innar village in East Bastar division
and some more persons were either killed in fake encounters or in
police lock ups in various areas in DK. As part of Operation Haka
carried on by the enemy paramilitary and police forces numbering
about 3000 in Maad area, Dunga Dhurva of Toke village was beaten to
death. Akali Devi and her
son were
killed in a contractor's firing in Tirra village of Gumla district in
Jharkhand.
Comrades,
The
increasingly intensifying imperialist economic crisis is seriously
impacting the Indian economy too. The imperialists, particularly the
US imperialists and the comprador rulers of semi-colonial,
semi-feudal countries are trying to cruelly crush any kinds of forces
that prove a hurdle to their investments, loot of resources and
markets in order to come out of their crisis. The occupation of Iraq
and Afghanistan, direct intervention in Libya and still continuing
intervention in Pakistan and Syria, threats to Iran and North Korea,
launching of country-wide, multi-pronged, most reactionary operations
like Oplan Bayanihan and Operation Green Hunt respectively in
Philippines and India to cruelly suppress the revolutionary movements
are all aimed at fulfilling their economic and political interests.
Central, East and North-East states which are home to immense
mineral, forest and water resources have been specially targeted by
them. Even while brutally suppressing all kinds of revolutionary,
democratic and patriotic forces that are opposing the indiscriminate
country-wide loot of resources, exploitation and oppression, the
ruling classes are carrying on a massive military offensive targeting
our party that is arming the people, the PLGA and the revolutionary
people's power organs.
Though we
have faced severe losses in terms of leadership and subjective forces
in this offensive, in our strong areas the revolutionary movement
sustained itself and is posing a challenge to the enemy. It is
causing losses to the enemy forces during various tactical
counter-offensive campaigns. Revolutionary movement is expanding to
new areas and in some places it is expanding internally inside
guerilla zones. We are striving hard to Bolshevize the party. Apart
from this, particularly our party is ideologically and politically
exposing the fake development model of the ruling classes. It has
built an alternative develop model though in an embryonic form in DK,
B-J, Bengal and AOB. Division level Janatana Sarkars have been formed
and are working in DK. Our party is striving to fight unitedly with
the nationality liberation movements in our country and other
movements of the oppressed masses and communities and standing in
support of them. Since the days of Naxalbari and Srikakulam movements
to this day, any acts, laws pertaining to the rights of
poor
peasants and Adivasis or reforms had all been promulgated by the
ruling classes in the name of reducing the influence of the Maoist
movements. To this day any debate about development cannot take place
without discussing about the Maoist alternative development model and
the political and economic alternative posed by the Maoists. The
reason behind is the significance of the political line of our party
and its People's War practice. As our party with its unparalleled
sacrifices and correct political alternative is considered a ray of
hope by the oppressed masses of our country, the state is trying to
crush our party and its leadership as soon as possible. That is why
it is resorting to a massive military offensive on us.
The
political successes achieved, the advances in People's War, the
expansion of guerilla warfare and revolutionary movement,
establishment and development of people's political power, the
support and solidarity that our New Democratic Revolution (NDR) is
getting in our country and abroad cannot be imagined without the
sacrifices of martyrs and the ideals and values that they imparted to
the society and established inside the party. It is with the
inspiration of the great practice of comrades Charu Mazumdar, Kanhai
Chatterji and our thousands of martyrs and with the spirit of their
sacrifices that our party is able to overcome all kinds of
unfavorable conditions and advance forward for the success of NDR.
Comrades,
The
material conditions in our country and the world are increasingly
turning favorable to the revolution. All kinds of social
contradictions are sharpening and are making the people to join
movements and increasingly making them choose the revolutionary path.
If we have to advance the revolution in our country towards victory
by utilizing this excellent revolutionary condition, then we must
fulfill the following immediate tasks with the aim of fulfilling the
central task given by our 9th
Congress-Unity
Congress i.e., developing guerilla warfare into mobile warfare and
developing PLGA into PLGA to turn Dandakaranya and Bihar-Jharkhand
into liberated areas.
If we are
to advance the revolution towards victory by utilizing the excellent
material conditions, then we will have to improve our subjective
conditions too as rapidly. Preventing losses to our subjective
forces, particularly preventing losses to top leadership is one of
the most important tasks faced by our party. It is true that people
give birth to revolutionary leaders in the course of revolution. But
it is equally true that once we lose such leaders, leaders who had
gained decades of vast experience and have been guiding the party
with unwavering confidence on the people and the revolution, it is
not so easy to give birth to such leaders again.
It is a
general principle that our aim in war is to preserve our forces as
far as possible and inflict losses on the enemy forces as far as
possible. We must take the preservation of our leadership, reduction
of losses to our subjective forces and prevention of unnecessary
losses seriously and strive to achieve the same subordinate to the
above general principle.
Our
failures and shortcomings in studying the deceptive LIC strategy of
the enemy and taking up countertactics by understanding the tactics
taken by the enemy to wipe our leadership and subjective forces as
part of that strategy are the reason behind the serious losses we are
facing. For this, a change must occur in our work methods in
accordance with the material conditions, level of the movement and
our tasks. Our work methods must be improved such that the three
magic weapons for the victory of revolution – party, people's army
and united front get consolidated and strengthened. This would create
a basis for us to reduce our losses. Likewise, we must bolshevize the
party ideologically, politically, militarily and organizationally in
order to preserve our subjective forces and strengthen them.
Increasing
our mass base is crucial in solving all the problems we are facing at
present. A strong mass base would also be a fundamental pre-condition
for fulfilling the losses that occurred. So we must strive to sustain
a strong mass base and to build it. For this sake, we must
politically mobilize the people and consolidate them. We must
mobilize the masses in various movements and struggles and
particularly we must mobilize the peasantry vastly and militantly in
agrarian revolutionary movement. On the whole we must mobilize the
revolutionary masses actively in People's War. We must display lot of
skill so that we can defeat the civic action programmes, fake
reforms, attacks of killer gangs and deceptive war that are being
carried on as part of LIC policy and mobilize the middle class people
and the intellectuals basing ourselves on workers and peasants.
We must
further intensify the guerilla warfare in those zones in our country
where it is raging intensely. We must expand it to a vaster area. The
enemy would employ every kind of counter-revolutionary method to
limit our guerilla zones and movement areas to smaller areas and to
end the war in as little time as possible (by wiping us out or by
qualitatively weakening our fighting power). We must defeat their
efforts by vastly mobilizing the masses, intensifying and expanding
the guerilla warfare, consolidating and expanding the people's power
organs and guerilla bases, expanding the guerilla areas, developing
the movement step by step by sustaining the successes of People's War
and by extending the war so that it continues in a protracted manner.
Arming the
people further to strengthen people's political power and guerilla
bases where we have built them and expanding them to more areas is
one of the most important tasks facing us. We must develop all kinds
of mass agitations and class struggles, particularly land struggles
and anti-displacement struggles, arm the people who get consolidated
in those struggles and inspire the people to build people's political
power by rejecting the state rule of the ruling classes and to
establish liberated areas by building a strong people's army.
Mobilizing
people actively in People's War would be crucial for this. Deployment
of army in Bastar, opening army training schools, giving special
training to a Brigade of forces, building new battalions every year,
huge increases in military budget, building of the necessary
infrastructure for deployment of Air Force, buying-hiring and usage
of helicopters and UAVs are all part of the multi-pronged massive
military offensive Operation Green Hunt (OGH). The deployment of army
in Bastar is not just for wiping out the movement there but also to
damage the movements in Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Maharashtra that
border Bastar and also the movements in Jharkhand, Bihar, other North
and East Indian states and the movements in South and Western India,
thus aiming to wipe us out in the whole country. That is why we must
put special efforts to build a vast and militant mass movement in our
movement areas, in our country and abroad opposing the deployment of
army in movement areas and concretely in Bastar.
In the
massive special operations carried on by the enemy forces at a
Brigade level recently in DK, Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, COB and AOB,
UAVs were used. They are completing all preparations for deploying
them on a vast scale (for gathering information, bombing and firing).
We must mobilize on a big scale people of all sections against the
usage of UAVs-drones. We must link this with the movements that are
arising against the usage of drones internationally, particularly in
countries such as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Iraq, Palestine etc.
We must strive to mobilize international support opposing the
deployment of army and usage of drones in our movement areas. In
fact, the lakhs of armed forces, paramilitary, police forces and the
number of helicopters deployed in our movement areas is more than the
number of armed forces or Air Force planes or helicopters of the
majority of countries in the world. We must place this fact in front
of the people of our country and the world and mobilize them.
The
colonial rulers before the transfer of power in 1947 and later their
stooges brought forth brutal laws such as AFSPA, UAPA, MCOCA, CSPSA
apart from other draconian laws such as PD Act, NSA, Prevention of
Arms Act etc and are crushing the right to live and other fundamental
rights of the people. Preparations have been intensified to establish
the NCTC (National Counter-Terrorism Centre) that would become the
most notorious of all such oppressive institutions. This is modeled
on the NCTC of US and would be formed and run under the guidance of
the US imperialists. This is aimed at completely suppressing the
fighting people with no control whatsoever. The ruling classes are
going to use this as an instrument to establish military, dictatorial
and emergency type of rule. If this institution is formed, then civil
rights would lose all meaning. This is going to turn dangerous not
only to the Indian people but to the entire people of South Asia.
The aim of
the ruling classes is not only to wipe out the revolutionary movement
but also to brutally crush the people who are fighting for their just
demands, the nationality liberation movements of Kashmir and North-
East people, all kinds of democratic movements and anti-displacement
movements. That is why they are bringing in draconian laws and are
turning the judiciary more authoritarian and intensifying the `War on
People'. At present one of the important aspects of the enemy
repression is to arrest our comrades (right from CC to party members
and ordinary people), foist false cases on them and incarcerate them
in jails for years together. They are being meted out death sentences
or life sentences, their bails are rejected or even if they get bails
they are arrested at the jail gates again and new cases are being
foisted on them. The political prisoners are not given even basic
facilities, especially medical facilities and are being tortured in
various manners. On the other hand the rights of the people are being
crushed on a daily basis in innumerable instances and massacres are
perpetrated on them reminding one of Hitler's rule. That is why
building a mighty and united civil rights movement that could fight
back all this powerfully and strengthening it is one of the most
important tasks in front of us.
Comrades,
Observe
Martyrs' Memorial Week with revolutionary spirit in every nook and
corner of our country. In order to defeat the country-wide offensive
OGH that is being carried on as part of the LIC deceptive war of the
enemy, hold aloft both in our daily lives and also during this
occasion the values, ideals, sacrifices, bravery, valiance,
dedication towards the people and commitment that we learnt from the
lives and practice of our beloved martyrs. Propagate them among the
people on a vast scale and creatively in various forms.
Publish the
selfless life histories of the martyrs, build martyrs columns and pay
great homage to them. Paint red the previously built martyr columns
and beautify their surroundings so that people can pay homage to the
martyrs in front of these columns not only on this occasion but also
during all revolutionary occasions year long. Publish and release
various kinds of propaganda material in the form of pamphlets,
posters, banners, folders, calendars, booklets etc on martyrs and
propagate them hugely among the masses.
In the
movement areas all over the country people are continuing the
revolutionary tradition of building martyrs' memorial columns in
hundreds of villages. However, in several places the police and
paramilitary forces are destroying these columns either completely or
partially and forcing the people to destroy them.
People are
resisting this in several places. They are rebuilding the destroyed
columns with renewed determination. We must further increase the
consciousness of the people to condemn the destruction of martyrs'
memorials, to intensify resistance in various forms to preserve them,
to build and rebuild them, to inaugurate martyrs' columns in each
village and to fight bravely and valiantly for fulfilling the aims of
martyrs. Meet the families, relatives and friends of martyrs on this
occasion and make them a part of the meetings and programmes
conducted in this week. Let them inaugurate the martyrs' columns and
give speeches on the inspiring lives of the martyrs in the meetings.
Inspire them to carry on the aims of the martyrs. Enquire about the
problems faced by the martyrs' families, try to solve them and give
them the assurance that the revolutionary movement would always stand
in their support. On the whole, observe these solemn and inspiring
days as occasions to rededicate ourselves to the fulfillment of the
aims of the martyrs.
With
Revolutionary Greetings,
Central
Committee,
July 5, 2012
Communist Party Of India (Maoist)
International Dimensions of Prachanda's Neo-revisionism
International Dimensions of Prachanda's Neo-revisionism
by Com. Basanta
I had authored an article about 6 years before. It was entitled: "International Dimensions of Prachanda Path". The article, published in the 10th issue of The Worker, Party organ in English, had created debate in the international communist movement. Is Prachanda Path really a creative development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism or merely a deviation from it was the question under debate at that time. Given the development of people's war in leaps, one after another, it was also not an easy task for them to take position against it. But, most of the revolutionary parties did not assimilate it rather they opined that it resulted from the ideological deviation on the part of CPN (Maoist). The wave of Prachanda Path, which was said to be the synthesis of the experiences of 5 year's long stormy people's war, had stretched all across the world. It was not unnatural too. Party had defined Prachanda Path as a series of particular ideas generated by the Nepalese revolution. I had prepared that article as our party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), comprehended it at that time. Unsurprisingly, Prachanda was happy with the article.
After 6 years now, I am writing again a short article centring on Prachanda. It is titled: "International Dimensions of Prachanda's Neo-revisionism." Some readers may think that Basanta is correct because Prachanda has taken a U-turn from his earlier Marxist-Leninist-Maoist position. Someone may say that to think of Prachanda, who considers Marxism as a vibrant science and applies in practice accordingly, a revisionist is the result of mechanical and dogmatic thinking on the part of Basanta and his team-mates. Again someone may say why did Basanta and his teammates fail to identify Prachanda's neo-revisionism in the past rather eulogized it as Prachanda path? This debate will obviously surface in the days to come. The revolutionaries will regard that Basanta is correct; but the revisionists and liquidationists will do its opposite. Naturally, this article will not make Prachanda happy this time.
Everyone is aware that an intensive and extensive two-line struggle was on between Marxism and right revisionism inside the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) mainly for the last four years. But, in the recent days, there has been a turn in this process and the revolutionaries, dissociating from the party led by Prachanda, have built up a new party. As a member of this new party, the Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist, I am here with this article. We have not yet synthesized the entire experiences acquired during the tumultuous period of people's war and the period that followed. The forthcoming Party Congress will do it. For now, we have taken only a preliminary position according to which the people's war had definitely amassed new experiences but it was not correct at that time to synthesise them in the form of Prachanda Path. The national convention organized on June 15, 2012 summed up the strength and weakness of the revolutionaries also. It concluded that there were three kinds of ideological mistakes namely fideism, liberalism and metaphysics with them. These weaknesses were manifested mainly on the question of ideological synthesis i.e. Prachanda Path and the centralisation of leadership. On the other, the convention unanimously concluded that the appropriate terminology to denote Prachanda's ideological and political degeneration is neo-revisionism.
The neo-revisionism noticed in Prachanda has been manifested in different form than it had in the past revisionists, who used to attack upon the basic principles of Marxism in a direct and straightforward way. Like for example, Proudhon and Lassalle opposed the scientific socialism with the arguments that the process of continued reforms and strict discipline in the bourgeois society can pave the way for capitalism to reach communism. Bernstein concluded the basic principles of Marxism like class struggle and the theory of surplus value have been outdated. Khrushchev took position against the role of violence in revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat under socialist society. Liu Shao Chi and Teng Hsiao Ping stood against the theory of continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat put forth by Mao Tsetung. They one-sidedly emphasized upon the development of productive forces as opposed to the Maoist principle of grasp revolution and promote production. In our context, Prachanda has not made him stand yet in open against the basic concepts of Marxism as the aforesaid leaders did in the past. He has been doing it in the name of creative development of MLM.
When the situation develops to a new level, the old logics are not sufficient for the political parties to support their new position. It is true not only for the Marxists but also for the revisionists and other parties as well. Mao has said that revisionists are the reactionaries who mislead people in the guise of Marxism. So in the new situation the revisionists need to find new logics to misguide the revolutionaries. Prachanda understands it well. So he has been steadily sowing seeds of revisionism since long in the guise of creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. He has not yet directly opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat as Khrushchev did. But, the development of Marxism which he has claimed is in fact the development of revisionism. In this way, revisionism has been replacing Marxism in the party led by him. The classical and modern revisionism openly oppose the basic tenets of Marxism including the dialectical and historical materialism, theory of class struggle, role of violence in revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat etc. etc. But, the neo-revisionism does the same in essence but in the pretext of opposing dogmatism, creative application of Marxism and the originality of revolution. To arrest the essence of Marxism in the name of its creative application and development has been the main characteristics of neo-revisionism. In this way, the features in points of Prachanda's neo-revisionism can be cited as follows.
Prachanda has been slowly attacking upon the universality of Mao's contributions. In the wake of party unity that took place with the Unity Centre - Masal, the UCPN (Maoist) had adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism/Mao Tsetung thought as its guiding principle. He argues that there is no difference as such in using two terminologies, Maoism or Mao thought, so long as they are done to mean the universality of Mao's contributions. It is indeed his artful deceit to blur the difference between Maoism and Mao thought which respectively refer to universality and particularity of Mao's contributions. By so doing he has been weakening the grasp of Maoism in the party and the revolutionary movement as well.
Mao has said that the struggle for production, class struggle and scientific experiment are the three sources of knowledge. In addition, he has stressed Marxism goes on developing through an infinite spiral of practice to theory and theory to practice. But quite the opposite, Prachanda claims that Marxism has become a matter of common knowledge for him. He had said in a CC meeting held about five years before. By so saying he has stood against Maoist theory of knowledge and of course Maoism itself.
Marxism believes that an entity is the unity and struggle of opposites and the struggle between them helps one transform into another. However, Prachanda has brought about a conciliatory concept of Fusion of two opposites which stands against Marxist principal. It is merely a different form of expression of 'two combine into one', not 'one divides into two'. In the course of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, Mao had strongly criticised 'two combine into one' as a reactionary philosophy serving bourgeois interest. Mao said 'one divides into two' is the law of dialectics.
Prachanda says that the world situation has undergone considerable changes and these changes necessitate the development of MLM. It is absolutely correct. But a strange, in the pretext of the development of Marxism, he has been attacking upon the basic principles of Marxism itself and in this course he has been developing revisionism. On the one hand, he presents the Federal Democratic Republic as a synonym of New Democratic Republic, and on the other, he says that in order to prevent counter-revolution in the 21st century it is necessary to develop democracy. While arriving here, it has been crystal clear that these logics were brought about to pave the way for assimilating bourgeois parliament by the party and consequently reversing revolution in the name of preventing counter-revolution. In fact, the development of democracy in the 21st century has been a tool to replace the democratic or proletarian dictatorship by the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.
Prachanda had put forward a concept of non-class nature of State Power and the possibility of peaceful development of revolution in Nepal in the Balaju Expanded Meeting held in 2007. He tried to justify his arguments by the fact that Nepal Army and the PLA were kept inactive in their respective barracks. Prachanda stopped saying this again after the delegates in the convention strongly opposed it. In fact, it was merely a polished form of the 'state of the entire people' and 'peaceful transition' propounded by Khrushchev. But now all these things have been transcribed in their documents in a disguised form.
Insurrection and revolution in decision and parliamentary exercise in implementation i.e. revolution in word and reform in practice has been his characteristics. In all of the meetings from Chunwang to Palungtar via Kharipati, he has been raising the question of people's insurrection and the need to build up four bases to achieve it. However, except for misleading the revolutionaries he never put stress on building four bases to prepare for insurrection. His speciality has been not to take on preparation seriously till there is time and plead for reform at the last in the excuse that necessary preparation is not complete.
Communist revolutionaries are the followers of proletarian internationalism. At the time of preparation, initiation and continuation of the great people's war in Nepal he used to lay much emphasis on party's international task. But for now proletarian internationalism has become a big bone stuck at his throat. He sometimes talks of RIM and CPI (Maoist) to mislead the revolutionaries inside his party. In the document that he placed before the last expanded meeting, organised by the neo-revisionist group led by Prachanda, he has written a phrase reading, "For the development of international communist movement … … it is necessary to go ahead by maintaining relation with the revolutionary parties and groups in and outside of RIM in a planned way". On the contrary, he has been working hard to make both imperialism and expansionism happy by rudely criticising RIM and the CPI (Maoist). Not only that, he had sent a condolence letter along with a central committee representative to please his masters in India when Jyoti Basu, a leader of revisionist CPI (Marxist) and the ex-chief minister of West Bengal, had died. On the other, Prachanda did not dare to issue even a statement when the Indian ruling class killed comrade Azad, the spokesperson and comrade Kishenji, the politburo member, of the CPI (Maoist). In this way, not comrade Azad and comrade Kishenji, but Jyoti Basu and Manmohan Singh have become international fraternal comrades for Prachanda.
Prachanda-Baburam group has now appeared in a little different form in the context of maintaining relationship between the line and organisation. The revisionists in the past used to firstly build, in general, a reformist line and then transform the whole party organisation to fit into it. But, the speciality of this group has been to continue saying people's insurrection as the path of revolution to mislead the masses but create such a situation in the party that there can be no insurrection at all. One of the ways they have done to serve this purpose has been to make party organisation a crowd of yes-men, anarchists and wrong elements that cannot lead revolution.
Prachanda has deviated from the basic theory of new democratic revolution. He has defined new democratic revolution in such a way that it is completed in two stages - once against feudalism and next against imperialism. In fact, it does not go along with the characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. In the course of the new democratic revolution, sometimes there is major threat upon democracy and sometimes upon national sovereignty and the form of struggle is sorted out to respond to the given threat. But it does not mean that there are two stages of revolution: one against feudalism and another against imperialism. The feudalism and imperialism are inseparably interconnected with each other and the state power in such a country simultaneously represents the interests of both of them. It is the characteristics of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Therefore, to destroy the reactionary state power that represents the interest of both feudalism and imperialism and build a new one in its place is the first step towards making the new democratic revolution in a semi-feudal and semi-colonial country. Prachanda and his clique have gone too far from this reality.
In one context he has said that the end of monarchy is a kind of completion of the new democratic revolution in Nepal. It is utterly wrong. In an interview he says, "Now it leads to a conclusion that the remaining task of new democracy (a part of which has been completed) and the strategy of socialist revolution have converged into one. The remaining task of new democracy and task of completing the socialist revolution by way of people's insurrection and armed insurrection have converged into one strategy rather than completing new democratic revolution at one stage and socialist revolution at the other." (Krambhanga, year 1, Vol. 2, November 2011, page 11)
Aforesaid quotation means that the new democratic revolution has been accomplished in Nepal. It does not agree with what Marxism-Leninism-Maoism says about the new democratic revolution, which is accomplished only after feudalism and imperialism both are brought to an end. Monarchy has been abolished in Nepal but it has not brought about any basic change in feudalism and the feudal mode of production as well. The agents of Indian expansionism are dominant in the state power. The national independence is in grave danger. Country is going towards Sikkimisation. Then, in such a situation, how did the new democratic revolution complete in Nepal? Does the new democratic revolution mean republic, federalism and secularism only? Has the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist people's power been established in Nepal? Certainly not. His position that the new democratic revolution has been almost completed and the socialist revolution is the next task in hand is nothing other than a neo-revisionist fraud brought forward to confuse the people and get stuck in the bourgeois democratic republic with the blessing of imperialism and Indian expansionism. It is in fact an ugly example of betrayal against the Nepalese people and the nation on the part of Prachanda.
Mao has said that party, army and the united front are three magical weapons of revolution. He says, "A well-disciplined Party armed with the theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the method of self-criticism and linked with the masses of the people, an army under the leadership of such a Party; a united front of all revolutionary classes and all revolutionary groups under the leadership of such a Party -- these are the three main weapons with which we have defeated the enemy." Mao has pointed out here at the crux of the problem by identifying the urgency of party, army and the united front to make revolution a success.
Did the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) resemble with the one that Mao has referred to in this quotation? No, not at all. How did Prachanda work ideologically and politically to loosen the grasp of revolution in the party has been mentioned before. In addition, he opened the door to bourgeoisify party by gathering a crowd of bureaucrats in the higher committees and that of the anarchists and yes-men in the lower ones. Party committees became so bulky and clumsy that neither there was an encouraging environment for discussion, criticism and self-criticism nor for practicing collectivity. It created such a situation in which the system of collective decision and individual responsibility got replaced by that of individual decision and collective responsibility. Now, none must be confused with the fact that it was a plan designed to gradually disorient cadres from the communist system and conduct and by so doing transform the communist party into a bourgeois one. It is Prachanda's neo-revisionist characteristic that weakened ideological grasp and bourgeoisified party by way of wrong organizational methods. Prachanda, in this manner, liquidated party's revolutionary character from all the aspects of ideology, politics and organization.
Prachanda has made the People's Liberation Army, Nepal that was built with the concept of "People have nothing without people's army" surrender before the Nepal Army. He said it is integration. The people's Liberation Army, Nepal that was organised to accomplish new democratic revolution in Nepal, exercise democratic dictatorship upon the class enemies after new democratic revolution has been accomplished and prevent counter-revolution in the whole course of building socialism has been dissolved in the name of integration. It is a counter-revolutionary step taken to please the imperialism and expansionism and heartily open the way for reconciliation with their agents. He said it was a daring step aimed at building peace in Nepal. What a ridiculous argument is this? Lying also has a limit. One can hardly find such examples of class and national capitulation and shameless treason in the history of the world communist movement.
Another important weapon for revolution is a united front formed under the leadership of a revolutionary party. What kind of forces shall be involved in the united front is decided by the principal contradiction of the then society and it is built under the leadership of a party of the proletariat by incorporating entire forces that have contradiction with the principal enemy. The party led by Prachanda had analyzed that the contradiction formed of the comprador, bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the feudal and their master Indian expansionism at one pole and the entire Nepalese people at the other is the principal contradiction in the Nepalese society. But he did not take any initiative to build a united front among the entire patriotic, republican, progressive, leftist and revolutionary forces under the leadership of the party of the proletariat against the aforesaid reactionary alliance. Contrary to it, he kneeled down before the reactions and surrendered the remaining achievement of revolution to them. What can this act be said other than naked submission to the domestic and foreign reactions?
In the beginning of the 21st century, the world proletariat had had a high regard for Prachanda as their emancipator and imperialist marauders had disdained him as their grave-diggers. It was a matter of pride and glory for the world proletariat. Now he is in a quick race to become just its opposite. It is a matter of grief for the oppressed people of Nepal and the world as well. Nevertheless, it is not the sentiment but ideological and political line and the vanguard of the proletariat that lead the toiling masses to revolution. Therefore, sooner the Prachanda's neo-revisionism is unmasked and defeated the faster can the world proletariat re-establish MLM in the world communist movement and liberate the oppressed people from the yoke of imperialism. The revolutionaries have no alternative to it. To weaken the ideological and political struggle against neo-revisionism is in fact to nurture it. Therefore, the urgent need of the day has been to intensify the ideological and political struggle against all shades of revisionism in general and Prachabda's neo-revisionism in particular. And it is the supreme task of the revolutionaries now in Nepal and the world as well. Let all of us strive for this.
August 10, 2012
A report from Manipur
Bomb attacks at 3 places
IMPHAL,
August 25: A hand grenade was today morning found at the courtyard of
an Assistant Engineer of PHED Konthoujam Ibochou (aged 55) of
Sagoltongba Awang Leikai, Imphal West.
Police retrieved the bomb and exploded it in a safe place, according to police reports.
On the other hand, two bombs were exploded at Nongren Maning Leikai of Imphal
East at the residences of former Pradhan Leishangthem Tarpon and Loitam Chinglen (aged 50) by unknown elements last night.
The
Maoist Communist Party, MCP has today claimed the attacks made
yesterday evening at 10 PM at the residents of Leishangthem Tarpon,
Pradhan, Gram Panchayat of Nongren Chingnunkhok and L Chinglen of
Nongren, Imphal East under Lamlai Police Station.
In
a statement released to the Press, "Comrade" Nonglen Meitei, secretary,
publicity and propaganda, they fired several rounds of ammunition were
aimed and fired at L Tarpon residence “as a warning” and claimed the
attack as part of their struggle for a “new democratic revolution”.
The
MCP in their statement also urged the general community to support
their act and cause based on Maoism,
though not advisable to use a bomb, justified their act of bombing
within the vicinity of innocent civilians and general community and
further stated that they would leave no stone unturned for anything to
retain ones rights from leikai to leikai and from leirak to leirak.
Comrade Sharad,
Maoist Communist Party, Manipur.
RDF statement against the imposition of ban by Andhra Pradesh government
Maoistroad agree and relaunch the appeal to condemn the
ban imposed on RDF by the Andhra
Pradesh government, and fight for its immediate withdrawal.
August 16, 2012
Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF) has been banned by the Andhra Pradesh government on 9 August 2012 through Government Order No.430 under Andhra Pradesh Public Security Act 1992. This comes as the latest of the anti-people repressive measures that the Andhra Pradesh government have persistently adopted to over the last few decades to crush democratic voices and peoples’ movements under the garb of fighting Maoism. This comes as another glaring example of the hollowness of Indian government’s claim as ‘largest democracy of the world’. We strongly condemn this act of banning and criminalisation of our organisation and demand the immediate withdrawal of this authoritarian ban.
The Government Order brands RDF as “unlawful” and bans it “with immediate effect”. The GO links RDF with the banned CPI(Maoist) by calling it a “frontal organisation” of the Maoist party. Falsely implicating RDF as “part of Tactical United Front”, it dubiously enlists the following as “unlawful activities” of the organisation:
(1) Subserving the interest and objectives of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) whose avowed objective is to overthrow the lawfully established Government by means of force and violence through terrorist activities involving the use of firearms and explosives;
(2) Urging people to fight against the Police and join the Maoist movement;
(3) Opposing and demanding stoppage of anti extremist combing operations of the police and security forces in the left wing extremism affected area of the States and there by abetting and encouraging the violent activities of Maoist;
(4) Organising dharnas, rallies and other forms of agitations in support of the unlawful activities of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and
(5) Opposing lawful actions of police and criminal justice system and inciting the people to take violence against the democratically elected government established by law.
The arbitrary and knee-jerk reaction of the AP government in banning RDF in the state comes just three months after the organisation successfully held its First All India Conference in Hyderabad on 22-23 April 2012. The indication of the AP government’s response was visible during the conference as well. It banned the Public Rally of 23 April in an arbitrary manner by serving us a letter which alleged that some Maoists were present in the conference and that the Rally would ‘disturb’ the law and order situation of the state. Under instructions from the state government, Andhra Pradesh police also arrested a team of 35 cultural activists from Chhattisgarh on false charges and prevented them from attending the conference.
There is no organisational structure of RDF in Andhra Pradesh at present. It is therefore ridiculous to attribute the so-called unlawful activities to our organisation. Presently only the RDF All India President Varavara Rao (member of Virasam or Revolutionary Writers’ Association) and Vice-President Ganti Prasadam are our members from this state. The only activity conducted under the banner of RDF in Andhra Pradesh after the Conference was a round-table meeting that raised voices of protest against the recent massacre of 20 adivasis in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh. This was a well attended meeting with the participation of several prominent intellectuals, writers and representatives of civil rights organisations besides being attended and addressed the meeting by three senior editors of newspapers. Is there any basis or justification for terming such a meeting as ‘unlawful’?
Opposing and resisting the massacres of adivasis or protesting against the police and armed forces’ operations in the tribal tracts is being frivolously mentioned in the Government Order as unlawful activities. All democratic individuals and organisations across the country and the world have been opposing and demanding a stop to the paramilitary operations in the tribal regions of central and eastern India in the name of fighting the Maoists. RDF too has been consistently raising its democratic voice against all forms of state and ruling-class violence – be it massacres, murders in the name of encounters, torture, arrest and burning down of tribal villages, and so on. By criminalising dissent and silencing democratic political opposition through the ban on RDF, the government has once more exposed its fascist fangs.
RDF held a day-long dharna against the Bijapur massacre on 31 July 2012 at the Parliament Street with space allotted by the Delhi Police in front of the Parliament Street police station. A number of prominent speakers and democratic organisation from different parts of India participated and addressed the dharna. A number of renowned public personalities of the country including Justice Rajinder Sachar, Dr. B D Sharma, Bojja Tharakam, professor of economics, Jean Dreze, prominent Hindi writers and poets like Madan Kashyap, Manglesh Dabral and others joined their voices with us against the massacre of adivasis. After the dharna RDF submitted two memorandums with a charter of demands to the President Mr. Pranab Mukherjee as well as UPA and NAC chairperson Ms. Sonia Gandhi. In fact, we requested both the President and Ms. Gandhi for a meeting with a delegation of concerned citizens, which was duly acknowledged. Does the Andhra Pradesh government consider these activities too as unlawful?
We stand against the draconian instrument of ban which the government have consistently used to stifle political opposition. In 2005, Revolutionary Writers’ Association (Virasam) was banned by Andhra Pradesh government. Varavara Rao and G Kalyana Rao, two members of the organisation acted as the emissaries of CPI(ML) Peoples’ War and participated in the talks with the AP government. The same government banned their organisation and arrested them soon after the talks broke down. Virasam waged a successful struggle along with intellectuals, writers and democratic forces against the Andhra Pradesh government to withdraw the ban.
Similarly, Odisha government imposed a ban on RDF, Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh, Kui Labang Sangh, Bala Sangam, Daman Pratirodh Mancha and Krantikari Mahila Sangh in June 2006 under sections of the colonial CRPC of 1881 amended in 1967 as Criminal Amendment Act. RDF has been consistently fighting against these bans. After Daman Pratirodh Manch challenged the ban in Odisha High Court, it did not approve of the ban and suggested that these organisations should register their names and fight elections. A second option given by the High Court was that the organisations should approach the government to review its decision. The case at present is before the Supreme Court which has issued notice to the Odisha government to file its affidavit.
RDF strongly condemns the ban imposed on the above organisations by the Odisha government and and demands their withdrawal. We demand that the Andhra Pradesh government revoke the ban on CPI(Maoist) and six mass organisations – All India Revolutionary Students Federation (AIRSF), Federation of Workers of Singareni Coal Mines, (Singareni Karmika Samakhya or SIKASA), Radical Students Union (RSU), Peasants and Workers Association (Rythu Coolie Sangham), Radical Youth League (RYL) and Revolutionary Workers’ Federation (Viplava Karmika Samakhya or VIKASA). We also demand that the ban imposed by the central government on CPI(Maoist) and 30 other organisations under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) be lifted immediately.
RDF is a peoples’ democratic organisation working at the all-India level, raising issues and demands of the masses. We consider this ban as a direct assault on the democratic rights of the people to organise and protest against the anti-people policies of the government and the ruling classes. RDF refuses to be cowed down by this authoritarian ban. We pledge to resolutely stand amidst the people and join shoulder to shoulder with all democratic and revolutionary organisations in the country and worldwide to fight against this undemocratic and criminal ban on our organisation. We declare that we will take up all means of democratic protests, rallies, meetings and dharnas to put pressure on the AP government to withdraw the ban. We will also explore all judicial avenues to remove the ban and to challenge the draconian AP Public Security Act, 1992.
RDF appeals to all the democrats and democratic organisations in the country and worldwide to raise voices against the authoritarian, arbitrary and undemocratic ban imposed on our organisation by the Andhra Pradesh government, and fight for its immediate withdrawal.
Varavara Rao
President
Rajkishore
General Secretary
August 16, 2012
Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF) has been banned by the Andhra Pradesh government on 9 August 2012 through Government Order No.430 under Andhra Pradesh Public Security Act 1992. This comes as the latest of the anti-people repressive measures that the Andhra Pradesh government have persistently adopted to over the last few decades to crush democratic voices and peoples’ movements under the garb of fighting Maoism. This comes as another glaring example of the hollowness of Indian government’s claim as ‘largest democracy of the world’. We strongly condemn this act of banning and criminalisation of our organisation and demand the immediate withdrawal of this authoritarian ban.
The Government Order brands RDF as “unlawful” and bans it “with immediate effect”. The GO links RDF with the banned CPI(Maoist) by calling it a “frontal organisation” of the Maoist party. Falsely implicating RDF as “part of Tactical United Front”, it dubiously enlists the following as “unlawful activities” of the organisation:
(1) Subserving the interest and objectives of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) whose avowed objective is to overthrow the lawfully established Government by means of force and violence through terrorist activities involving the use of firearms and explosives;
(2) Urging people to fight against the Police and join the Maoist movement;
(3) Opposing and demanding stoppage of anti extremist combing operations of the police and security forces in the left wing extremism affected area of the States and there by abetting and encouraging the violent activities of Maoist;
(4) Organising dharnas, rallies and other forms of agitations in support of the unlawful activities of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) and
(5) Opposing lawful actions of police and criminal justice system and inciting the people to take violence against the democratically elected government established by law.
The arbitrary and knee-jerk reaction of the AP government in banning RDF in the state comes just three months after the organisation successfully held its First All India Conference in Hyderabad on 22-23 April 2012. The indication of the AP government’s response was visible during the conference as well. It banned the Public Rally of 23 April in an arbitrary manner by serving us a letter which alleged that some Maoists were present in the conference and that the Rally would ‘disturb’ the law and order situation of the state. Under instructions from the state government, Andhra Pradesh police also arrested a team of 35 cultural activists from Chhattisgarh on false charges and prevented them from attending the conference.
There is no organisational structure of RDF in Andhra Pradesh at present. It is therefore ridiculous to attribute the so-called unlawful activities to our organisation. Presently only the RDF All India President Varavara Rao (member of Virasam or Revolutionary Writers’ Association) and Vice-President Ganti Prasadam are our members from this state. The only activity conducted under the banner of RDF in Andhra Pradesh after the Conference was a round-table meeting that raised voices of protest against the recent massacre of 20 adivasis in Bijapur district of Chhattisgarh. This was a well attended meeting with the participation of several prominent intellectuals, writers and representatives of civil rights organisations besides being attended and addressed the meeting by three senior editors of newspapers. Is there any basis or justification for terming such a meeting as ‘unlawful’?
Opposing and resisting the massacres of adivasis or protesting against the police and armed forces’ operations in the tribal tracts is being frivolously mentioned in the Government Order as unlawful activities. All democratic individuals and organisations across the country and the world have been opposing and demanding a stop to the paramilitary operations in the tribal regions of central and eastern India in the name of fighting the Maoists. RDF too has been consistently raising its democratic voice against all forms of state and ruling-class violence – be it massacres, murders in the name of encounters, torture, arrest and burning down of tribal villages, and so on. By criminalising dissent and silencing democratic political opposition through the ban on RDF, the government has once more exposed its fascist fangs.
RDF held a day-long dharna against the Bijapur massacre on 31 July 2012 at the Parliament Street with space allotted by the Delhi Police in front of the Parliament Street police station. A number of prominent speakers and democratic organisation from different parts of India participated and addressed the dharna. A number of renowned public personalities of the country including Justice Rajinder Sachar, Dr. B D Sharma, Bojja Tharakam, professor of economics, Jean Dreze, prominent Hindi writers and poets like Madan Kashyap, Manglesh Dabral and others joined their voices with us against the massacre of adivasis. After the dharna RDF submitted two memorandums with a charter of demands to the President Mr. Pranab Mukherjee as well as UPA and NAC chairperson Ms. Sonia Gandhi. In fact, we requested both the President and Ms. Gandhi for a meeting with a delegation of concerned citizens, which was duly acknowledged. Does the Andhra Pradesh government consider these activities too as unlawful?
We stand against the draconian instrument of ban which the government have consistently used to stifle political opposition. In 2005, Revolutionary Writers’ Association (Virasam) was banned by Andhra Pradesh government. Varavara Rao and G Kalyana Rao, two members of the organisation acted as the emissaries of CPI(ML) Peoples’ War and participated in the talks with the AP government. The same government banned their organisation and arrested them soon after the talks broke down. Virasam waged a successful struggle along with intellectuals, writers and democratic forces against the Andhra Pradesh government to withdraw the ban.
Similarly, Odisha government imposed a ban on RDF, Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh, Kui Labang Sangh, Bala Sangam, Daman Pratirodh Mancha and Krantikari Mahila Sangh in June 2006 under sections of the colonial CRPC of 1881 amended in 1967 as Criminal Amendment Act. RDF has been consistently fighting against these bans. After Daman Pratirodh Manch challenged the ban in Odisha High Court, it did not approve of the ban and suggested that these organisations should register their names and fight elections. A second option given by the High Court was that the organisations should approach the government to review its decision. The case at present is before the Supreme Court which has issued notice to the Odisha government to file its affidavit.
RDF strongly condemns the ban imposed on the above organisations by the Odisha government and and demands their withdrawal. We demand that the Andhra Pradesh government revoke the ban on CPI(Maoist) and six mass organisations – All India Revolutionary Students Federation (AIRSF), Federation of Workers of Singareni Coal Mines, (Singareni Karmika Samakhya or SIKASA), Radical Students Union (RSU), Peasants and Workers Association (Rythu Coolie Sangham), Radical Youth League (RYL) and Revolutionary Workers’ Federation (Viplava Karmika Samakhya or VIKASA). We also demand that the ban imposed by the central government on CPI(Maoist) and 30 other organisations under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) be lifted immediately.
RDF is a peoples’ democratic organisation working at the all-India level, raising issues and demands of the masses. We consider this ban as a direct assault on the democratic rights of the people to organise and protest against the anti-people policies of the government and the ruling classes. RDF refuses to be cowed down by this authoritarian ban. We pledge to resolutely stand amidst the people and join shoulder to shoulder with all democratic and revolutionary organisations in the country and worldwide to fight against this undemocratic and criminal ban on our organisation. We declare that we will take up all means of democratic protests, rallies, meetings and dharnas to put pressure on the AP government to withdraw the ban. We will also explore all judicial avenues to remove the ban and to challenge the draconian AP Public Security Act, 1992.
RDF appeals to all the democrats and democratic organisations in the country and worldwide to raise voices against the authoritarian, arbitrary and undemocratic ban imposed on our organisation by the Andhra Pradesh government, and fight for its immediate withdrawal.
Varavara Rao
President
Rajkishore
General Secretary
Filipino Canadian Proletarians Join Forces With the PCR-RCP!
Filipino Canadian Proletarians Join Forces With the PCR-RCP!
We, the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges, Montréal have announced our intention to add our forces to the growing strength of the Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire – Revolutionary Communist Party (Canada). The leadership and contributions of the PCR-RCP are to be found in the building of the proletarian movement that is needed in Canada and the necessary international communist movement and it is with revolutionary pride and social responsibility to the Canadian working class that Filipino Canadian proletarians based in the west end of Montréal join the dynamism of their Marxist-Leninist-Maoist comrades.
Since the 1970s there has been a rich revolutionary movement among the Filipino Canadian proletariat, largely because of the solidarity built around the struggle against Marcos' dictatorship in the Philippines. Through the 1980s and 1990s and early 2000s support and solidarity work by Filipino Canadian comrades continued for the Philippine revolutionary movement. As the consciousness of Filipino Canadian proletariat continued to be raised about the struggle “back home” there was a growing need to resolve the issues of the Filipino Canadian people as part of Canadian working class.
Mass organizing with the anti-imperialist and working class perspective has garnered a wealth of experience in organizing Filipino Canadians in Québec among the various sectors of youth, women, workers and cultural artists is a large source of the capacity building and education of the Filipino Canadian comrades from Montréal. We are still a dynamic group composed of the different sectors with strong links to the mass base of Filipino Canadians in Montréal. Solidarity and unity with other progressive immigrant organizations, migrant justice groups, anti-racist collectives and feminist allies continue to be the strong foundation of our on-going struggle and commitment for a socialist society towards communism.
In 2012 the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges was formed, shaped by the experience of comrades surrounding the issues of systemic racism, patriarchy, political repression and anti-imperialism. With the coordination between the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges and the PCR-RCP for the mobilization of May Day in Montréal coupled with initiatives surrounding the Québec student uprising, the decision was made to join the PCR-RCP.
The red flags have been raised and commitment to the proletarian struggle and education as well as to the Canadian and international working class has been rendered
Let’s march forward together towards the proletarian movement that is much needed in Canada!
Towards stronger internationalist communist solidarity!
Long live the PCR-RCP (Canada)!
Newsletter from the Political Information Bureau (August 26, 2012), RCP Canada
We, the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges, Montréal have announced our intention to add our forces to the growing strength of the Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire – Revolutionary Communist Party (Canada). The leadership and contributions of the PCR-RCP are to be found in the building of the proletarian movement that is needed in Canada and the necessary international communist movement and it is with revolutionary pride and social responsibility to the Canadian working class that Filipino Canadian proletarians based in the west end of Montréal join the dynamism of their Marxist-Leninist-Maoist comrades.
Since the 1970s there has been a rich revolutionary movement among the Filipino Canadian proletariat, largely because of the solidarity built around the struggle against Marcos' dictatorship in the Philippines. Through the 1980s and 1990s and early 2000s support and solidarity work by Filipino Canadian comrades continued for the Philippine revolutionary movement. As the consciousness of Filipino Canadian proletariat continued to be raised about the struggle “back home” there was a growing need to resolve the issues of the Filipino Canadian people as part of Canadian working class.
Mass organizing with the anti-imperialist and working class perspective has garnered a wealth of experience in organizing Filipino Canadians in Québec among the various sectors of youth, women, workers and cultural artists is a large source of the capacity building and education of the Filipino Canadian comrades from Montréal. We are still a dynamic group composed of the different sectors with strong links to the mass base of Filipino Canadians in Montréal. Solidarity and unity with other progressive immigrant organizations, migrant justice groups, anti-racist collectives and feminist allies continue to be the strong foundation of our on-going struggle and commitment for a socialist society towards communism.
In 2012 the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges was formed, shaped by the experience of comrades surrounding the issues of systemic racism, patriarchy, political repression and anti-imperialism. With the coordination between the Filipino Canadian Proletarian Committee of Cote-des-Neiges and the PCR-RCP for the mobilization of May Day in Montréal coupled with initiatives surrounding the Québec student uprising, the decision was made to join the PCR-RCP.
The red flags have been raised and commitment to the proletarian struggle and education as well as to the Canadian and international working class has been rendered
Let’s march forward together towards the proletarian movement that is much needed in Canada!
Towards stronger internationalist communist solidarity!
Long live the PCR-RCP (Canada)!
Newsletter from the Political Information Bureau (August 26, 2012), RCP Canada
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