Monday, June 1, 2026

A Bolívia está em chamas

Comitê Revista Revolução Cultural - São Paulo
Desde o primeiro dia de maio, a Central Obrera Boliviana convocou greve geral por tempo indeterminado. Mineiros, camponeses, indígenas, professores, transportadores e toda sorte de trabalhadores dos mais diversos setores participam da greve. Mais de 70 bloqueios de rodovias foram erguidos em diferentes regiões, cortando o abastecimento de La Paz. Ao menos quatro manifestantes foram mortos, dezenas ficaram feridos e mais de 57 foram presos nas operações de desbloqueio. O governo mantém ordem de prisão contra Mario Argollo, secretárioexecutivo da COB em uma tentativa de decapitar o movimento pela cabeça de suas lideranças. Não funcionou., os bloqueios cresceram de 32 para 46 em 24 horas. 


Para entender o que está acontecendo, é preciso recuar alguns meses: no final de 2025, o senador Rodrigo Paz, do Partido Democrata-Cristão, venceu o segundo turno das eleições presidenciais bolivianas com 55% dos votos, escolhido como mal menor contra o candidato da direita aberta e pró-imperialista Jorge Quiroga. A farsa durou menos de um dia. Já no decreto supremo de 18 de dezembro, seu governo eliminou os subsídios aos combustíveis, vigentes há duas décadas sob o MAS (Movimiento al Socialismo – partido de Evo Morales), cortou impostos sobre o setor empresarial, criou incentivos para repatriação de capitais e anunciou um ciclo de privatizações de empresas públicas a partir de 2027, incluindo licitações para petróleo, gás e o lítio boliviano. O slogan de campanha era “capitalismo para todos”. 


A Bolívia abriga o maior depósito de lítio do planeta, parte do chamado triângulo do lítio que cobre também Chile e Argentina e que é cobiçado por Washington, Berlim e Pequim como recurso estratégico central para a transição energética e o complexo industrialmilitar do século XXI. O próprio Elon Musk chegou a declarar publicamente que a busca pelo lítio boliviano esteve na base do golpe de 2019 contra Evo Morales. Rodrigo Paz, que participou em março de 2026 da Cúpula Escudo das Américas convocada por Trump em Miami representa a fase mais avançada desse projeto de entrega, ou seja, um governo centrista com verniz democrático-cristão que faz em doses maiores o que um direitista aberto não conseguiria fazer sem provocar reação imediata. 


A reação veio de qualquer forma, a Central Obrera Boliviana, a Confederação Sindical Unificada dos Trabalhadores Camponeses, a Federação Camponesa Túpac Katari — os Ponchos Vermelhos —, indígenas da Amazônia boliviana que marcharam 28 dias para chegar a La Paz, cocaleiros do Chapare, etc. Todos convergindo sobre a capital com uma pauta que começou econômica e se tornou política. A exigência de aumento de 20% no salário mínimo, a revogação da Lei 1.720 sobre propriedades rurais e o fim da privatização dos recursos naturais deram lugar a uma demanda única: renúncia de Rodrigo Paz. Em 18 de maio, uma marcha desceu de El Alto até o centro de La Paz, o governo enviou 3.500 agentes militares e policiais em operação que chamou, com o cinismo habitual, de “corredor humanitário”. 

Paz chamou os protestos de “conspiração” do ex-presidente Evo Morales, acusou os manifestantes de “destruir a democracia” e prometeu prisão para quem portasse dinamite. Evo, por sua vez, acusou Washington, o DEA e o Comando Sul de coordenarem com o governo boliviano uma operação para prendê-lo ou assassiná-lo.  


A crise boliviana reafirma a velha lição que a esquerda reformista insiste em não aprender: eleições dentro da ordem burguesa podem trocar o nome de quem governa, mas não alteram a estrutura de classes do Estado.  


O que o povo boliviano está fazendo neste momento é exatamente o que precisa ser feito: ocupar as ruas, bloquear as estradas e parar o país. A greve geral por tempo indeterminado é o instrumento mais poderoso que a classe trabalhadora possui dentro da legalidade burguesa. Mineiros descendo de El Alto, indígenas chegando a pé de 28 dias de caminhada, camponeses erguendo bloqueios ao amanhecer. Esta é a política real, não o que se passa nos palácios de governo, nas assembleias legislativas da burguesia, nos jantares a portas fechadas ou nas colunas dos jornais financeiros.

 

  • Comitê Revista Revolução Cultural - São Paulo

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    Usa - partisannews - Interview: Georgia State University Students Face State Repression for Staging Women’s Day Rally

    [Editorial Note: The Partisan spoke with activists of the Revolutionary Student Union – Georgia State University, a revolutionary student organization, which has faced State repression for hosting a militant rally on March 8 in celebration of International Working Women’s Day. The activists detailed the repression they face, history of repression in the university, and its ties to gentrification, Zionism, and organized fascists. The activists stressed the student struggle is not separated from class struggle in the society as a whole, as “the University is not legally separate from the State,” and the need to fight opportunist forms of “resistance” that don’t challenge the class enemy.]

    Can you tell us a little about the protest? How did it start and what happened?

    Our demonstration was intended to mark the annual celebration of International Working Women’s Day, a historically significant red holiday for progressives and revolutionaries worldwide. We spent many days working in preparation: materially, we crafted a large banner, wheat-pasted posters, made picket signs, produced portraits of renowned women revolutionaries, wrote and practiced our speeches; logistically, we scouted for the best locations, reached out to mass contacts and local supporters for their help, and drafted plans for potential reaction from enemy forces.

    Initially, the plan was to occupy a one-way street that had already been closed off by a construction crew for weeks, have a local punk band play a loud set, deliver our speeches and lead in chants, and promote the urgent need to organize – all while passing out literature, of course. However, despite what construction workers told us and the best information we could find online, the road had reopened less than two days before the action, forcing a change in tactics. A few activists decided in haste to relocate the electric scooters that had littered the nearby sidewalks to the entryway of the now accessible crosswalk, stubbornly keeping to the original idea of taking the street.

    By noon the next day, two activists were dashing to escape the police. There were plans to occupy a recently closed street which had been reopened the night before, but before any actual rallying took place, the police arrived on the scene. According to multiple witness testimonies, the activists were walking away from the scene when an officer behind them began describing one of their appearances on a radio, and another officer loudly said “Hey!” before the two ran. Unfortunately, an officer intercepted the activists’ path and drew their taser, commanding the two to get on the ground. From then until the following morning, the two activists were evidently helpless, stuck inside a jail infamous for its inhumane, violent, and hazardous conditions. From the accounts of our comrades who were at the scene as the students were being arrested, uninvolved students had been told that the reason for the activists’ arrests was because they planned to shoot up the school.

    According to students, police had called the arrestees “suspicious for having backpacks,” and had stated that they were willing to open fire and shoot into Langdale Hall if needed. One of our comrades had asked several of the officers involved for their badge numbers, so as to procure body cam footage eventually. In response, she was met with condescension and pettiness. One cop gave his badge number without issue, but most of them ignored her. One cop said the badge number very quickly and quietly and then swiftly left on a motorcycle with another cop as she was telling him that she didn’t get the number. We have recorded footage of this. Even after this, a dozen or so students and local community members tried to continue the event against every wish of the university administration. Anthony Davis, the Dean of Students, made a special appearance – not to address the distressing arrests, but to request that the university property be undressed.

    In the interaction that ensued, Mr. Davis flawlessly exposed the contradiction in the way the university presents itself. He explained: “So, the university doesn’t have a stance on any issues. The university- what you all, as students, can have whatever stance you want, right, and our job is to support you and make sure you understand-” A voice interjected, “Don’t you think that GILEE is an implicit stance for killing Palestinians? I kinda feel like it is.” Mr. Davis quickly replied, “I have no comment on that. Like I said, the university does not take any stance on social issues.” It suffices to say that the university takes stances on social issues when it arrests its own students for rebelling against patriarchal domination and imperialist aggression. It doubly suffices to say that the university takes stances on social issues when it houses a program like the Georgia International Law Enforcement Exchange to send law enforcement of all commands to train with and exchange technology with their Zionist counterparts in Occupied Palestine, bringing back toys like Cop City and Operation Shield, chiefly at the expense of the working and nationally oppressed peoples not only of Atlanta but of the whole world.

    What is Georgia State University’s public response to the repression?

    Georgia State University has been anything but public about the incident. In its various promotional materials, the university has a habit to pride itself on having been built by student protest. In reality, it relies on its very own police department to stamp out any and all real student resistance. We say real because we acknowledge that there exists a kind of “resistance” that is compatible enough for the university to allow. This kind of “resistance” is generally widespread among the student activism circles and organizations on campus because it gives its participants the ability to claim the easiest of victories without having to seriously struggle against the enemy, essentially the means for a massive ego-boost. Despite the good intentions of many organizers whose work may fall into this category, this compatible “resistance” only serves the university’s interests to appear benevolent, to disarm and dissuade the students of conscience from politicizing, mobilizing, and organizing the masses. It must be corrected and opposed accordingly with real resistance, distinct because it is attacked by the enemy.

    Can you tell us a little about Georgia State University’s history against working-class and progressive student organizing?

    Given that we are a relatively young chapter that was effectively constituted over these past two semesters, none of our members were present for any of GSU’s historical involvement in repressing working-class and progressive student organizing. However, from our research and our connections with local organizers who were active during their time as GSU students, we have assembled a rough picture of certain events:

    White nationalists and neo-nazis have had a history of organizing on campus and holding school-sponsored events where hundreds of students would show up. In 2016, students who were being mentored by an older confederate invited Milo Yiannopoulos – a gay, alt-right, pro-Trump political commentator–to speak on campus at GSU. They would invite far right commentators in order to grow and consolidate their movement on campus, which included actions like disrupting and intimidating black students at events that were hosted to address issues faced by students of color. In 2015 they disrupted the “Symposium on Race, Urban Culture and Campus Diversity,” hosted by the Greatest MINDS, an organization which aimed to “promote scholarship, excellence, leadership and high achievement among the African American and minority student populations and groups […] on campus.”

    Since Yiannopoulos is criticized within the alt-right for seeming to not truly believe racial supremacy, these extreme neo-nazi students would go to his events and pass out materials to represent the “core” of the alt-right to further radicalize the people who attended. They would also put up posters and stickers with neo-nazi propaganda and dog whistles everywhere on campus. When anti-fascist student organizations would spread awareness and information about these neo-nazi organizers, the neo-nazis actually responded by calling GSUPD on them, which resulted in the arrest of one anti-fascist student. Though the student involved could not be charged with any crime, the university responded by pursuing disciplinary action against them. The neo-nazi student organizer who called GSUPD on the anti-fascist activists, Spencer Madison, was noted to be very friendly with the police, and the police were also reportedly very friendly with him. Reportedly, they would engage in conversation and often go on walks. The main head of the neo-nazi movement on campus was a student named Patrick Sharp, and a close associate of his was named Christian Meehan, who was a part of the Greatest MINDS disruption. According to witnesses, Meehan had jeered and commented “that the reason Black history is not discussed in history courses, etc. is because [of] the lack of contribution to greater world history made by Africans.” Meehan was also the Director of Communications for GSU College Republicans in 2015. GSU never pursued any action against these neo-nazi students and, obviously, these students have never faced any police repression either.

    Vedanta, Odisha and the Ghost of Bauxite: The Specters of a New Resistance in Sijimali?

     

    We are sharing the following article by Devanam Piyadassi, originally published in The Partisan, in the interest of publicizing perspectives of Indian activists and progressive forces on contemporary struggles. The Sijimali struggle has been a longstanding issue between the indigenous Adivasi groups in the Sijimali hill region of Odisha, and Vedanta which seeks to open new ground for mining projects in the region. These contradictions broke out in early April in Rayagada, where police forces fired upon protesting villagers. While the topic of Sijimali may have exited the ruling class’ news cycle, it is not at all over. Vedanta is pushing to continue their mining projects in the region, and the attacks on Adivasi villagers by police have not at all stopped. For this reason, we echo the demands of the Forum Against Corporatization And Militarization (FACAM):

    1. Immediate halt to all activities related to the Sijimali mining projects.
    2. Withdrawal of all police forces from the area and release of all detained villagers and activists.
    3. Comprehensive, independent inquiry into violations of forest rights and constitutional provisions in Scheduled Areas.

    Vedanta, Odisha and the Ghost of Bauxite: The Specters of a New Resistance in Sijimali?

    By Devanam Piyadassi

    On 7 April 2026, the Government of Odisha, controlled by the Bharatiya Janata Party, unleashed its police on adivasis in Kanatamal, Rayagada, who have been leading a long and protracted protest against Vedanta’s attempts at land-grab in the hills of Sijimali. In the last three years, Sijimali has been at the centre of struggle against the proposed project of Vedanta Group which intends to extract the bauxite that lies buried underneath the ecologically rich region across the Rayagada and Kalahandi districts in South Odisha. The police brutalities and excess is a culmination of action against a protracted movement in the area that has been ongoing since the initial project sanctions, as well as the forged Gram Sabha documents that Vedanta Group, working through Mythri Infrastructure, produced to acquire land, leading to as many as 21 arrests since 2023, many of whom still languish in prison even today.1 In this fresh bout of clashes, on the pre-dawn hours on April 7, the police entered the village, broke down the doors, cut off electricity and chased the villagers from their homes, while there are reports of pellet gun firings as well as tear gas shells being thrown at them.2 The police later claimed these actions to be in retaliation to the adivasis’ armed action, in which it was alleged that the villagers turned violent against the forces by brandishing sharp objects as well as pelting stones. The face-off, though, occurred during a protest that the villagers had organized to oppose the road-building endeavor in the area, which was being conducted by the Vedanta Group despite repeated grievances of the adivasis and villagers that the consent of such a land acquisition was forged. It was clear that the police action on the villagers and the dwellers of the area was conducted by the State forces against the protestors to secure interest of the Vedanta Group, in order to discourage the people from organizing against the planned land-grab primarily to secure the corporate interest of the private company.

    Historical Context of Vedanta Group in Odisha

    In Odisha, Vedanta, the company best known for its aluminum refinery, is not a new name. Over the last two decades, particularly in the Niyamgiri mountain range, it has earned quite a reputation. Breaking the set and peaceful life of the native inhabitants of the Southern Odisha region—the Dongria and Kutia Kondhs, formally recognized as “Scheduled Tribes” as well as “Particularly Vulnerable tribal Groups” by the Indian Constitution—it emerged as a disastrous monster, filled with greed and hunger that was invested to destroy the social fabric of the region. Its first steps had already dispossessed hundreds of people from their land, and in its demonic spread it leaves a trail of ashes, yet again, and seems not to retract from such actions even now