Introduction: Comprehending the Sporadic Acts of Opportunists
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On 26th
June 2026, the North Coordination Committee of CPI(Maoist) released a
press statement. The statement is an unprecedented exposure of
liquidators of our times. The statement brought a storm in the
Opportunist-Liquidationist-Revisionist (OLR) camp. It was a watershed
moment for the struggle against OLR. Nothing remained the same after
this statement. The storm in Ganga spread to Ravi and further to Kaveri.
A wide range of Leninist literature bombarded the social media spaces.
Debates on liquidationism which once occurred in Russia in 1908-1914
rekindled here in India. Many revolutionary mass organisation of the
country stood to expose the opportunist, liquidationist line of
Vishwavijay-Seema. One after another, the opportunists came together to
plan their new course of action against the Party, they were vexed about
the future which they are to take. New groupings were being made, new
sorts of vows were taken. Some vows were short lived and some still
persist. The vows to stand in support with the traitor Vishwavijay-Seema
were largely short lived, through consistent struggle by
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces some deviated forces were brought back to
the correct political path. It became all the more important for some
old monks from Kaveri region to pose as conciliators in order to
shamelessly hide their liquidationist practice. It took a high level of
political idiocy and shamelessness on his part to proclaim that ‘who met
whom’ is not important in politics. Besides, he also made us proud by
calling us left adventurists, for comrade Lenin had said that only
genuine revolutionary communist forces are those whom the opportunists
term anarchist. Similarly, the old heroes of the yesteryears showed
their true colours but not a single opportunist dared to stand in
support for the theory of liquidationism. No one said in open that
liquidationism is correct in politics. Thus the statement settled many
things, positions were taken, lines were marked, opportunists and
liquidators were exposed and the revolutionary party structure was saved
and strengthened. All this marks the victory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism
over Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism.
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What
were the state agencies doing? Before we answer this question, it is
important for the readers to understand that the party CPI(Maoist) has
now, dominantly unarmed existence but they are in a process to regain
all that has been lost, this process is marked and determined by the
firm commitment to the ideology that is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM)
and the political line as decided in the 9th congress unity congress of
the party. After having said this it becomes important to underline that
henceforth the new thrust of the enemy’s attack on it would be largely
political, ideological and organisational, though it would never leave
out the military line of attack against it. The specific and unique
feature of the statement of the NCC concerning Vishwavijay and Seema,
was to frustrate the attempts of the state to send coverts inside the
revolutionary camps, this was manifested in the statements severe attack
on CIA network in the country. Therefore, people like N. Ravi took the
anti-people path in service of US imperialism and comprador Indian state
besides attacking CPI (Maoist)’s NCC, when he started asserting that
the claims of CIA involvement in the anti-Maoist operation like the one
mentioned in NCC statement need to be substantiated by some very strong
evidence. The snake behind the green grass was exposed in the light of
the day. One may wonder how, a Maoist can be such a great sympathiser
for the CIA, by demanding not just evidence but a very strong one? As if
this great gambler of revolutionary phrases was the one deeply pained
by the attack on CIA by the party, his bleeding heart knew no recourse
and it exposed itself in the public, the oozing of blood was visible to
all. Ravi’s sympathy for CIA is an evidence of the unsound, crude
mixture of opportunists with the state agencies. Even when the traitor
Seema-Vishwavijay brought defamation suit against some party sympathetic
revolutionary mass organisations, the opportunist snakes, which have
their best and highest representation in N. Ravi, did not even have the
diplomatic cursory of an opportunist to condemn it. They say no love can
be hidden for long, they even say that one can not hide a golden
plough, for being a plough a day will come when it would be taken into
the agricultural field in order to till the land. Ravi took the plough
of opportunist line which he had long hidden from the party into the
field to till the land that is to attack the party. Opportunists cannot
play the game of snake for long. They cannot be with the ruling class
while simultaneously claiming to be Marxist. For short period,
opportunist got an opportune moment, when CC got weak and the party
committee grew too vulnerable, to attack by opportunist forces. Ravi
could find an opportune time to come out in open and use all his past
legacy to attack the party’s committee NCC, working for reviving the
party. Ravi became a toll in the hand of Imperialism to target and
attack the party. US imperialism buys people from the movement to attack
the movement, this it has done with all the peoples movement.
Opportunist and liquidators are the similar forces for the states.
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The Indian State’s Psychological Warfare and the Attack on Revolutionary Mass Organisations and the CPI(Maoist)’s NCC
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Ever
since the launching of Operation Surajkund policy, a new strategy of
warfare was operated by the Indian State and US imperialism, bringing
into play the age-old anti-communist propaganda vehicle of US
imperialism. The state agencies along with CIA have a long history of
attack on the revival process being conducted by CPI(Maoist) ever since
the PB resolution of August 2024. Following can be the inexhaustive list
of attacks by the State which have been marked and exposed by the Party
and several other Revolutionary Mass Organisations:
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- They sent some state agents
who used to move around the circles of the revolutionary mass
organisations. They used to confuse the cadre. By posing as a
sympathiser, they wanted to collect all the information related to UG
work of the Party. Such intriguers were marked and exposed among the
cadres, thus the attempt failed.
- With repeated persuasion
and by offering some posts/jobs/money etc., or by blackmailing some
lower-level cadres, they either made such cadres state approver or
turned them into their agents. Through these agents, besides locating UG
cadres and leadership, in the name of debates, ideological and
political attack on the Party line was initiated. We all saw it in case
of the UG-open debate which the Party led against Sumit-Sahil clique of
Haryana. A section of the youth understood that, to be able to fight
Brahminical Hindutva Fascism one needs to be underground and preserve
themselves by destroying the enemy bit by bit. Similarly, in
revolutionary mass organisations and Nazariya Magazine, opportunist
forces were created by the State. We saw this in the Ramnit issue which
the Nazariya magazine handled, the state forces in collaboration with
Ramnit initiated a debate on sexual relationships and communist
morality, and efforts were made to dismantle the revolutionary mass
organisations. All these debates were clinched by us; tons of literature
on all these questions were produced, comrades sharpened their
understanding on these question, new forces of ideological-political
cohesiveness and concreteness was exerted in the Party and RMOs. The
enemy could not exterminate us, neither in political-ideological sphere
nor in organisational existence.
- To rekindle the UG-open
debate, some students were detained and tortured. They were told that
they are being beaten up because one comrade named Val went UG. This was
enough for us to understand that the whole issue with the state is to
ensure that no youth joins the UG life. The path shown by the Party to
defeat fascism was an alternative for the youth to follow and hence, to
stop it, the state had to use both its brute force and psychological
warfare tactics. The state forces said to our comrades that do whatever
you wish to but do not go UG and those who went open from UG life were
welcomed by the state and opportunist forces with garlands of flower.
- A co-ordinated group of
specific cover agents of the state with the opportunist liquidators of
the Party was formed. This group actively promoted dissent among the
cadres against the leadership, pushed all the non-Marxist theory and
liberal politics of conciliation within the Party structures and
revolutionary platforms. An example of this was Prashant Rahi’s
activities which the Party thoroughly exposed and shunned.
- After the meeting of Trump
with several other representative of European imperialist powers, a
resolution was passed. The resolution said that the prime enemy of
theirs is left wing extremism. In this, our country and the Party were
categorically mentioned. Earlier to this when the US external affairs
representative came to India, special mention was made of the Party’s
revival work in North India. After this, the opportunist liquidationist
renegade Devji went to meet the home minister urging him to make the
Party legal and open. The whole of the Party is being attempted to be
liquidated. The compradors could boast of their obedience to the
imperialist masters. No sooner had the resolution been undertaken that a
shift in attempts to nullify all the revival process was undertaken by
the state forces. Devji being asked to represent the open legal
CPI(Maoist) is in same direction.
- In order to ensure
extermination of the Party, apart from creating a forged CPI (Maoist)
which would be open, legal, and would participate in elections — a
Sarkari Maoist Party, another Liberation-like party/group — it became
important to discredit or tag those standing firm on the Party’s
political line and true representatives of the political legacy and
political ideological military and organisational line of CPI(Maoist),
as state agents, dictators, mechanical, unity-breakers, left
deviationists, extremist, left-sectarian etc . . . But who would do
this? Certainly, no agency of the ruling class could bring a statement
carrying all this foul propaganda. For this, they have the coordination
that has been mentioned in point (4). Thus, we understand the pompous
designation of NCC CPI (Maoist) as state agent by lap-dog of Imperialism
and Feudalism, Vishwavijay-Seema. With this, the state gained an upper
hand, joined by another pet of US Imperialism and Indian comprador
classes, N. Ravi, the group comprised of a CIA agent, Seema-Vishwavijay.
N Ravi himself, along with some seasonal appearances who, though not
member of this group, irrespective of their subjective desires,
objectively support this group. Of them are one old monk and some
self-proclaimed theoretically hot heroes of old times.
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By
going through the points mentioned above, one realises that the present
tactics of state repression on the revolutionary forces has taken a
different turn. It now relies heavily on
opportunist-liquidationist-revisionist elements. In the military sphere
too, they had formed DRG, that compromised of all the degenerated
elements who either betrayed or were expelled from the Party for their
indiscipline. Similarly, here too, the state is deploying the same
method, it is relying on the OLR forces like Venugopal, Devji,
Seema-Vishwavijay, Prashant Rahi etc., to strengthen its attack on the
revival process of the Party. One is left to ponder on the question
which stands as an elephant in the room. The question is what explains
such a large number of opportunists and liquidators.
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Why Do We Have So Many Opportunists–Liquidators?
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The
answer to these vexed questions lies in the political economy of our
country. Nothing other than the vexed condition of the political economy
and the social-cultural crisis linked to it can explain the sprouting
of numerous OLR forces in the country. Comrade Lenin said that
liquidationism is a social phenomenon that does not only have to do with
some individuals. In fact, individuals are the manifestation of the
social crisis that leads to the phenomenon of Liquidationism, in India
as was in Russia during those times. Liquidationism or the renouncing of
UG Party for the sake of an open, legal, amorphous organisation not
worthy to be called communist Party is a direct attack on the
development of the proletarian class into the universal class. It is an
attempt to hamper the development of proletariat from class-in-itself to
class-for-itself. If the Party is liquidated, proletarian struggle and
its dictatorship towards stateless and classless society stands
liquidated too. Liquidationism ensures the continuation of the wage
slavery by the proletariat. The higher urge for some classes in society
to ensure the continuation of wage slavery by proletariat is reflected
in Liquidationism. Hence, it becomes important to understand what was
there in the society that increased the urge of certain class/es in the
society to seek misery and wage slavery for the proletariat? What and
whose class motives are being achieved by perpetuating this slavery?
Certainly, we have to look for the political economy of the petty
bourgeois’s class struggle in the society to better understand this
urge. The hopeless, destitute condition of petty bourgeoisie of Indian
society is rooted in the feudal Brahminical order, influenced and shaped
by absence of any bourgeois revolution, added to it is the morass of
Imperialism. Finance capital, by investing heavily into the country,
creates a sphere of non-agrarian sector accelerating the formation of a
middle class. The middle class of our country comprising of the petty
bourgeois intellectual, has its roots in colonial modernity, a modernity
that was shaped by Brahminical feudalism and imperialism. Whereas
freedom implies the freedom of choice in the neoliberal market, the
Brahminical order simultaneously maintains the power of the superior
caste and family authority.
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Ever
since the capitalist imperialist crisis of 1990s manifested as an
overproduction of commodities and inability of the people to consume due
to fall in wages, the gap between the urge and the availability of
commodities (use-value) for classes other than ruling classes is
widening. Besides, capital too was becoming unproductive and it could
not fetch returns. In order to come out of the crisis, the global
finance capital started a new race of capital investment in oppressed
countries. Huge investment was made in neoliberal commodity markets that
rested on instant gratification and ever-insatiated demands of pleasure
goods. Such capital inflow was largely in terms of extractive industry,
IT sector-based appropriation of low paid skills, shopping malls,
housing societies, roads, and highways. This created a huge section of
middle classes, that includes the petty bourgeoisie. Ever since 1990s,
the numeric strength of the middle class has only strengthened. The
middle class formation process in a semi-colonial semi-feudal society
like ours is a process of partial capital appropriation (no parallel
alternative to social, political, economic and cultural life of village
society is provided by the finance capital) of individuals who are being
placed in destitution by the landlord-based economy where the land is
concentrated in few hands or few caste or kinship groups, the capital
from imperialist powers or the comprador capital push and pull people
from the village community level to the neoliberal market of imperialist
finance capital. This is the condition of the middle class in the
country. Ever since the growth of BJP-RSS power, Brahminical feudal
order got stronger and consolidated its hold in the villages. Hence, the
land struggle sharpened, landless and agricultural labourers were put
in more vulnerable conditions. The incidence of Dinara of Rohtas in
Bihar is an example of rising feudal power. In this case, the feudal
forces killed the bonded labourer who was serving them. Angered by it,
the people burnt the property of the landlord. How is this different
from Naxalbari?
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This
incidence highlights the crying need for land by the people but the
opportunist revisionist forces do not see the question of land to the tiller and All Power to the Revolutionary Peoples’ Committees.
The ruling class present the glittering urban centres as an alternative
to people; they invite people to migrate to the urban centres.
Frustrated by conditions in villages, people migrate to urban centres
but what the finance capital sets to offer — disguised unemployment,
unpaid labour, exploitation through long duration employment, alienation
from work leading to mental health issues, attack on migrant workers
and exploitation-oppression in terms of ghettoisation of Muslims,
oppressed caste and groups. Such is the condition of the middle class in
the present economy. It has its future ruined in drugs, anarchic sexual
relations, post-modern thoughts of personal choice and radical freedom,
and dips into the ever-expanding market of neoliberalism.
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A huge
number of petty bourgeoisie stand to lose their job due to the assault
of capital through the weapon of AI. The condition is such that there is
a huge spontaneous outburst of youth protest against the government
policies, of blaming paper leak as a tactic to secure imperialism and
feudalism from being exposed as a system that has perpetual unemployment
inherent in it. Added to it, the repression by the feudal fascist
forces on the petty bourgeoisie puts this class in a clueless condition.
Besides the devastating condition of the working class, its Party, the
CPI (Maoist), is on the edge of existence, but from the edge it is
marching towards the central goal of world communism. The havoc laden
condition of the petty bourgeoisie is represented by the opportunists in
the Party. The more dilapidated, hopeless, unprincipled and dumb driven
this class becomes the more severe is opportunism in the Party. It
becomes liquidationism in the concrete conditions of its spiritual
hollowness in the material world. Liquidationism is the most depressed
condition of the petty bourgeoisie, the most reactionary, the most
renegade elements of the feudal and imperialist social and political
economic world order. Such is the base of liquidationism in the
revolutionary camp.
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Why are the Indian Petty Bourgeoisie Intellectuals Weak in the Struggle Against Opportunism-Liquidationism?
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The
petty bourgeoisie’s worry and indecisiveness in struggle against OLR is
reflected when it realises that the ones who were very near and dear to
them till yesterday, are being branded as traitors by the Party. Hence,
the question is “what is going on?”. In a society like ours, where
personal relations drive all the social, political and economic
considerations, one is expected to be firm on the political line and
ideology by struggling against those near and dear to them, whom till
yesterday they considered their guru, father, mother, brother, sister,
etc. Due to this feudal trend of not placing politics and theory before a
personal relation, many still buy this opportunist propaganda that a
certain leadership who is basically dictatorial is running the show and
they are up to expelling anyone who disagrees with them.
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In
Indian society the motley feudal bondage is yet to be torn aside. Hence,
the human relations are shaped by feudal bondage, the bondage based on
the Brahminical social order that binds one person to its natural
superior which is ordained by caste-based Brahminical ideology. This
explains lack of any rigorous ideological debates between individuals
and groups. At best, what we find is attacks on individuals based on
class, caste, family, sex, colour, height etc . . . Brahminism makes
ideological firmness and commitment a rare phenomenon. Brahminism within
the society rests on emotional methods of reproduction and remains
unconcerned for ideological clarity as long as its basic principle of
dominance remains firm.
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In the
Indian communist revolutionary movement, ideological struggles have been
marked by Brahminism of the feudal social order in which it stands
placed. In the CPI before 1947, and even after it to some extent, the
congress party men were in very good relations with CPI. In fact, it was
rare to see them differing. The Brahminical halo of the congress
leaders like Gandhi and Subhash swallowed the communist leaderships. In
fact, the communist party had become a tail of Congress. Even the
CPI(M), which was formed on ideological issues, has merged with the CPI
on ideological questions and become one with it, though it remains a
separate party. It was only with the ideological clarity and
consciousness of Comrade Kanhai Chaterjee and Comrade Charu Majumdar
that the communist movement could get the breathing space in order to
expand its influence and ensure its growth. But the martyrdom of these
comrades and lack of the revolutionary centre created confusion and the
communist movement lost its ideological sharpness and strength.
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It was
only the ideological firmness and commitment of comrades in PW, PU and
MCCI that CPI (Maoist) was formed in 2004. From then to the present
times, it has not been able to completely follow the Leninist method of
Party building and Maoist method of leadership. It was because of this
that they are facing a severe crisis. The Party recognised this in the
August 2024 resolution that it has not been able to build a completely
Bolshevik Party and it has not been able to give concrete proper
political and ideological guidance to the comrades and people at large.
The Venugopal episode then occurred, leading into emergence of the OLR
debate in the Indian revolutionary movement. Now the question is how
Brahminism is to influence the struggle against Liquidationism which our
Party is leading. What effect will it have on the comrades who are
leading the spearhead of the struggle? How will it fulfill the interests
of the ruling class in this struggle; that is how will it ensure that
no harm is done to the liquidators who are up to destroy and dissolve
the Party?
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Comrade Lenin said that “We
cannot conceive of the social revolution being accomplished by the
proletariat without this struggle, without clear demarcation on
questions of principle … and without a complete break between the
opportunist, petty-bourgeois elements and the proletarian, revolutionary
elements of the new historic force during this revolution.”
Whenever this demarcation got narrowed, we suffered defeat. This
demarcation gets narrowed down due to Brahminism in the Indian context.
Due to the influence of Brahminism as an ideological force abstracted
under the cover of emotion of love, care, respect and honour, leaders
are seen as persons with a halo behind their heads; comrades in the
revolutionary camps also build comradely relation with the halo of the
leadership. Due to this relation with the halo, the leaders were seen as
semi-god or if not god then at least as mother, father or to say the
least brother and sister. This is something which is internalised in our
society and thus it became common sense for most of the comrades in
revolutionary camps. It was all okay when this leadership was on the
correct revolutionary path but when the same leadership turned into
renegades to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, this halo-based relation became a
dangerous mark of ideological and political wavering and ambiguity among
the comrades within the revolutionary camp. The proletarian interest
demands from them to come out of this relation and struggle against the
opportunists but the illuminating appearance of the halo strengthens the
internalised Brahminism. If this is not done then the danger of
destruction of the Party looms before us.
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Let us
be reminded of comrade Mao who explained to us how the inability to
fight Liquidation can lead into complete destruction of the communist
Party. Comrade Mao said “Of course we cannot tolerate these
capitulator and anti-Communists, because that would amount to allowing
them to sabotage resistance and wreck unity; we must resolutely oppose
the capitulator and, in self-defense, firmly repel the attacks of the
anti-Communist elements. Failure to do so would be Right opportunism and
would harm unity and resistance.” The inability of some in and
around the revolutionary camp to struggle against opportunism,
liquidationism and revisionism is due to the liberal attitude in them.
Comrade Mao said that feudalism can also lead to individualism and
liberalism, he said “Liberalism is a manifestation of opportunism
and conflicts fundamentally with Marxism. It is negative and objectively
has the effect of helping the enemy; that is why the enemy welcomes its
preservation in our midst. Such being its nature, there should be no
place for it in the ranks of the revolution.”
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It is
no exaggeration to say that in the Indian context, Brahminism is the
base of all kinds of opportunism-liquidationism-revisionism. Brahminism
not just promotes blind allegiance to feudal authority (opportunist
leadership) but also promotes unprincipled unity based on the emotion of
love, care, respect and honour with the opportunists. This explains
ever increasing number of conciliators in our struggle against Seema-VV
and the inability of certain great and old heroes to understand the
opportunist-liquidationist elements within the revolutionary camp. Most
assiduous attack on opportunism-liquidationism-revisionism can only be
made from an anti-feudal and anti-imperialist perspective. For this,
strict ideological-political discussions and intervention and analysis
has to be made. The feudal trends present in individuals makes one
incapable of making a political analysis and reduces these issues to
individual fights and hence many try to keep their feudal relations
intact with the opportunists and liquidators.
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Debates Which the CPI (Maoist) Wants to Conduct but the Opportunists Are Afraid Of
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In the press release of 26th
June, CPI (Maoist) NCC declared a remarkable position. It said that
fear is a class process. That human nature is nothing but class nature
in concrete. The statement exposed the politics of fear which the
Brahminical Hindutva Fascist (BHF) forces try to create in the mind of
the people. The politics of fear and the political economy behind it
stands exposed through this statement. The people struggling against the
BHF forces realise that one cannot uplift one’s condition unless fear
is surmounted by reasoning based on MLM. The state forces deploy bullets
to create fear. We saw it in the protest in Delhi’s Jantar Mantar
against paper leak. Similarly, in the farmers’ protest, we saw the use
of brute force to create fear in the minds of people. Even in CAA-NRC
protest, methods of physical torture were deployed to create fear. It
tried doing this in the workers’ movement too but the workers did not
surmount to the fear. They even exposed the opportunist leadership of
the movement, branded them as enemy of the workers, and exposed them for
their cooperation with the state forces. The workers were fearless.
They attacked the ruling classes and their state forces. We saw this
spirit in Dinara too. The peoples’ movement in DK and Bihar-Jharkhand
(BJ) was an advanced proletarian struggle of the people led by the
Party, where comrades defied death and became martyrs for the world
proletarian revolution.
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Fear as
an emotion is the abstraction of class struggle of certain historical
material conditions of the society. In the class struggle, when the
proletariat is united, it struggles sharply with the capitalists and
ensures its own material well-being. In terms of ideological positions,
the proletariat dominates over the ruling class ideology. The question
of fear will lose the material ground if the proletariat remains united
on their ideology that is, on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. In the absence of
proletariat ideological commitment, fear surmounts the individual and
makes them incapable of functioning. As comrade Marx said ideology
serves as a material force when it grasps the masses. Similarly, unless
and until the ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) grasps the
individual, fear will remain a motive force. How are we to seek the line
of MLM in the fearful conditions? Logic should aid us, rational
thoughts leading to concrete logical coherence with
historical-dialectical perspective in analysis of any material object,
process or phenomenon will be an effective tool against fear. This is
the formula for coming out of the fear, this is what can be induced from
the statement. The Party has thus given a useful tool to the people to
fight the BHF forces through the spirit of death-defying courage similar
to those in comrade Basvaraju, comrade Kosa Da, comrade Raju Da, and
comrade Hidma etc.
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Besides,
the statement sharply stated that Marxism, and not Feminism, is what
the people need. This assertion in the age of identity politics is
remarkable. While some claims that there is something called proletarian
feminism or Marxist feminism, the press release asserted that this is
nothing but post-modernism. For there is no need for the proletariat to
have any other “ism” other than MLM because MLM has the universal
application on all the issues concerning the people. This is the
extension of the struggle against post-modernism which the Party had
proclaimed in the PB Aug 2024 circulars. Post-modernism has created a
condition where petty bourgeoisie indecisiveness is turned into
subjective introspection of the
biological-social-political-economic-cultural-organisational process
initiated by a historical material force abstracted from a production
relation. Whenever the social order is pregnant with the development of
productive forces to be delivered as rupture of production relation
towards the higher stage of social material development, crisis stands
inbuilt in it and in these crisis period the middle class particularly
the petty bourgeoisie looks inside itself. Existentialism and
Phenomenology aids them in this. This breaks the class solidarity and
confines them to struggle for experience and existence based on the
politics of choice and radical freedom. Feminism of all kinds
essentialises experience of women to struggle against patriarchy. This
leads to identity formation. While Marxism traces patriarchy in private
property, state, religion, family structures and male power, all these
sources of patriarchy are not due to existence and experience theory but
rather due to the social political structures of production process.
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One
more very important question which the statement raises is the
definition of Marxism itself. It said only he is a Marxist who is the
member of a Communist Party. This is an important distinctive
demarcation of Marxists vs. opportunist intellectuals. The post-modern
attack on Marxism reduced Marxism to academic narrow circles and thereby
made it toothless. If we see the history of Marxism, we will realise
that comrade Marx and comrade Engels’ membership of the communist league
and their being part of many different parties and organisations at
different times was the cause for their developing the theory for the
liberation of proletariat. MLM is a proletarian ideology that stands to
liberate proletariat and is not just the pleasure-seeking material of
the petty bourgeoisie neck-deep in neoliberalism.
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In toto the statement made following contribution to the historical question of OLR in communist movement:
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- Exposed the connection between post-modernism and opportunism and liquidationism.
- Exposed the Brahminical Feudal roots of OLR, by highlighting the feudal Brahminical ethos of liquidators like Seema-Vishwavijay.
- Exposed the ruling class weapon of fear as a means to exterminate the Party.
- Asserted that Marxists should be a part of Communist Party structures.
- Exposed post-modernist attack on MLM that tries to integrate Marxism with Feminism
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Anyone
who really wants to raise any political ideological question of
whatsoever nature and extent must follow these debates, dare to write
against the political stands, and not be confined to the general
snake-like acts of the opportunists of the Brahminical kind. We ask them
to shed some Brahminical morals and instead of using personal networks
to attack and discredit the Party, have some might by answering the
political questions head on.
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The Inability to Understand the Clarion Call of Intensifying OLR struggle
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Many
opportunists are having restless nights. For the team that once burnt
the Manusmriti has burnt Dastak this time. The opportunists who
supported Manusmriti burning did not stand to support Dastak burning.
Why this difference? Liberals support Manusmriti burning because through
determined historical struggle of the oppressed and exploited masses,
they were pulled into burning Manusmriti. But, since the burning of
Dastak as the representative of struggle against OLR has not grown to
the extent where they feel dragged into burning Dastak, they stand to
oppose it. Until the working class consistently struggles against OLR
and wins over the vast masses of people to their side, Seema Azad’s
magazine Dastak will be Saraswati Devis for some degenerated liberal
intellectuals. The Brahminical stomach just cannot digest that how come a
magazine, which is the representative of Saraswati Devi, should get
burn. The imagination of the Brahminical opportunists of our age finds
magazine burning disgusting as something which cannot be pardoned. One
among them was saying that it was all going good till the time an
organisation burnt the Dastak magazine. The individual who seeks
forgiveness from Saraswati Devi for having accidentally put one’s leg on
the book/notebook/magazine or for that matter, a single piece of paper,
cannot tolerate a burning. One needs to appreciate the extent of
disgust in the individual. In feudal society, there cannot be a source
of knowledge without a halo around it. Can we then say that the
opposition to magazine burning by the opportunists is coming from their
Brahminism? Yes. The opportunist’s emotion in and around Dastak is
nothing but Brahminism. Dastak once used to be a weapon in the hand of
the Party to educate the masses but with time it clearly failed to guide
it with the correct Leninist method and now the result is before us. It
turned into an anarchist magazine guided and controlled by the dictator
and social-fascist Seema Azad.
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With
the political degeneration of Seema, the magazine too turned into a
reactionary one. After 2024, we do not find any meaningful reference of
feudalism in the magazine, except for some passing comments on
feudalism. There are no sincere efforts to formulate and concretise the
vast experience of anti-feudal struggles being led by the revolutionary
Party and the people. It is clear that Seema-Vishwavijay had stopped
recognising feudalism as principal contradiction of the society.
Instead, they say capitalism and individual choice and radical freedom
dominate in our society, the only one evergreen topic is petty
bourgeoisie criticism of BJP-RSS devoid of political economic analysis.
In one of the issues of the magazine, the article sharply attacked the
communist movement for being anti-women while opportunistically denying
the role of the revolutionary left in bringing about a sharp
understanding on Brahminical feudal patriarchy. Neglecting all the
progressive aspects of the communist movement and the huge number of
participation of women comrades in the revolutionary left led movements,
the magazine tried to bring in the feminist perspective in its most
crude form. Similarly, in many of its issues, it has gone to the extent
of rejoicing the festival of election. Like the other ruling class
parties, they only wanted BJP to be defeated. The height of traitorous
act was reached to its apex when the traitor of Indian revolution Kobad
Gandhy’s article was carried by it.
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The
bourgeoisie’s limit to knowledge production is often sanctified by
feudal values and ethos prevailing in societies like India, where
semi-colonial semi-feudal mode of production dominates. The idea of
burning Dastak when placed in the matrix of semi-colonial semi-feudal
social order appears different to different classes within the society.
Some of the liberal petty bourgeoisie intellectuals who gets easily
terrified by the feudal fascism of BJP-RSS also find fear in the path
which the communist Party or organisation has taken because the path of
the communist revolutionary is not a bed of roses. It is the path in
which one class violently overthrows the other. Therefore, it is the
most violent and most cruel act. The weak-hearted liberal bourgeoisie
try to create new hue and cry over Dastak Magazine. They say:
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- This is an extreme case of hatred.
- What has the magazine to do with Seema-Vishwavijay?
- Political struggle should be political-ideological and magazine burning is not a political act.
- Magazine burning is a left deviation.
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All
these questions come from a political perspective, a perspective which
is reflection of Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism in the peoples’
movement. Anyone who is a genuine Marxist will agree and believe that
communist Party is the most invaluable weapon in the hand of the
proletariat. Opportunist-Liquidator-Revisionists (OLR) are the enemies
of the people, Party and people’s movement, and therefore, all the
questions raised by them are only a process to weaken the Party’s
struggle against OLR in order to exterminate the Party itself. In order
to not make mistakes of political nature at first we must understand the
intentions behind the questions posed above. For an act to be analysed
and in order to predict the future motion of the act, it is important to
mark that the question on Dastak burning is a method to shield the
liquidators to give them a weapon to attack the Party. In order to
educate the revolutionary section of the society and people at large, it
is important to highlight our understanding on all the above points.
Therefore, let us take the points one by one in order to develop a
concrete understanding on the issue of Dastak burning.
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- It is said that this is an
extreme case of hatred against Seema-Vishwavijay and their work. Hatred
is a class term. We love or hate according to our class perspective and
ideology. So far as the question of hating dastak is concerned, one
needs to be a communist to have immense hatred for Dastak. Similarly, to
love Dastak, one needs to be a genuine liberal bourgeois intellectual
and liquidator of the noble order. The ones who hate will do all that is
in their capacity to accomplish their goal. Similarly, the ones who
love will do all in their capacity to accomplish the deep love for the
individual, process or phenomenon. Such beings will do all within their
behest to develop their love to a higher level. In our society, love has
several methods of expression, i.e. one might dine with
Seema-Vishwavijay, one might help them recover them from loss of
eyesight or anxiety attack, high B.P. due to CPI(maoist)’s NCC statement
exposing them — as they have claimed to suffer in one of their
statements. Whereas the person who hates them will ensure that their
politics, the roots of the birth of Seema-Vishwavijay like individuals
is eliminated and therefore they will write against them, make video
statements against them, burn Dastak (which is the mouthpiece of
Seema-Vishwavijay’s liquidationism), and confront and threaten
Seema-Vishwavijay to do away with their traitorous anti-Party act. The
genuine Marxist who hates Seema-Vishwavijay will ensure their
liquidationism is smashed and they are left with no people and
influences. Such is the course of class hatred against
Seema-Vishwavijay. As and when they move towards accelerating their
attacks on the Party, comrades and the movement, the genuine Marxists
will take steps to expose, neutralise, and smash their politics. But if
Seema-Vishwavijay as a biological entity work to exterminate us, manages
physical attacks on us, or try to attack or exterminate our movement,
then our hatred will also go on accelerating.
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We can
correlate this with the struggle by a landless peasant against the
landlord. As the exploitation and oppression of the landlord increases
in quantity and quality, resistance to it also increases step by step
and a day comes when the peasants take up arms to exterminate the
landlord. One just needs to study news reports coming from Dinara block
of Rohtas district of bihar where the bonded landless labourer used to
be exploited by a landlord. The landlord killed the labourer for he had
dared to escape from the traditional hold of the landlord and asked for
his wages. After this, the people’s anger against the landlord grew
severe. The result was the thunderous act of revolt in which the
landlord’s palace was burnt down and nothing remained as it was in the
past. His power was turned into ashes. Similar is the situation here. In
the revolutionary communist section of the people, the struggle between
opportunist-liquidationist-revisionists and Marxist-Leninist-Maoists is
the continuation of the class struggle which we have mentioned above.
As and when the OLR forces stage attack on genuine MLM forces, their
Party organizations and leadership, etc., the class hatred against the
landlord, who is concretised in the revolutionary camp as OLR forces,
increases. It can even go to the extent as happened in the Dinara
incident. Having said so, Dastak burning is still a weak development of
hatred against OLR. It all depends on OLR forces’ attack on MLM forces.
With the rising attacks, steps are taken by MLM forces or their Party to
stop them. This process can go up to the extent of annihilation of some
specific OLR forces, if and when the dynamics of class struggle
demands. We respond to the attack by OLR forces. As their attack
increases in intensity, so does our attack against them. There can be no
extremes in this reply, and we cannot take a weighing machine to
measure if or not the reply was befitting. To do so is the petty
bourgeois fear of proletariat dictatorship. Com. Mao had warned the
petty bourgeoisie against the cries of extremes in the anti-feudal
struggle against the landlords in Chinese countryside.
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- It was asked that when
Seema-Vishwavijay were already being attacked, what was the point of
burning Dastak? This question too has its roots in OLR. Dastak was the
mouthpiece for their opportunism. Ever since it got hijacked from the
Party and assimilated into a single individual’s weapon against MLM, and
for self-assertion of a liberal bourgeoisie who was once in a
revolutionary rank but was the first to elope when repression from
ruling class intensified. Such being the connection of the liquidators
and the magazine, it had the following role in strengthening the
politics of OLR:
- Dastak was once a Party-
led magazine. The legacy of the Party created a sympathy for the
magazine among the people. Only when the traitor Kobad’s article came in
Dastak, it became clear that Dastak is an opportunist magazine. This
assertion of legacy of the Party structures and Party-led movement is
what is dear to the opportunists and their camp. Now when Dastak has
completely been monopolised by Seema-Vishwavijay’s liquidationist
politics, there is no space left for the communist revolutionaries to be
in and around Dastak.
- Dastak was used as a
pretext to attack the revolutionary magazine Nazariya. It was said that
Dastak is the only revolutionary magazine in which such completely
meaningless assertions and attempts were made to attack Nazariya. In the
name of criticising articles of Nazariya, its team and leadership were
envied upon. Seema spread false accusations against the Nazariya
magazine, from boycotting the magazine, to forming groups against
Nazariya, Dastak provided a good identity for her to carry such
liquidationist acts. Seema-Vishwavijay got screenshots of Nazariya’s
articles from the group of State agents and thereafter Seema amplified
the attack on the magazine. Such has been the historical connection
between Dastak, Seema, State agencies and liquidationism.
- Dastak promoted sexual
opportunism. It was for sexual liberalism going to the extent of
uncritical acceptance of bourgeoisie feminist intellectuals who had
sharply attacked the communist movement, with the bourgeois slanderous
verbiage. Dastak was always a personal feudal property of Seema, which
she herself enjoyed and consumed. She used this magazine to turn the
people’s perception of the revolutionary struggle led by the Party
upside down into sympathy for legal, open struggles. The magazine was a
tool in the hands of the ruling class to attack the initiative of the
people and convert them into appendages of the ruling class by
propagating liberalism, reformism, economism, and constitutionalism. We
ask when did Dastak talk about armed struggle? Here, Dastak used an
opportunist method. Seema-Vishwavijay’s opportunism always had a snaky
character, so does their mouth piece. Dastak had revolutionary
pretensions in order to attract the revolutionary section. After initial
attraction, the opportunist magazine floods the readers with vast
amounts of liberal petty bourgeoisie literature that has nothing to do
with Marxism- Leninist-Maoism, added to this as an occasional change of
taste, anti- Party content also finds space in the magazine. One cannot
term a magazine revolutionary communist magazine if the UG Party is not
behind it. If there is no UG Party structure behind a magazine then, in
essence, the magazine will remain a reformist opportunist magazine.
Being a liquidationist magazine, its fate will lie in ashes. As for the
concept of love and hatred in communist space, increases or decreases
with the communist commitment, we loved Dastak till it was in the
Party’s hold, we hate and burn Dastak when it has been confiscated by
the degenerated liberal bourgeois liquidators.
- We are being advised that
political struggle should be political in all its forms, there should be
no room for personal attacks and extreme attacks like burning Dastak.
That revolutionaries have never taken recourse to burning a magazine,
that in GPCR, the capitalist roaders burned magazines, that
revolutionary leadership criticised iconoclasts in the city of Kolkata
during the days of Naxalbari. All these opportunists’ assertions amount
to nothing when we seek objective historical facts. Censorship on the
literature of the enemy class was always a method of the Communist Party
to exercise proletarian dictatorship over the capitalist roaders. The
history of Soviet Union during com. Lenin’s and com. Stalin’s time, and
the history of the Chinese socialist State during com. Mao’s time
narrate many such acts of censorship wherein the enemy class literature
was vanished, confiscated, banned, burnt, etc. In Naxalbari’s time, com.
Charu hailed the iconoclasts’ activities. He termed them
revolutionaries. Political struggle does not only take the form of
article writing, criticisms and speeches, it takes other forms too. It
can become sharper like burning/confiscation of the liquidator’s
literature, and annihilation of the class enemy. The GPCR was one such
struggle where many of the capitalist roaders where persecuted from
public for their books, articles, and speeches etc., against the
proletarian interests.
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We saw
that despite such rigorous struggles, forces like Lin Piao creeped into
the Party and capitalist restoration took place. The conclusion which we
draw from GPCR is that the struggle against modern revisionism should
be more intense, and more unwavering in its ideological-political attack
on enemy forces. In the present time, when the Party is placed in a
position where the question before us is whether or not the Party will
remain as a Party, the question before us is how to smash Venugopal’s
liquidationism manifested in the face of different OLR elements. A sharp
political struggle exists today and, therefore, a sharp political act
needs to be undertaken to follow up the objective material reality and
needs of the class struggle. With this in mind, if the people and cadre
of any revolutionary mass organisation take actions like burning Dastak,
then it would be opportunist ignorance to turn it non-political. If
realising the great damage which Venugopal did to the people at large
and Party in particular, some individuals or for that matter a Party
cadre kills Venugopal, then only the OLR forces will criticise it as a
non-political act. For them, writing articles or a book or a booklet is a
political act, while doing anything that tends to physically
exterminate the material-biological motive behind
Opportunism-Liquidationism-Revisionism is too much for their ignorant
souls.
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The
petty bourgeoisie in revolution had always been suspicious of being
swayed to the “extremes”. It wants to be in middle path forever. Its
pendulum like condition is the truth of its position in class struggle.
The kind-hearted Brahminical petty bourgeoisie in Indian society cannot
consider the military as extension of the political in other forms.
Militant and military actions frighten the soft-hearted petty
bourgeoisie. Hence, they say we should confine ourselves in reading and
writing and not take military steps in OLR struggle. We say writing
against OLR and defeating them on ideology, politics and organisational
front shall be our principal method. But when military method becomes
necessary to defend our ideology, politics and organizational front,
then we will not take our steps back from it. Burning Dastak is a
radical militant act, a sharper form of struggle. Isn’t it an obvious
expression of the forces who want to express their immense hatred for
the OLR forces? The burning represents a very deep hatred against the
traitor of the revolutionary line laid down in 9th congress-Unity Congress.
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The
opportunists in their defense are saying that only fascists literature
should be burned and that Dastak is a democratic magazine. They do not
realise that opportunism is fascism. This is idiocy under the garb of
Marxism. It is not for nothing that revisionist parties in State power
are called social fascists. If a magazine is opportunist, then it is the
magazine of the ruling class, no way weak in its attack against MLM
forces and the Party. Anyone who does not consider this should think for
themselves:
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- Why did Seema-Vishwavijay call the Party a State agent?
- Why did they send legal notice of defamation against the mass organisations?
- Why did Seema-Vishwavijay attack and send legal notice to the journalist who covered the Party’s press release.
- Why did Seema-Vishwavijay spread false accusations, plot and conspire against the Party leadership?
- Why did Seema-Vishwavijay join the CIA and NIA group that was active to expose and target UG network?
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We ask
our kind-hearted liberal petty bourgeoisie intellectuals to make a rare
use of their intellect. Do all this not amount to fascism under the garb
of Marxism? What else other than this is social fascism? We make no
difference between class enemies and OLR forces. This is what com. Lenin
has taught us. Not accepting this is anti-Leninism.
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- Lastly, the opportunists
are saying that burning Dastak is left deviation. The accusation of left
deviation has come in almost all the revolutionary work which the Party
and revolutionary forces have been doing since August 2024. Following
are some instances wherein the accusation of left deviation was made-
- When the Party said that going UG is more important than open, legal work.
- When an RMO conducted wall writing on Naxalbari and election boycott.
- When Party expelled opportunists-liquidationists-revisionists forces from its primary membership.
- When a comrade of Nazariya went UG and attack on RMOs was unleashed by State forces.
- When some individuals (3) were termed State agents.
- When Party publicly exposed Seema-Vishwavijay.
- When Dastak was burned.
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With
regard to all these points, it appears as if the concept of left
deviation is ambiguous. But one should not be naive to consider these
attacks sprouting from ignorance of basic Marxism. The points from 1 to 7
are basic practice of any communist organisation or Party, worthy of
being legacy holders of com. Lenin and Bolshevism. being sharp and
radical on the Party’s 9th Congress-Unity Congress political
line is termed as Left deviation by the right opportunist forces. One is
reminded of a quotation by Com. Lenin, “In Germany, only those leaders seem to have remained honest socialists whom the opportunists revile as anarchists.”
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Left
deviation is anarchic practice devoid of people’s participation whereas
we revolutionary organisations, and also the Party, have a huge number
of youths who have left their homes and are in a process to build mass
organisations and mass struggle. To term us Madhav Mukherjee, one has to
be an SNS, the great grandson of Vollmar, the first liquidator of
German Social-Democratic Party. There are a vast number of legal
democratic mass organisations which are guided by UG teams and
committees. This is the Leninst principle of Party building and mass
organisation building. One has to be politically blind to right
opportunism and liquidationism to not be able to see these open legal
struggles. The MLM forces are not just doing UG work, but we are also
building open, legal struggles/ Although, yes, we are giving more stress
on UG work, because it is the only way to save the Party and the
movement, and accomplish the NDR. And in order that we do it, we should
be merciless towards liquidationist forces. Being committed to this
line, we pride ourselves on being termed mechanical, bureaucratic,
sectarian, left extremist, dictator, etc., by the right opportunist
forces. These are badges of honour for us. This places us in a very good
company of Com. Lenin. We are therefore on the very correct path that
leads to NDR. Victory shall be ours!
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Conclusion: The roots of opportunism-liquidationism lies in political economic understanding
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In the
struggle against OLR forces, Comrade Raju Da and Kosa Da must be our
example, it was because of their far sightedness and their capacity to
expose Venugopal level traitor and bring into the public the criticism
of the Neo-Prachandist line being taken by liquidator traitor Venugopal,
that Party is still alive and has sufficient energy to march ahead to
accomplish the central task of preserving the Party, PLGA and united
front; reviving the Guerrilla zones and Guerrilla bases that have
suffered temporary setback and working to build Party PLGA and united
front in plain, urban, forested hilly regions and by participating in
spontaneous people uprising in order to build the three magical weapon
of Party, PLGA, and united front. Ever since the consolidation of
feudalism in Gupta period to the present day, the social basis of our
country is feudalism. On this base stands imperialism. In the language
of Marx and Mao, we may say that here too imperialism has made feudalism
its main prop; imperialism protects feudalism and tries to make it
everlasting. Thus, Indian society is a semi-colonial, semi-feudal
society. In such a situation, when imperialism and feudalism hold sway
over Indian society, with feudalism acting as the basis and the main
prop, how is it possible that, with both imperialism and feudalism said
to be part of the state system, the CBB, leaving them lagging behind,
dominates over them and retains the status of leadership? Secondly,
should we take into consideration the number and influence of
representatives of feudal classes in comparison to those of the CBB, we
would find more representatives of the feudal-landlord class in
Parliament, Vidhan Sabhas and bureaucracy. In their elections, although
the CBB do play a role by way of funds, yet here too it is imperialism
that plays the main role and feudalism the principal role, we all know
that feudal caste system and the nexus between
sarpanch-contractor-politician determine the election game. Thus, both
feudal ruling classes and the CBB have joint dictatorship in the state
and feudalism is the principal contradiction in the society.
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When it
is said that CBB is leading the state then it is akin to saying that
feudalism has been weakened due to CBB capital. That means CBB that has
been present due to Imperialism is progressive. That implies that
comrade Lenin was wrong in saying that Imperialism is decadent stage of
capitalism that obstructs development, the line making CBB the leading
aspect in the state is anti-Leninist. Then why is this formulation
coming up? This formulation is Neo-Prachanda line (Prachanda line said
that the political condition has changed as capital has penetrated in
large quality and quantity leading to a necessity of changing the path
of struggle, Prachanda proposed that the path of struggle would be
amalgamation of Protracted Peoples War and insurrectionist line) that
paves the way for the opportunists to distort the Party’s military line.
According to this formulation CBB leads the state and feudalism is
weakening. And according to this the form of struggle which remains for
the communist is to participate in elections and join the legal stream
and make the Party open. This is same as the liquidationist of the
Lenin’s time; Larin the great liquidationist said that Russia has grown
capitalist and feudalism does not remain anymore hence every work by the
communists should be open and legal. The Larin of UP, Seema-Vishwavijay
true to their opportunist snaky politics never presented their
political economy line with clarity. They say that UG work has lost its
importance and in given political economic condition legal and open work
should be stressed upon. Now let us judge the political economy of the
strategy which they have been proposing. Stress on legal open work to
the extent of eliminating the necessity or belittling the UG work is an
indication of the fact that in political economy they have concluded the
dominance of CBB. It no longer remains a secret. One needs to read
comrade Lenin’s social structure of state power and liquidationism to
understand such snaky move by the opportunist on the question of
political economy. The arguments of Seema-Vishwavijay sounds very
similar to the renegade liquidators like Venugopal, Devji who are saying
that since CBB has grown stronger, therefore the only option is to lay
down arms and join the legal struggle. In the same tone but with a
different style the likes of Ravi are saying that CBB is primary. The
question is how are they different from the other infamous traitors and
liquidators like Venugopal and Devji?
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by Raju Da
[Editor’s
note: We received this article via e-mail. Given the detailed and
principled exposure of the OLR line in this article, we have decided to
publish it.]
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