Vedanta, Odisha and the Ghost of Bauxite: The Specters of a New Resistance in Sijimali?

 

We are sharing the following article by Devanam Piyadassi, originally published in The Partisan, in the interest of publicizing perspectives of Indian activists and progressive forces on contemporary struggles. The Sijimali struggle has been a longstanding issue between the indigenous Adivasi groups in the Sijimali hill region of Odisha, and Vedanta which seeks to open new ground for mining projects in the region. These contradictions broke out in early April in Rayagada, where police forces fired upon protesting villagers. While the topic of Sijimali may have exited the ruling class’ news cycle, it is not at all over. Vedanta is pushing to continue their mining projects in the region, and the attacks on Adivasi villagers by police have not at all stopped. For this reason, we echo the demands of the Forum Against Corporatization And Militarization (FACAM):

1. Immediate halt to all activities related to the Sijimali mining projects.
2. Withdrawal of all police forces from the area and release of all detained villagers and activists.
3. Comprehensive, independent inquiry into violations of forest rights and constitutional provisions in Scheduled Areas.

Vedanta, Odisha and the Ghost of Bauxite: The Specters of a New Resistance in Sijimali?

By Devanam Piyadassi

On 7 April 2026, the Government of Odisha, controlled by the Bharatiya Janata Party, unleashed its police on adivasis in Kanatamal, Rayagada, who have been leading a long and protracted protest against Vedanta’s attempts at land-grab in the hills of Sijimali. In the last three years, Sijimali has been at the centre of struggle against the proposed project of Vedanta Group which intends to extract the bauxite that lies buried underneath the ecologically rich region across the Rayagada and Kalahandi districts in South Odisha. The police brutalities and excess is a culmination of action against a protracted movement in the area that has been ongoing since the initial project sanctions, as well as the forged Gram Sabha documents that Vedanta Group, working through Mythri Infrastructure, produced to acquire land, leading to as many as 21 arrests since 2023, many of whom still languish in prison even today.¹ In this fresh bout of clashes, on the pre-dawn hours on April 7, the police entered the village, broke down the doors, cut off electricity and chased the villagers from their homes, while there are reports of pellet gun firings as well as tear gas shells being thrown at them.² The police later claimed these actions to be in retaliation to the adivasis’ armed action, in which it was alleged that the villagers turned violent against the forces by brandishing sharp objects as well as pelting stones. The face-off, though, occurred during a protest that the villagers had organized to oppose the road-building endeavor in the area, which was being conducted by the Vedanta Group despite repeated grievances of the adivasis and villagers that the consent of such a land acquisition was forged. It was clear that the police action on the villagers and the dwellers of the area was conducted by the State forces against the protestors to secure interest of the Vedanta Group, in order to discourage the people from organizing against the planned land-grab primarily to secure the corporate interest of the private company.

Historical Context of Vedanta Group in Odisha

In Odisha, Vedanta, the company best known for its aluminum refinery, is not a new name. Over the last two decades, particularly in the Niyamgiri mountain range, it has earned quite a reputation. Breaking the set and peaceful life of the native inhabitants of the Southern Odisha region—the Dongria and Kutia Kondhs, formally recognized as “Scheduled Tribes” as well as “Particularly Vulnerable tribal Groups” by the Indian Constitution—it emerged as a disastrous monster, filled with greed and hunger that was invested to destroy the social fabric of the region. Its first steps had already dispossessed hundreds of people from their land, and in its demonic spread it leaves a trail of ashes, yet again, and seems not to retract from such actions even now

India - Exchange of fire in Chattisgarh and Jarkhand, the specter of the people’s war still haunts India despite the hindutva fascist government claims

From the bourgeois press:

10k jawans to track down 25 Maoists in Saranda forests

Notably, amid the rugged terrain of Saranda, a group of nearly 20 to 22 Maoists—including 15 wanted insurgents—are attempting to flee the forest.

Despite the recent mass surrender of 25 Maoists, the intensity of the anti-Naxal operation remains unchanged.File photo.

Mukesh Ranjan

Updated on:

28 May 2026, 3:16 am

RANCHI: In a decisive push to eliminate the remaining Maoist presence, the Jharkhand Police have deployed around 10,000 security personnel to track down nearly 25 rebels still hiding in the Saranda forests of West Singhbhum. Despite the recent mass surrender of 25 Maoists, the intensity of the anti-Naxal operation remains unchanged.

Currently, five companies of the Jharkhand Armed Police (Gorkha Battalion), along with one company of the Jharkhand Jaguars, have been stationed in Saranda. Joint operations are being carried out by the Chaibasa Police, COBRA battalions, Jharkhand Jaguars, CRPF, and JAP forces across the region.

Notably, amid the rugged terrain of Saranda, a group of nearly 20 to 22 Maoists—including 15 wanted insurgents—are attempting to flee the forest. Following the simultaneous surrender of 25 Maoists, those still taking refuge in Saranda have become demoralised, but they have not yet put their arms down. Consequently, security forces have tightened their noose over all the wanted Maoists, including two top leaders carrying bounties of one crore rupees each.

Jharkhand Police IG (Operations) Narendra Singh stated that the operation is proceeding in the right direction, adding that their forces have completely encircled the Maoists. According to Singh, continuous operations are being conducted in search of the 15 most-wanted Maoists, and their hideouts have been cordoned off.

“Most of the dreaded Maoists have either surrendered or neutralised. I appeal to the handful of those remaining in Saranda and Kolhan forests that they should either put their arms down or get ready to face the heat,” Singh said.

Following the surrender of 25 Maoists in Saranda, 15 wanted Maoists are still hiding in the vicinity of the Saranda Monkey Reserve Forest. Of the 15 currently present in Saranda, six are from other states. The Jharkhand Police have gathered comprehensive intelligence regarding these Maoists—specifically, the types and numbers of weapons in their possession, who their supporters are and what escape routes are available to them.

So far, 22 Maoists have been killed in encounters in 2026; the highest number of fatalities occurred in the Saranda region. Following an encounter in which 17 Maoists were killed, and the recent surrender of 25 rebels, the Maoist web in Saranda has suffered a setback.

On anniversary of Martyrdom - Comrade Basava Raju’s spirit remains entrenched in the hearts of the oppressed masses ....

.....

.....Most creditable the manner Student magazine Nazariya and intellectuals like Ajith(Murlidharan),Vivek of Tamil Nadu, or Ravi Narla and N Venugopal of Telengana are courageously leaving no stone turned in refuting the myth that the Maoist Movement and ideology have been extinguished ,and resurrecting the glorious achievements. Praiseworthy and positive the boldness, forthrightness and clarity in which they have not only exposed the surrendered leaders but defended the path of protracted peoples war and ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism....

a contribution

May 21 will remain as a dark day in the history of India's new democratic revolution (Maoist) General Secretary Comrade Basavaraju along with 27 comrades were martyred after heroically displaying death defying courage battling 20,000 security forces for 72 hours in Gundekot forests under Orcha block of Chhattisgarh state, Narayanpur district. They carved a permanent niche in the annals of the Communist movement, inscribing their names in golden letters.

Nambala Kesavarao who was born to a school teacher in Jiyyannapeta village near Kotabommali of Srikakulam district got a seat in Warangal Regional Engineering College. He led the life of a student, who had spent school and college playing games singing, before his life to a dramatic political turn took a turn in the REC campus.

Nambala Kesavarao joined Warangal Regional Engineering college from that district during the time when Srikakulam set back was the breeding ground for a new dream. He shimmered the wave for the same goal for 53 years and became immortal.

Toulouse : Manifestation interrompue par la police et une arrestation lors d’une mobilisation pour Ali

Des centaines de personnes ont participé à une manifestation déclarée dans des conditions habituelles pour exiger la libération du prisonnier palestinien Ali, en détention provisoire depuis deux ans en France. Sans aucune explication, la police a interrompu le parcours, interdit l’événement et fait disperser la foule. Alors que les manifestants quittaient les lieux dans le calme, une personne a été arrêtée et placée en garde à vue jusqu’au dimanche matin. De 17H30 à 19H, plusieurs dizaines de ses soutiens se sont rassemblés devant le commissariat central pour exiger sa libération.

Cette intervention policière est un nouvel exemple de la criminalisation de la solidarité avec la Palestine. Appelée par plusieurs dizaines d’organisations, cette initiative s’inscrivait dans le cadre d’une journée nationale de mobilisation pour la libération d’Ali avec plusieurs rassemblements et manifestations, comme à Paris, Nantes ou Chambery.

France - Pour l'abrogation du décret du 20 mai concernant les droits d'inscriptions universitaires :

une interview de la Fédération Syndicale Étudiante de Sorbonne Université

N° 979 28/05/2026  La question des frais d'inscription en forte hausse à propos des étudiants étrangers, hors Union Européenne, vient d'être confirmée par un décret du 20 mai. Cette mesure soulève la colère des étudiants et suscite de nombreuses réactions dans l'enseignement supérieur et la recherche. La Fédération Syndicale Étudiante, avec d'autres organisations syndicales d'étudiants et de personnels rejette cette mesure et participe aux initiatives et manifestations pour la combattre. Nous avons à ce sujet posé quelques questions à la FSE de Sorbonne Université.

Question 1.

La question des frais d'inscription en forte hausse pour les étudiants étrangers, hors Union Européenne, vient d'être confirmée par un décret du 20 mai. Quelle est la position de la FSE à ce sujet?

 

Notre syndicat a, et tiendra toujours une position claire sur toutes mesures, décrets et lois racistes mises en place par la réaction. La discrimination des étudiants selon leurs provenances, la mise en place de frais différenciés, sont des pas conséquents dans le processus de libéralisation de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche qu’assume ouvertement le gouvernement en totale complicité avec certaines présidences universitaires. Cette mesure s’inscrit dans un calendrier bien défini, nul n’est dupe quant à la finalité de cette énième attaque raciste, la défense des droits étudiants est notre priorité. Nous l’affirmons et maintenons, la seule et unique position à tenir est l’abrogation du décret. La réponse que nous soutenons doit être unitaire et non celle d’un compromis, ni d’un “recul” comme beaucoup le demandent. La Fédération Syndicale Étudiante dans la lignée de ses mobilisations ne joue pas la carte de la compromission, défendre l’abrogation n’est pas utopique mais bien une chance d’affirmer notre soutien aux étudiants étrangers. Pour l'abrogation du décret du 20 mai sur les droits d'inscriptions universitaires : une interview de la Fédération Syndicale Étudiante de Sorbonne Université

La question des frais d'inscription en forte hausse pour les étudiants étrangers, hors Union Européenne, vient d'être confirmée par un décret du 20 mai. Cette mesure soulève la colère des étudiants et suscite de nombreuses réactions dans l'enseignement supérieur et la recherche. La Fédération Syndicale Étudiante, avec d'autres organisations syndicales d'étudiants et de personnels rejette cette mesure et participe aux initiatives et manifestations pour la combattre. Nous avons à ce sujet posé quelques questions à la FSE de Sorbonne Université.

 

Question 2.

Une première initiative nationale de protestation a eu lieu la semaine dernière. La FSE y était présente : comment voyez-vous la suite du mouvement?

 

Les mobilisations à l’échelle nationale sont l’une de nos meilleures armes face à la bourgeoisie. Les mouvements lancés dans les différents cadres inter-facs appellent à l’unité, la ligne défendue doit, à l’image de l’appel suivre un objectif précis et défini. Seule la lutte et l’unité autour d’une réponse claire amènera à la défaite inéluctable de la classe dirigeante. Les opportunistes, corporatistes et autres organisations aux réponses flous doivent s’unir sur le mot d’ordre suivant: l’université ouverte à tous. Défendre et mobiliser à l’intérieur et à l'extérieur de nos facultés nous mènera à la victoire.

Les journées de mobilisations nationales appelées localement sont soutenus par la FSE, syndicat pro et étudiants portent en eux cette lutte commune.

Nous ne pouvons adopter une position attentiste, croire à un soulèvement spontanés des étudiants et personnels, année après année subissant les coups orchestrés toujours plus forts des gouvernements et présidents, est une posture néfaste au mouvement. Le pessimisme gagne de plus en plus de terrain, ne saccageons pas nos forces derrière une vision n'amènent que dégoût et méfiance, organisons-nous, luttons unitairement sur nos campus jusqu’à la fermeture administrative, mobilisons les étudiants entassés dans les Cités Universitaires.

 

Question 3.

Cette mesure semblant "isolée" n'est-elle pas un élément d'une transformation profonde de l'enseignement supérieur vers un système ultra-concurrentiel et ultra-sélectif ?

 

Cette mesure n’a rien d’isolé, elle s’inscrit dans une transformation profonde et réactionnaire de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche. Depuis plusieurs décennies, les gouvernements successifs organisent méthodiquement la libéralisation de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche afin d’en faire un système ultra-concurrentiel, sélectif et privé.

Du processus de Bologne à la réforme LMD, de la LRU à Parcoursup, jusqu’à “Bienvenue en France” et la LPR, chaque réforme a participé à la destruction progressive d’un enseignement supérieur accessible à tous. L’autonomie financière des universités, la mise en concurrence des établissements, la précarisation des étudiants et des personnels sont les différentes étapes d’un projet politique réactionnaire.

L’augmentation des frais d’inscription pour les étudiants étrangers n’est donc pas une mesure isolée mais bien un nouveau pas vers la privatisation de l’université. Derrière le discours de “l’attractivité internationale”, le gouvernement assume une logique élitiste visant à sélectionner les étudiants selon leurs moyens financiers et leur origine sociale. Cette offensive ouvre également la voie à une hausse généralisée des frais d’inscription concernant l’ensemble des étudiants.

Nous refusons la libéralisation de l’ESR. L’enseignement doit rester un droit accessible à tous et non devenir un privilège réservé à une minorité capable de payer. Face à cette offensive réactionnaire, seule une mobilisation large et unitaire permettra d’imposer un véritable rapport de force pour faire annuler cette mesure.

 

Question 4.

La FSE est une jeune organisation étudiante, en quoi se distingue-t-elle des autres ?

 

Nous avons un ancrage sur le terrain. Nous concevons le syndicalisme comme une pratique quotidienne de lutte, au contact direct des étudiants. Présents tout au long de l’année, nous discutons avec les étudiants lorsqu’on organise des tables, des villages, du tractage ou encore des projections. Cette présence constante permet un travail d’accompagnement concret des étudiants dans leurs démarches, qu’il s’agisse de l’assistance sociale, des commissions disciplinaires ou des relations avec l’administration. Il s’agit également de mobiliser ces étudiants sur des questions telle que Bienvenue en France 2.

De plus, nous sommes un syndicat de lutte. Nous construisons un rapport de force par notre combativité et notre mobilisation. Nous refusons tout compris avec les institutions bourgeoises et ainsi nous obtenons des victoires concrètes que ce soit l’envahissement des 70 ans du CROUS, l’annulation de la venue safran et Thales au forum des métiers à Sorbonne Université ou encore l’obtention de bourses, logements ou aides sociales pour les étudiants. Mais aussi la participation à des campagnes nationales comme la campagne de libération de George Ibrahim Abdallah.

 

par communistes 

‘No Women, No History -Women in Indian Movements’ - info

 

‘No Women, No History -Women in Indian Movements’ marks a landmark documentation of the historic role played by women in Movements in India and the cutting Edge of Maoism 

‘No Women No History-Women in Indian Movements’ by V.Gargi, published by Virasam Books, encapsulates and chronicles the participation of women in movements in India , dissecting the 19^th and 20^th Centuries, in addition to the contemporary movements. The book adopts a broad based and non -sectarian outlook and approach, which is praiseworthy. In it’s own right a landmark work exploring and diagnosing role of women in shaping struggles to transform society in India.

Such movements can be characterized as distinguishing from the many regressive, religious and chauvinistic movements. which propelled the society to advance forward. and dismantle many feudal chains mercilessly binding Indian women for centuries. They personify the democratic awakening of the people of India and serve as a testament that direct action is the principal catalyst in liberating women and only the praxis of class struggle can transform the oppressive relations prevalent in the society., which no amount of preaching can achieve.

The book has fused together general movements with women’s struggles to explore the role of women in transforming the society and it’s conditions. This ignites the identity of women and links the factor of woman’s oppression not only with what they face as women, but as peasants, workers, artisans and citizens. They remind us of struggles waged on women’s issues as part of general movements and epitomize that for establishing women’s liberation it is imperative to wage resistance against every form of exploitation.

Features of Book

The book explores how power is a vital tool for women’s emancipation and how for brief periods the communist led peasant movements empowered the masses and the women. It also diagnosed the additional steps to be taken to ignite women’s agenda in the movement to orchestrate their liberation.

The chapters also make a statement that women can be very capable leaders, and at times better than men. They symbolize how centuries of oppression of women hindered the number of women leading movements and how changes in women’s lives will be radical or permanent only when they are allotted the task of leading movements. They highlight factor of extent to which women control proceedings and not merely their token participation.

The book diagnoses the necessity of women battling patriarchy in the revolutionary movement to establish their rightful place in history and that the anti-patriarchal struggle is inseparable from the movement for emancipation as a whole.

The study penetratively examines the theoretical and practical problems faced by women, and in formulating appropriate tactics for the women’s movement.

The chapters encompass and dissect the mass rebellions waged against British rule, and it’s socio-economic impact by the Adivasis for evicting them from their homeland, Social Reforms movement, the role played by dalit women to engineer anti-caste movements highly placed minority women from Christian and Muslim communities. Women in national revolutionary movement, Dalit, peasant, minority and tribal women in Communist led armed struggles, Autonomous women’s movement, ecological movements, North East Movements, Contemporary Women’s movements etc.

Most notable aspects are of how women engineered a rupture from past conventions alienating them from revolutionary struggles and made a transition into securing leadership in historic uprisings lie Telangana and Naxalbari.

Women Role in Peasant Uprisings

Extensive coverage is given encapsulating the heroic actions of women to ignite the Telangana Struggle of 1946-51 in their villages and homes, playing stellar roles as couriers, even donning male attire. With high craft women engineered selling clothes and spreading words of courage among general public after arrest of leaders, going to the extent of even sewing messages on children’s undergarments. Women undertook mission sof transporting weapons, letters, travelling alone at night, with the revolt having a liberating effect on them.

It narrated how during Naxalbari peasant uprising women stood at the forefront, with seven women falling martyrs like Dhaneshwari Singh, Sanamati Singh, Pulmati Singh and Surabala Barman. Later recounted the pivotal part played by women in Srikakulam armed struggle like Panchadi Nirmala, who with death defying courage, successfully combated the police attacks and arrests, particularly in Gumma and Pedakaraja.Women played a supportive role in keeping the hunted guerilla squads afloat. supplying men with food and water, facing the harshest perils.It also recollected how in the formative stages in 1967, women beat up goondas after being molested in a conference at Levidi village.

A compelling narrative is written on the resistance waged by the Peoples Organization Women and Viplava Mahila Sangham in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. and the Nari Mukti Sangh in Bihar and Jharkhand. Instances are reported heroic integration of women in carrying food and water to armed squads in Akbarpur in 1987, protecting peasant cadres at Arwal in 1986 during the police firing, successfully thwarting sabotage bid of landlords to break their strike at Karpa carrying only sickles and scythes. snatching rifles at Palamau when police tried to block their picking of Mahua flowers, a massive raid on the house of landlord Ramanand Yadav, retrieving of a dead body from the police at Jehanabad after a protest, and launching an attack on a police van with rocks to free cadres. Participation in several protest rallies, mass actions through crop seizures, land occupations, struggles for better wages and in staging resistance in securing equal pay for equal work, right to land ownership, proper construction of village wells etc.

Nari Muti Sangh and Krantikari Mahila Adivasi Sanghatana

A compelling narrative is written on the resistance waged by the Peoples Organization Women and Viplava Mahila Sangham in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. and the Nari Mukti Sangh in Bihar and Jharkhand

It dissected and summarized the character of the movement organized by Nari Mukti Sangh, navigating the ant-feudal struggled, issues taken up like child marriage, dowry, Sexual harassment, anti-liquor struggles, health problems, equal wages for equal work, superstitions and witchcraft, saving forests etc. It praised the death-defying resistance of the NMS in retaliating state repression at its darkest point.

An incisive coverage was given encapsulating the contribution of the Viplava Mahila Sangham in Telangana’s in spheres of wages, anti-arrack struggles, equal wages, etc. Also highlighted the role of Krantikari Mahila Adivasi Sanghatana in engaging women in struggles against oppressive customs like forced marriages to make use of physical force to marry against wishes almost redundant. It navigates the entry of the Peoples War group squads to start work from scratch in Dandakaranya region. It historically traced and navigated the blossoming of the KAMS, making a transition from a bunch of disjointed revolutionary activists into a full-fledged organization.

Cultural Front

A brief summary is given of the pivotal role played by women in shaping cultural movements and organizations recounting history of Jana Natya Mandali,Chetana Natya Manch, Krantikari Sanskritik Sangh, Women’s Struggles in jail.

Trade Union Movement

A praiseworthy assessment is made of the women’s work in shaping the Chhattisgarh Mines Shramik Sangh in the strike of 1977 and 1981 protest to release Union leaders. There is a descriptive coverage of organization of women workers during British rule, landscaping the 1928 strike of Textile Workers, Calcutta Scavengers Strike, strike of Bengal Jute Mill workers, Bengal pottery workers strike, 1920 Madurai Mill Strike, Tamil Nadu Kerosene workers, South India Railway Workers Strike, Warli Revolt and most important Royal Indian Navy Mutiny in 1946, etc. It mentions role of Ushatai Dange,wife of CPI leader SA.Dange, who organized the 1934 strike and earlier in 1928 organized the encirclement of the mill office by seven hundred women workers. Women leaders also mentioned were Meenakshi Sane of CPI in Sholapur and Shante Balerao of AITUC.

It discussed the revolutionary urban women’s movement led by in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh among the poor working-class women in factories and slums, students, intellectuals, on issues like dowry deaths, sexual harassment, rape, commodification of women’s bodies, Hindu communalism, beauty contests, water scarcity etc. They also launched sustained campaigns against WTO, 1MF and World Bank and at the very root challenge the values orchestrated by the semi-feudal, semi-colonial state, which perpetuated patriarchy.

Nav Nirman and anti-price rise movement

The book covered the impactful anti-price rise movement from 1967 to 1975 and other road-based struggles like Nav Nirman agitation, Struggles in Dhulia region of Maharashtra around land distribution and higher wages etc, and women’s resistance waged against Emergency.

Criticisms and Conclusive analysis.

The conclusion analyses the distinctive aspect of the guidance of Marxist-Leninist Maoist ideology in struggles as well as showcased the distinctive character of struggles led by Maoist revolutionary organizations and gives credibility to path of New Democratic Revolution. The book was critical of the role of the Communist Party of India during the Tebhaga Struggle in 1946, in negating women’s role in revolution, not preparing any separate policy paper or taking any concrete steps to organize them and thus discouraging women from joining the movement. The reasons given were that women were weak, integrating them in movements would ferment social tensions and engineer divorces. ignoring aspects like patriarchy.

A critical evaluation is made of Mahatma Gandhi’s role and views. It diagnosed that Gandhi analyzed oppression of women as an abstract moral phenomenon, failing to understand it’s social and historical relations. It narrated how Gandhi’s innovation of the spinning wheel turned into a weapon for a woman to participate in apolitical movement from home. It analyzed Gandhi’s orientation as upholding an urbanized middle class upper caste Hindu male’s perspective of a woman, not making a rupture from the middle-class reformers of the 19^th century. It recognized Swadeshi and spinning wheel as a n instrument to orchestrate involvement of women without switching the terian of the movement. However, this created a new arena of women planted at home, barred from activity outside. Gandhi reconstructed a new model of women based on the Hindu widow who can serve the nation, only if she rejects sex,reproduction and family life. Concluded that Gandhi turned al the energies of women into a purely reformist programme, assigning them role assigned in a traditional Hindu society.

Harsh Thakor is a freelance journalist

Brasil - RJ: Ato pelo fim da escala 6x1 pelo Centro - Comitê Revista Revolução Cultural -

 

Nesta última segunda-feira dia 25/05 foi realizado no Rio de Janeiro um ato contra a escala 6x1. O fim da Escala 6x1 tem se colocado como uma das principais pautas no debate público nos últimos tempos, milhares de pessoas têm reivindicado escalas de trabalho menos exaustivas, e a partir disso a política institucional se viu obrigada a pautar essa questão dentro do ambiente legislativo.

O Ato de terça-feira, para além de mais um ato exigindo jornadas de trabalho melhores, foi realizado também em resposta aos rumos que a discussão tem tomado no Congresso. No dia 14 de Maio, parlamentares apresentaram uma emenda que condicionava o fim da Escala 6x1 a uma transição de 10 anos, e permitindo nesse tempo jornadas de 52 horas semanais, o que seria um retrocesso, permitindo escalas de trabalho de mais de 10 horas diárias.

O Ato então se concentrou ontem às 16 horas na Candelária e próximo às 17 horas desceu a Avenida Rio Branco até a Cinelândia. Infelizmente, a organização do ato (PT, Cut e VAT) não se preocupou em garantir a participação dos trabalhadores mais afetados por essa jornada, visto que às 18h30, horário que os trabalhadores conseguiriam somar aos manifestantes, o ato já se encontrava em dispersão na Cinelândia, mesmo assim, o ato contou com a presença de diversos trabalhadores reivindicando melhores condições de trabalho.