Wednesday, December 18, 2013

from turkish to italy - free revolutionary prisoners!

pc 19 dicembre - dalla Turchia del 19 dicembre una campagna prolungata per la libertà dei prigionieri politici comunisti, rivoluzionari, proletari e popolari nelle carceri dell'imperialismo nel mondo

oNoi non dimenticheremoo i prigionieri rivoluzionari che furono brutalmente assassinati il 19 dicembre 2000 nelle prigioni in Turchia!

Nel dicembre 2000, le forze di sicurezza dello Stato fascista turco hanno iniziato una sanguinosa operazione contemporaneamente in 22 carceri, che è sfociata nell'uccisione di 28 prigionieri rivoluzionari. La direttiva di questa sanguinosa operazione è stata data dal governo di coalizione di allora DSP, ANAP e MHP, e durante l'operazione centinaia di prigionieri sono stati feriti. Nelle carceri come quelle delle province di Diyarbakir, Buca, Ümraniye e Ulucanlar venne messo in atto, dopo il 19 dicembre, il sistema di celle di Tipo-F (sistema di isolamento) - che era stato pianificato da tanto tempo. Dal momento della messa in funzione del sistema carcerario di Tipo-F e fino ad oggi è continuata la repressione contro i prigionieri rivoluzionari.

Le prigioni di Tipo-F significano: isolamento, “rieducazione” mentale, una politica di controllo del pensiero e della mente dei prigionieri rivoluzionari per farli arrendere. Il sistema di Tipo-F non era solo una politica contro le carceri ma una politica contro l'intera società. È stato soprattutto il prodotto di una strategia a lungo termine della politica imperialista per controllare e sopprimere la società. Nonostante tutta l'oppressione e i massacri i prigionieri rivoluzionari non si sono piegati al sistema di isolamento. Anche se hanno perso diritti conquistati hanno mostrato un atteggiamento deciso nella loro resistenza, nonostante tutte le grandi difficoltà. Dopo la strage del 19 dicembre, 122 persone sono morte per lo sciopero della fame fino alla morte dentro e fuori le carceri, centinaia sono diventate disabili permanenti a causa dell'intervento forzato.

Il periodo delle prigioni di Tipo-F, iniziato con il massacro del 19 dicembre, continua fino ad oggi. Il governo fascista AKP da 11 anni al potere – pratica e impone il sistema delle prigioni di Tipo-F: isolamento, divieto di visite, divieto di libri e riviste, divieto di lettere; i prigionieri sono sotto sorveglianza video, si attuano trasferimenti arbitrari verso altre prigioni senza informare i parenti o i loro avvocati e gli esuli. I prigionieri politici si trovano ad affrontare tutti i tipi di trattamenti inumani e le torture. Inoltre, molti prigionieri hanno ricevuto l'ergastolo da quando l'AKP è salito al potere. Come risultato di queste politiche oppressive e repressive, 162 prigionieri soffrono di malattie terminali e 544 sono malati. A causa di questo trattamento arbitrario il ministero della giustizia e le amministrazioni carcerarie stanno bloccando i trattamenti urgenti per i prigionieri malati.

Mentre la fame, la povertà, la miseria e la disoccupazione sono in aumento ogni giorno nel paese, il governo AKP si fa avanti con le bugie come il "pacchetto democratico" da imporre alla società, ma continua con nuovi massacri. Nel 13° anniversario del massacro del 19 dicembre noi ancora una volta condanniamo le politiche fasciste, razziste e oppressive del governo dell'AKP. Facciamo appello a tutte le organizzazioni e istituzioni rivoluzionarie e democratiche ad essere attivi contro la repressione nelle carceri.

  • Rilascio immediato di tutti i prigionieri malati e immediato inizio delle cure sanitarie!
  • Fine delle punizioni disciplinari nelle celle!
  • Fine delle torture e cure sanitarie!

Mettere fine al sistema di celle di Tipo-F - Libertà per tutti i prigionieri politici!
Noi non abbiamo dimenticato e non dimenticheremo la Strage del 19 dicembre!

Tuesday, December 17, 2013

International Conference of MLM parties and organisations ... the march is slow, but the time arrives!

read again
 1st Resolution passed by the Special Meeting of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement – May First 2012

The imperialist system is going through the most severe crisis since the 1930s. The current attempts to address and overcome the crisis only serve to deepen and extend it.
The structural crisis that emerged in the field of finance has gradually extended to the field of production, bringing about a deepening recession. The crisis proceeds under the law of uneven development within the pursuit of the maximum extortion of surplus value and the contention on the world market.
The crisis has its origin in the laws of running of the capitalist system itself. It is the expression of the limits of production for profit, and the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production, including the general and global nature of the production and private appropriation. In the world scene this means an ever growing gap between the wealth of a handful of imperialist countries and the poverty of three quarters of human beings in the countries oppressed by imperialism, between the wealth in the hands of the bourgeoisie and the relative and absolute impoverishment of proletarians and masses in the imperialist countries , between the overflowing richness of a parasitic and comprador bourgeoisie and the living conditions of misery and hunger of the proletariat and broad masses in the countries oppressed by imperialism.
It is clear that a system dominated by these laws, these dynamics, can only go into crisis, and overproduction and capital surplus become factors of crisis.
The phenomena of heightened and speculative “financialization” are the tip of the iceberg of the dynamics of the system, which become point of implosion and explosion.
The “financialization” of the economy – the main immediate cause of the crisis – tends to reject any control. So the efforts of capitalism and its ruling imperialist powers to get out of crisis through regulation and control of the financial markets and use of the opportunities offered by high growth rates, even if disarticulated, of some countries such as China, India and Brazil have so far not succeeded. Although these efforts should not be underestimated, they cannot ensure more than a temporary recovery, one which opens the door to new and even more distressing crises.
The world is still faced with two possibilities: the exit from capitalism or a painful temporary recovery from this crisis by strengthening, enhancing the mechanisms of capital and thus prolonging the misery of the masses.
The imperialist bourgeoisie all over the world take advantage of the crisis to restructure imperialism on a global scale and save the interests of their class for their profits.
This leads to unloading the vicious weight of the crisis on the workers and masses. In both the oppressed countries and imperialist countries, unemployment, job insecurity and the cost of living increase, exploitation is ratcheted up to modern forms of slavery, workers' rights are reduced, social achievements won through years of struggles are erased, factories are closed with massive layoffs, peasants are ruined and driven to suicide, cuts in social expenditures and privatization of education and healthcare grow, the logic of commodification and profit is extended even to primary goods, such as water, air, sun, etc..
These policies are carried out within the contention for domination on the imperialist world market and geopolitical strategic areas, but the unitary character of the policies to unload crisis on the proletarians and the masses is emphatically clear.
The policy of imperialism accentuates and makes more and more catastrophic the effects of the system in terms of ecological and natural disasters. Imperialism transforms factors of development in the field of science, culture and education, information technology, access to media, communication, extension of the freedom of young people and the processes of emancipation of women, into new and more refined chains. In the context of crisis this results in massive intellectual unemployment, social control and most extreme forms of barbarism, new neo medieval attacks on women's rights and the regimentation of youth.
The balance of power among the imperialists is in a flux. Though the US still remains the sole super power its capacities have been considerably weakened, by the resistance of is victims and the crisis. This gave some room for the EU grouping. However similar factors have negatively impacted on their position too. Russia had not been affected so much by the crisis. Through its axis with China and consolidating ties with erstwhile Soviet Union republics, it has gained some advantage and has stepped up contention. Overall collusion is still principal in inter-imperialist relations. But imperialism in crisis, develops within it contradictions that can become potential sources of a new world war. Imperialist powers, mainly the US, unleash and accentuate wars of aggression, invasion, and neo-colonialism in the different regions of the world where their interests are vital or threatened. In developing these wars, it continues with the arms race and gets equipped with more and more devastating military instruments, surpassing all limits enshrined in international conventions and human rights.
One or the other form of fascistic control has always been the norm in oppressed countries, even where a parliamentary system exists. In recent years, a tendency to modern fascism grows inside the imperialist countries also. This takes shape according to the characteristics of history, the reality and the culture of each country. It strives to establish once again the totalitarian, racist, securitarian and police-state forms of the rule of the bourgeoisie.
Imperialism is poverty, reaction and war. The crisis reveals that welfare, democracy and peace become more and more words that cover an opposite substance.
The devastating economic crisis of imperialism and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.

In the countries oppressed by imperialism, the protests, rebellions and liberation struggles have found in the revolts in Arab countries and in the Persian Gulf a new height and a new dawn. Young people, proletarians and the masses and, in some cases, organized sectors of workers, attacked and overthrew dictatorial regimes subservient to imperialism that seemed permanent. This has paved the way for new anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, anti-feudal, new-democratic revolutions.
False anti-imperialist regimes, such as those of Libya, Syria, Iran, and openly pro-imperialist ones such as those in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain. Yemen, Morocco, Algeria, as well as the military regimes that have replaced the reactionary tyrants in Tunisia and Egypt, unleashed massacres and repression. Hiding under the flag of democracy imperialism intervened in these struggles and maneuvered to remove unreliable regimes and replace worn out servitors with new ones. It launched a war and occupied Libya. But the wave of "Arab springtimes" continue. Globally they have achieved an important position as a new front in the battle between imperialism and the peoples. They join those existing in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine. In these countries, the occupation and invasions of imperialists and Zionists have faced heavy resistance. This forced them to reshape their occupation plans and prevented them in a substantial manner from realizing their aims. Apart from the Arab and West Asian countries, people in Latin America, Africa and other regions of Asia have repeatedly taken to the streets to resist the attacks on their livelihoods. The persistent and growing labor strikes and peasant struggles in China is notable.
In this new wave of struggle and resistance we must support and strengthen the struggle for the liberation of peoples and for new democracy, towards socialism and communism, and oppose the pro-Western and Islamist currents which ride the tiger of people’s struggles in order to impose new chains and new subordination to the reactionary classes and their masters of all time, imperialism, mainly of the U.S. and Europe.
The wave of unrest, flaring up of rebellions and struggles involving hundreds of thousands of youth in the imperialist countries is a distinguishing feature of the present world. The exciting uprisings of the proletarian youth, which shakes the imperialist citadels, marks the entry of a new generation. Facing a life without a future, through their rebellions they shout "it is right to rebel" and declare that it is capitalism that has no future. Now fused, now in parallel, this development is coupled to a rise in labor struggles. General strikes have summoned to action the whole workers movement, especially in countries hit hardest by the crisis Greece, Spain, Italy...
The workers' struggles have had a new development in Eastern Europe, where to the bite of wild capitalism following the collapse of false socialist regimes, was added the quick transformation into systems even worse than before.
New waves of immigrants flock to the imperialist countries in hope of a better life. They flee from poverty and war devastations caused by these countries. To reach their destinations they have to put their lives at risk through untold suffering which often turn the seas into cemeteries. The imperialists respond with harsh anti-immigrant laws and racism. The emergence of modern fascism, of police states, the growing frequency of wars of aggression and anti-immigrant laws have been responded to by the masses through the development of anti-fascist and anti-racist movements, and broad movements against the war.
This is the context in which a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges. It has as its reference points and strategic anchor the people's wars led by Maoist parties.
To this we must add the preparation of several new people's wars, particularly in Turkey and South Asia, with the potential for it in Latin America, and throughout the rest of the world, with the constitution of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (MLM) communist
parties. In this framework, the new MLM communist parties in the imperialist countries represent the potential for a quantum leap in revolutionary struggle and the unity of the two currents of the world proletarian revolution: the socialist revolution in the imperialist countries and the new democratic revolution, marching towards socialism, in the countries oppressed by imperialism.
All this shows that the principal contradiction in the world is that between imperialism and oppressed peoples, while both the contradictions between the proletariat and bourgeoisie and the inter-imperialist contradictions also sharpen. In the crisis it is increasingly clear that the revolution is the main trend.
In the current international situation the task of communists is to make revolution in the different countries, because the revolution is the only solution to the crisis, the only way out from imperialism and the only road to achieve the ultimate goal of the struggles of the proletarians and oppressed people.
This demands the strengthening and building of MLM communist parties in each country, as a new kind of communist party, as vanguard detachments of the proletariat and leading core of all the people, as a party fighting for the revolution.
In the countries oppressed by imperialism the perspective of people's war is advancing. In India, the people's war led by the Communist Party of India (Maoist) successfully withstands unprecedented attacks by the enemy and is able to expand and advance. The people's war in the Philippines led by the Communist Party of the Phillipines advances and establishes itself as an important part of the wave of world revolution. The people's war in Peru, initiated under the leadership of the Communist Party of Peru led by chairman Gonzalo remains an ideological and strategic beacon for the whole international communist movement. Though it faces setback due to the attacks of the enemy and from revisionists within the party, the struggle to overcome these hurdles persists. In Nepal ten years of people's war enriched the history and experience of the international communist movement and made significant advance towards the victory of the new democratic revolution. In recent years, however, a revisionist line that betrays the people’s war and the revolution emerged, headed by Prachanda and Bhattarai. The Maoists within the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) [UCPN(M)] must save the revolution and resume its march by revolting against that line and standing firm against centrist vacillations, inside and outside the party. In Turkey, the revolutionary struggles led by the Maoists are advancing in the pursuit of the people's war strategy suited to the conditions of this country, placed as it is amidst two international theatres, the European imperialist countries and the regimes ruled by the reactionaries in West Asia. In other countries of South Asia and Latin America, the people's war is in preparation for new beginnings and progresses. It is a task of communists around the world to put into the practice the proletarian internationalism, popularize and support the people’s wars and revolutionary struggles.
In the imperialist countries, electoralism, parliamentarism and political and union reformism are increasingly in crisis and, through this, revisionism is bankrupt. The need of a revolutionary organization and a revolutionary strategy to overthrow the bourgeoisie and seize the power is increasingly advancing and strengthening in the workers and people's movements.. The idea that as long as the proletarians are not in power it is an illusion to think that their lot will improve
is growing. The workers' struggles and the uprisings of proletarians and young people must coordinate and grow within a perspective of overthrowing the governments and states of the imperialist bourgeoisie, for the seizure of power by the proletariat.
In order to transform these needs into reality, these movements into revolution, we need to build MLM communist parties, in the fire of class struggle and in close link with the masses, for the proletarian revolution, with the MLM strategy of the revolutionary war culminating with the insurrection, adapted to each country according to the concrete conditions.
In all countries we need communist parties based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, able to lead the class struggle in all fields and aimed at seizing the political power. In each country the Maoist communists strive to answer this need for a scientific and determined leadership for the class struggle, by fighting all kinds of revisionist and reformist, or dogmatist and extremist deviations, in all their forms.
Our class can rely on the huge amount of experience through 140 years of struggles and revolutions, from the birth of the glorious Paris Commune through the peaks of the October Revolution, the Chinese revolution and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must learn from both our victories and defeats, from our correctness as well as from our mistakes.
Always in their entire history, the communists have built, participated and counted on an international organization of the proletariat and the oppressed masses. Without the First, the Second and Third International, the communist movement would not have spread to every corner of the world, neither would it have achieved its great victories, and would not have learned the lessons from its temporary defeats.
The battle of Mao Tsetung was an international battle that paved the way to the revival of communist parties after the establishment of Kruschevite revisionism in the international communist movement.
After Mao's death and the end of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) has allowed the Marxist-Leninist-Maoists in the world to begin to unite on an international scale, to resume the march towards a new Communist International.
Today, facing the crisis and the collapse of the RIM, we must rebuild the international organization of MLM parties and organizations on the basis of the positive and negative experiences of the RIM. The current situation presents the need to unite in this new organization all the MLM parties and organizations, inside and outside the RIM, for a political and organizational leap. This is necessary to put the communist movement at the height of the class struggle in the new century. Thus the needs of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, facing the impact of the crisis of imperialism, can be met.

The new international organization must unite in its ranks the genuine MLM parties and organizations that exist and operate in the class struggle, that transform the revolutionary theory into revolutionary practice, that are able to be an advanced and integrant part of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, getting rid of all the old and new waste, not only of revisionism but also of the petty bourgeois revolutionaries and the self-referring "virtualism".
To build this new international organization we must break with revisionism in all its aspects and particularly with those that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM, namely the post-MLM 'new synthesis' of Bob Avakian in the Revolutionary Communist Party,US and the revisionist line established by Prachanda/Bhattarai in the UCPN(M).
The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life must correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization, particularly taking lesson from the positive and negative experiences of the CoRim.

The international organization of MLM communists is and should be the core of a front, of an international anti-imperialist alliance of the proletarians and oppressed peoples.
It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.
Imperialism has no future! The future belongs to communism!


Signed and spread by:
Communist Party of India (M-L) [Naxalbari]
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan
Maoist Communist Party - Italy.

Greves e Luta classista in Brasil



c

BH: Operários deflagram greve na construção

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Operários em greve bloqueiam Av. Abraão Caram, próxima à UFMG, no dia 28/11/2013.
Os trabalhadores da construção de Belo Horizonte e região estão em plena campanha salarial 2013/2014. Luta unificada que conta com a participação dos sindicatos ligados à Federação dos Trabalhadores nas Indústrias da Construção e do Mobiliário de Minas Gerais, Feticom-MG.
Em 24 de novembro, a assembleia geral da categoria, realizada na sede do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores da Construção de Belo Horizonte e Região (Stic-Marreta), aprovou o Estado de Greve. No dia seguinte começaram as paralisações.
No fechamento dessa edição de AND (29/11) a greve já durava três dias. Diversas obras encontravam-se paralisadas em todas as regiões da capital, algumas pela ação espontânea dos operários, revoltados com os baixos salários e as péssimas condições de trabalho, outras por piquetes organizados pelo Marreta.
Durante as paralisações os dirigentes sindicais realizaram agitações nos canteiros de obras, convocando os trabalhadores a aderirem às mobilizações. Segundo o relato de diretores do Marreta, as paralisações contam com grande adesão da categoria. Em cada obra paralisada são organizadas assembléias que debatem a pauta de reinvindicações e a expansão da luta para outros canteiros de obras.
Seguindo o exemplo dos protestos que ocorrem em todo o país, as paralisações próximas a avenidas avançaram para os bloqueios desses corredores pelos trabalhadores, que exigem respostas concretas para suas reinvindicações.
Os operários exigem melhores salários, o fornecimento pelas empresas de almoço e café da tarde em todos os canteiros de obras, o fim da terceirização nos canteiros, melhores condições de trabalho, com adoção de medidas coletivas e individuais de segurança, alojamentos decentes, entre outras demandas.

Patrões fogem das negociações

O Sindicato dos Trabalhadores da Construção de BH e Região entregou, no final de setembro, a pauta de reivindicações da categoria aprovada em assembleia ao sindicato patronal e, até o momento, ocorreram duas reuniões que deveriam ser para tratar da pauta de reivindicações, mas apenas o advogado do Sinduscon compareceu sem sequer fazer referência à pauta apresentada pelos trabalhadores. Os diretores do Sinduscon não compareceram nas reuniões ou se pronunciaram sobre as reivindicações dos trabalhadores.
A proposta apresentada pelo advogado do Sinduscon foi de 7,5% de reajuste, o que, segundo os cálculos feitos pela diretoria do Marreta, equivalem a R$ 1,85 por dia (tomando como base o salário de um servente). Essa proposta aviltante foi unanimemente rejeitada pela categoria na assembleia do dia 24.
A greve continuará por tempo indeterminado, até que os patrões se apresentem para debater e atender as demandas apresentadas na pauta de reivindicações.

Usina de Belo Monte — PA

Milhares de operários em greve

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Belo Monte: greve no Sítio Pimental.
Cerca de seis mil operários paralisaram o Sítio Pimental, um dos principais canteiros de obras da Usina Hidrelétrica Belo Monte, entre os dias 9 e 18 de novembro.
Os trabalhadores protestavam contra as péssimas condições de trabalho, exigindo melhores salários e aumento no vale alimentação.
No dia 11, um piquete bloqueou os portões de acesso ao canteiro de obras. Os trabalhadores ocuparam portarias e impediram a circulação de máquinas pesadas. Somente a saída de ônibus com trabalhadores moradores de Altamira foi permitida.
Em reportagem transmitida por uma emissora de TV local, operários exigem respostas do Consórcio Construtor Belo Monte (CCBM) sobre sua pauta de reivindicações e exigem posicionamento do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Indústrias da Construção Pesada e Afins do Estado do Pará (Sintrapav), que até então não havia se manifestado.
No dia 12, a greve se estendeu aos Sítios Canais, Diques, Bela Vista e Infraestrutura, ganhando a adesão de milhares de outros operários.
No dia 14 o judiciário determinou a proibição do bloqueio das portarias dos canteiros de obras. Soldados da tropa de choque da PM e da Força Nacional de Segurança foram enviados para reprimir a greve e há informações de que grevistas foram demitidos.
Sem respostas do CCBM ou do Sintrapav, os operários decidiram, em assembleia, manter a paralisação até o dia 18 de novembro, quando ocorreria nova assembleia.
Em uma reportagem de um telejornal local transmitida no dia 14 de novembro, o operário Adailton Pereira denunciou:
— Toda categoria está com os salários rebaixados e defasados. Essa é uma das obras que mais recebe dinheiro do governo federal, uma obra milionária e nós temos salários aqui de R$ 700 e R$ 673 — protestou.
Não há informações precisas sobre o fim da greve, sobre o número de operários demitidos ou sobre as respostas do CCBM às reinvindicações. A redação de AND entrou em contato com o CCBM e o Sintrapav por e-mail e até o fechamento dessa edição não obtivemos respostas.

Brasil - FIFA e governo assassinam operários em obras da Copa do Mundo


dez 17th, 2013 | By | Category: Liga Operária Em menos de um ano, somente em Manaus, nas obras da “Arena Amazônia”, três operários da construção foram assassinados. O primeiro foi o trabalhador Raimundo Nonato Lima da Costa, 49 anos, que na madrugada do dia 29 de março/2013, durante trabalho noturno, teve morte instantânea causada por traumatismo craniano ao sofrer queda de altura, ao tentar passar de uma coluna para o andaime.
Outro trabalhador, José Antônio da Silva Nascimento, também de 49 anos, sofreu um infarto no Centro de Convenções do Amazonas, que está sendo construído ao lado do estádio. Todos companheiros da obra alegaram que José Antônio estava há vários dias sem folga, exausto e trabalhando sob enorme pressão.
No dia 16 de dezembro ocorreu o assassinato do terceiro trabalhador. Marcleudo de Melo Ferreira, de 22 anos, caiu de uma altura de 35 metros, quando um cabo se rompeu. Ele trabalhava às 04 horas da madrugada na instalação da proteção lateral dos refletores do estádio, trabalhando em horário noturno, ha quase 20 horas ininterruptamente e sem se alimentar devidamente.
As causas são visíveis, todas oriunda dos interesses e ganância da Fifa, governo e construtoras. Imposição do trabalho noturno,  pressão para entrega da obra, trabalho em local com risco de queda sem equipamentos de segurança coletivo, aberturas no piso sem isolamento ou identificação com o risco de queda e pessoas circulando em área de circulação de cargas sem que a mesma esteja devidamente sinalizada e/ou isolada.
A pressão da FIFA para que os prazos sejam cumpridos sob a o governo brasileiro é escandalosa e assassina.
morte manaus
Companheiro operário morto por exaustão na obra do estádio de Manaus
Fifa e governo assassinam operários com a imposição de péssimas condições de trabalho, trabalho noturno e pressão para entrega da obra
Fifa e governo assassinam operários com a imposição de péssimas condições de trabalho, trabalho noturno e pressão para entrega da obra

US Public Radio interview with Arundhati Roy


Arundhati Roy
Arundhati Roy
West: Brother Tavis, we are blessed to have one of the great and courageous intellectuals of our time. She is Arundhati Roy. We call her Sister Roy. Of course she’s the winner of the Booker Prize of her renowned novel The God of Small Things. She is the author of a variety of very powerful prose, non-fiction prose. She is in the process now of finishing a new text called Capitalism: A Ghost Story.
What a blessing to have you, Sister Roy.
Roy: Thank you, Dr. West.
West: Let’s start, before we get to your magnificent political activism, your visionary political activism, let’s go all the way back to your upraising, your training as an architect very much like Thomas Harding, becoming a great writer like Thomas Harding.
How do you connect your childhood with your training as an architect to your becoming a great writer?
Roy: I don’t know if I’m a great writer.
West: I can testify to that.
Roy: I’m a little embarrassed by all the good things you’re saying about me.
I grew up in south India as the child of a divorced mother which was unusual in that area. You know it’s a very parochial community called the Syrian Christians. My mother had married outside the community and then got divorced and come back to the village.
Growing up there in a very traditional space where caste was practiced, where there was all kinds of bigotry hidden and not so hidden, then growing up outside of this great Indian family unit.
I suppose it just made you look at society and wonder why it wasn’t offering you the certainties and the assurances that it offered a lot of other people from my kind of background.
I think that’s what initially made you want to explain it to yourself through writing.
The architecture was actually something that I did because I knew that I had to do something where I could earn a living very quickly so as to not be dependent on anybody because I knew that once that happened I wasn’t going to have even half a chance to write or to think or be anything other than live a very constricted, suffocating life.
West: The text itself, of course, wrestles with the issues that Embeker and so many other earlier intellectuals in India tried to hit head on which is the humanity of our Dalit brothers and sisters, the so-called untouchables.
Could you say something about what it is to wrestle with that issue even in 1997 or in 2013.
Roy: I would say that it is the most horrifying reality of India today. As horrifying in different sort of ways as it was 100 years ago in a different way. For some reason, for a whole host of reasons though the world has discussed apartheid and race and feminism and economic imperialism somehow caste passes under the banner unnoticed mainly because I think other than the fact that the person that everybody naturally chooses to worship is Gandhi. I could talk for about 3 hours about Gandhi and caste.
Other than that also the progressive intellectual left has enlighted the issue of caste. It doesn’t easily fit into class analyses. But you’re familiar with it because I think in that sense it was the same with race.
West: That’s the reason why Embecker is so very important and ought to be as well-known as Gandhi in many ways.
Roy: Gandhi was not of… I’m not a fan of Gandhi. In fact, very soon I think there will be a little book out in which I set out my views on that.
Smiley: Can you topline those views? That’s a pretty strong statement for some listeners, I suspect.
Roy: I’m reluctant to talk about it before what I’m writing is out. It’s something that is such an exclusive subject and it needs to be discussed with care. First it will have to come out and then I’ll be, you know, set out the context in which I can talk about it.
West: Did you want to say a word about Embeker though?
Roy: Embeker, yeah. I think he’s a heroic man.
West: He’s always been a hero of mine.
Roy: I think what he brought to the national movement in India was an intelligence that was much deeper than almost anybody else in that spectrum, you know. He has been ghettoized and his work has been hidden, more or less. He’s hardly available.
Even though he’s a huge hero among the valley population in India who know his work and his life in every very, very minute detail, he was actually the greatest not just intellectual, not just political, but the greatest moral challenge to Gandhi.
West: He has taught at Union Theological Seminary. I teach here. I do agree with you.
But this book that includes a critique of Gandhi does sound quite fascinating, I must say.
Roy: I’m coming to your seminary to talk about it.
West: Coming to your seminary, coming to Union. Wonderful, wonderful.
Smiley: What do you say to people, how to you respond to people, Ms. Roy, who think that text like the one that’s forthcoming about Gandhi and any number of other things that we could list because you’ve been involved with so many issues, how do you respond to people who think, and I’ve read this critique of you, that you’ve gotten to the point now where you are just being deliberately provocative.
Roy: I don’t think that’s a bad thing to be. I will not necessarily take it as an insult.
Obviously they would have to point specifically to what I was being gratuitously provocative about. Deliberately is okay, gratuitously is not okay.
It would have to be a specific charge about a specific point that we could debate but not just an assessment of my character.
West: Malcolm X used to say though that when you’re sitting on a hot stove that your response is going to certainly have something to do with being deliberately provocative. It’s going to be difficult to be polite when you’re sitting on that hot stove and responding to the pain and the hurt as you have done both in India but also in other parts of the world.
Could you say something, though, about the struggle in Kashmir and the attempt to make Kashmir an independent nation?
Roy: Kashmir is one of India’s noisiest yet best kept secrets if that’s possible. A lot of noise is used as a wall to obfuscate what’s actually going on there. What’s actually going on there is that it is the most densely militarized zone in the world. Perhaps soon to be overtaken by or to be matched, at least, by Chatiscle which is central India, the tribal areas where the mining companies are moving in.
Kashmir since 1990 has seen something like 68,000 to 70,000 deaths, 10,000 people disappeared, tens of thousands tortured. Yet India gets to call itself the world’s greatest democracy.
The ways in which the occupation of Kashmir has become so sophisticated on the one hand and so brutal on the other. They can teach people a thing or two about occupying an unwilling people militarily.
Smiley: Since you mentioned India as the world’s greatest democracy, or some refer to it as the world’s biggest democracy, do you consider it to be a democracy these days?
Roy: There was a time when democracy actually threatened the status quo and countries were being bombed by the U.S. because they were democracies.
Now countries are being bombed in order to install democracies. They have seen it as the most viable weapon for the free market. Democracy in fact has come to mean elections, nothing more than elections.
While we live in a country of a billion people where 100 people own wealth equivalent to 25 percent of the GDP. They own everything. We think we are voting for political parties but in fact we’re just voting for whether it should been Dada ascendants or Reliance ascendants or Adoni ascendants.
It’s a hollowing out of what democracy was meant to mean. Yet obviously it’s not a totalitarian system, it’s not Saudi Arabia or something.
I think we have to wrap our heads around what is being done to us.
West: You had the courage to actually put your body on the line. You have been, of course, criminalized. There are prosecutions against you. You’ve gone to jail. You’ve been willing to be on the ground in people’s movements to try to expand the democratic possibilities in the face of the kind of oligarchic rule and plutocratic rule that you describe.
Do you see movement and do you see progress in terms of the grassroots movements presenting a challenge to the oligarchic rule in India?
Roy: First of all, I have to quickly put in a caveat. Whenever I get praised for putting my body on the line and so I feel a bit embarrassed because the places I go to are where people who don’t have the protection that I have put their bodies on the line. I don’t want to mop up the credit for that. I’m not as brave as they are.
I’m not being modest or false modest. I’m really, I’ve just come back from a place called Lorissa. You see what’s happening, how people are getting crushed. There are thousands of Adivasi people in jail. They have no lawyers, they have no means of coming out. We had something like 3000 custodial deaths in India this last year.
The laws have been changed so that every form of protest against displacement is a terrorist activity or anti-national activity or seditious activity. There’s that.
On the other hand what has happened is that in these central states like Chatisco, Lorisage, Harkun, Botsuwestlingal, where the huge mining companies have moved in and followed by the para-military and now the army is being prepared to be deployed against the poorest people in the world.
Those people have since 2004 managed to stop some of the biggest corporations in their tracks. This is a huge victory. But the elections that are coming now, next year, are about the corporations putting their might behind a man who they believe has the military muscle to push through this wall. The Congress Party has sort of been a bit hesitant and not very successful. Now the corporations are saying that’s enough. We want you to move in. We want the army to move in. We want the resistance to be just wiped out.
They are backing Narendra Modi who oversaw the program against Muslims in Grujat in which 2000 were killed and 100,000 were driven from their homes and women were raped. He’s just brazen about it.
Now they’re hoping that brazenness will transfer to this other kind of resistance.
Smiley: Speaking of women, we are told that India has an epidemic of sexual violence and harassment. Here of course in the U.S. we occasionally hear about these sensational cases.
What is it like, since you referenced it a moment ago, what is it like for women to live in India these days? What are the issues?
Roy: Sexual harassment and rape are major issues. There are rape in one conventional sense, the rape that a man commits on a woman. Within that there are different kinds of rape in India.
There is rape in places like Kashmir, Nagaland and Moneypoove where soldiers have impunity. These are military occupied areas and they have impunity. When they rape nothing happens to them so it happens all the time.
Then you have the feudal kind of rape where upper class men think it’s their right, they have a right to the woman’s body. That too not much is done about.
Then you have the new woman, that is women in India, young women changing much faster than men, moving into workplaces, changing the way they look, the way they walk, the way they dress. This is creating a backlash of violence from men.
You have a rape law in which the legal definition of rape has been expanded and the punishment has been cranked up. But you have these highlighted cases, these phenomenal cases. The phenomena itself is not being addressed by these prison sentences and asking for people to be hanged and so on for one or two cases. Whereas the rest of it punishment is not a certainty.
It’s a complicated time, a time of change, I think, and a time where people are not exactly sure what’s going on. The building blocks of how to react are being put in place but they’re very crude right now. Uncalibrated.
West: Just to shift gears a little bit here. You know that 44 years ago the FBI assassinated Black Panther leader Fred Hampton in Chicago. Of course Assata Shakur, who is in Cuban right now, has a $2 million bounty on her head put forward by the justice department under Eric Holder and Barak Obama.
How do you read from India, you’re in New Delhi right now in the BBC Bureau, how do you read both the Obama administration and the American empire vis-a-vis the kind of causes that you promote?
Roy: I don’t know that I promote causes. I do have a political way of looking at things. In this part of the world, obviously in Pakistan Obama has actually expanded the war and the drone attacks. Maybe he’s not seen as this kind of benign president that he was seen as when he first came to power in the United States.
Otherwise I don’t see Obama as being… I think we’ve gone beyond the point where an individual president is really the pilot of the ship or the captain of the operation.
Just like here, in America, too, you have these huge financial institutions and corporations that are setting the agenda. I don’t think it’s that easy for anyone to head it off in a different direction.
I’m not saying that it doesn’t matter at all who is the president. But it doesn’t matter as much as we think it matters.
Smiley: I wonder since we referenced it at the top of this conversation whether you might say a word about the new text coming out, Capitalism: A Ghost Story. Given that you didn’t want to say much about the Gandhi book I’m somewhat reticent to ask but I wonder if you could at least topline for us what this book Capitalism: A Ghost Story will be about.
Roy: That is actually something that’s already out in this part of the world. It’s really about in India how capitalism has come to mean these few major corporations and how, I don’t think even in the U.S. you have corporations like this which have this cross-ownership of business which allows them to control everything like the Tata’s or the Reliance Group. They control everything from the media to petrochemicals to makeup to publishing and all of that.
Then how they, just like the Rockefeller Foundation or the Carnegie and Ford, I’m not just talking about India, I also talk about how Ford and Rockefeller started. What is their connection with the CIA, with the setting up of the UN. How Ford, for example, really introduced to America the idea of living on credit. You have a situation where, for example, the big literary festival, the Jaipur Literary Festival to which all the major writers of the world come, they speak about free speech and so on.
The sponsors of the festival are mining companies who are busy shooting people or getting people shot or not allowing public hearings to happen, making sure that there is no such thing as free speech.
How this network of capitalism has become so sophisticated that it controls us in ways that we don’t even realize.
West: And the space is left though for resistance, the space is left for critical reflection, or even the space is left for organizing and mobilizing in India would be what?
Roy: While the media is now controlled by the corporations there are so many little pamphlets, little newspapers, little… really subversive things going on. Very, very difficult to control.
For example, in central India where they are planning to deploy army, even this powerful army is not going to find it easy to go in and just take over because there’s a guerilla war going on there and the terrain is not familiar. We haven’t yet come to the stage of being as vulgar and cruel as the Sri Lankan government that can just go and bomb 40,000 people in 10 days after making them gather in no fire zones.
The fight is on here big time.
Smiley: Arundhati Roy joined us from the BBC Bureau in New Delhi, India. Her forthcoming text actually out in parts of the world already is called Capitalism: A Ghost Story.
Ms. Roy, we enjoyed so much having you on the program and appreciate hearing your profound insights. Thank you for your time.
Roy: Thank you so much. Bye.

maoist road supports all political revolutionary prisoners in imperialist and capitalist prisons ! greece hunger strike!

Solidarity from London to imprisoned hunger strikers in Greece

On the morning of December 15th, about 15 comrades gathered in Central London, hung a banner from a bridge and handed out a text to raise awareness about the case of Spiros Stratoulis, currently on hunger strike.
Spiros Stratoulis, on hunger strike since November 11th, is demanding to be given back the right to prison leave which has been withdrawn with the excuse of his being involved in the ”Stekia Thessalonikis” case. Police began investigations, accusing 60 people of participating in actions of the antiauthoritarian and anarchist milieu. Even though the 60 comrades have been released until the trial, Spiros, being already imprisoned, was arbitrarily deprived from his leave permits. The reason behind this is that Spiros is involved in the struggle inside prison as well as in the struggle against the suppression of his prisoners’ rights; he is clearly being punished for his political beliefs. It is noteworthy that the prison director told him to not even dare to think about asking for permission.
The Stratoulis case brings up the disgusting face of the jurisdictional and correctional system of Greece. More precisely:
· the complete violation of the rights of prisoners
· the punishment of prisoners participating in political activities
· the arbitrariness and authoritarianism of prison directors and judges
In solidarity with imprisoned fighter Spiros Stratoulis, Rami Sirianos started his hunger strike on November 21st; E. Mustafa and M. Ramantanoglou on November 25th.
The correctional system is aiming to punish every struggle inside prison and every politicized prisoner for his beliefs; thus continuing the oppression of their ”democratic society” outside the prison, against those who resist and fight for dignity and freedom. The struggle for prisoner’s rights, the struggle for a society without prisons is both long-term and tough.
SOLIDARITY AND RAISED FISTS
FOR THE HUNGER STRIKERS AND POLITICAL PRISONERS
SOLIDARITY TO SPIROS STRATOULIS IN HIS STRUGGLE
FREEDOM WILL BLOSSOM FROM THE ASHES OF THE PRISONS
London Anarchists

Five anarchists go on hunger and thirst strike in Korydalos prison

greek original
Yesterday, on Thursday December 12th, while we were locked in our cells, the human-keeper Giannis Mylonas spoke to us in a derogatory way. Today, when we asked him for an explanation he continued to be quarrelsome – resulting in him taking back a small proportion of the violence he exercises daily with his key.
The prison administration, testing out our limits and our endurance, decided to break up our community. At this moment, the five of us are isolated in the disciplinary section of the Third Wing while our comrades Giannis Naxakis and Babis Tsilianidis have been trasferred to the Fourth Wing and comrade Grigoris Sarafoudis to the Fifth Wing respectively (not in their disciplinary sections).
We are determined to defend our community at any cost, as it is our main vital element in the rotten world of the prison. We do not haggle our dignity before any cowardly servant of legal order.
As of today, 13/12, we go on a hunger and thirst strike demanding the return of both us and our comrades to the First Wing.
Those responsible for what may happen from now on are wardens Vasilis Lamprakis, Giannis Kontopoulos and Nikos Petropoulos; the prison director, Maria Stefi, the attorney Troupi and the head of the social services, Vaso Frakathoula, which form the prison council.
NOT A STEP BACK
PS Our thoughts are with the captive fighters and hunger strikers Spyros Stratoulis, Rami Sirianos, Erion Mustafa and Michalis Ramantanoglou.
STRENGTH, YOU ROAMERS, UNTIL VICTORY.
Charisis Foivos
Ntalios Argyris
Michailidis Giannis
Politis Dimitris
Karagiannidis Giorgos

Democratic Students' Union - Delhi : Nelson Mandela: A Hero for the oppressors, A BETRAYER FOR THE OPPRESSED!

Democratic Students' Union - Delhi : Nelson Mandela: A Hero for the oppressors, A BETRAYER FOR THE OPPRESSED! The mournings & praises from the imperialists and their agents, are Mandela’s “legacy” of brokering one of the biggest sell outs of the 20th century!

Democracy and Class Struggle is re-publishing this criticism of Mandela from Democratic Students Union - Delhi because it is the strongest and one of the best critiques of Mandela we have seen.


Ever since the death of Nelson Mandela on the 6th of December, the most flowery tributes have been showered on him by a wide spectrum of the ruling classes all over the world. While the face of US imperialism Barak Obama “led the world” in paying tribute to “his personal hero”, the speeches his lieutenants in Britian, much of Europe, and across the world  reverberated the same. The mass murderer president of Sri Lanka Mahinda Rajapakshe who oversaw the genocide of the people of Tamil Ealam also had tears to shed for Mandela. The Indian state also gargled the same and declared a four day long state mourning. The same waves also reached our campus. From ABVP to the parliamentary pseudo-left AISA or SFI and their likes, several organizations vied with each other in presenting their laurels to their “hero”. This spectrum is certainly striking, and may even confuse a few as to the real “legacy” of Mandela. However in reality, it is precisely this unanimity of imperialists and their agents that is most revealing. Mandela’s so called legacy is built upon on an illusion, the seeds of which were laid by Mandela himself. It is extremely important that we break this collective iconization and the illusion of Mandela’s legacy.
What exactly is Mandela’s legacy? The checkered political career of young Mandela began with a revolutionary vision to fight injustice and exploitation by white racial tyranny that was weighing heavily upon the black majority of South Africa. It is with this purpose that he joined the African National Congress in 1942 and founded the radical Youth League to wrest economic and political power from the oppressive apartheid regime that racially segregated the people of colour (black, coloured & Indian) from the white ruling minority. This was a regime that came with the mission to fight the "Swart Gevaar" (the "black peril") and the program of "Die Kaffer op sy plek" ("The negro in his place"). In the face of increasing fascist repression, massacres (of the likes of the Sharpeville massacre, 1960) and the banning of several organizations to crush this black assertion, Mandela shunned the path of passive resistance. In 1961 he launched an armed struggle under the military organization Umkhonto we Sizwe (the spear of the nation) to overthrow the white regime. He was arrested soon after in 1963 at the age of 42 and sentenced to life in prison where he would remain for the next 28 years. The armed resistance with its revolutionary agenda however galloped through the 1970s & 80s thereby swelling the ranks of Umkhonto we Sizwe. This was despite the brutal massacres like the infamous Soweto massacre (which was the epicenter of the struggle) where close to 600 blacks were butchered by the racist regime. But alongside, this was also the time when the agenda of the black militants proved too radical for most of the exiled ANC moderates who not only were prepared for a negotiated “peace” but were also instrumental in sabotaging the struggle. During the 1980s, the apartheid regime offered generous loans to a handful of black businessmen leading to the rise of a new black bourgeoisie that was essentially comprador. ANC chieftains quickly moved into mansions in "golf and country estates" and were eager for “peace”. All this while, the brutal apartheid regime enjoyed the support of the west (particularly US & Israel). By this time, the imperialist forces very well realized that with the rising groundswell amongst the black masses, the choice was between revolution or “reconciliation. In other words, a complete economic transformation OR a “peaceful transition” that would leave the white property-owning minority and Western corporate’s interests intact albeit with cosmetic changes. Through the long clandestine negotiations that finally led to his release, Mandela (and the moderate ANC) chose the latter. It is this betrayal of the cause for which thousands of people across Africa gave their lives which made Mandela into an “icon” that he is for the oppressors now.              
“From revolutionary to economic manager: Mandela’s lesson in change”. Ironically, this is not the opinion of a trenchant critic of Mandela. Rather, this is the title of an article written in praise by a corporate media-giant. It succinctly captures the historic compromise of Mandela and ANC in the service of global capital. As early as 1985, years before the world would behold his release, this compromise was being scripted when a group of South African industrialists led by Gavin Reilly, chairman of the Anglo-American mining company, met prominent ANC officials in Zambia. Both sides agreed upon a "transition" from apartheid to a “black-governed liberal democracy” with the requisite "order" & "stability". In other words, justice was sacrificed at the altar of "free market". Leading figures in the ANC, such as Cyril Ramaphosa, head of the National Union of Mineworkers (now a corporate giant), was already negotiating a power-sharing "deal" with the apartheid regime. Secret meetings also took place in England, at which a future president of “liberated” South Africa, Tabo Mbeki, brokered “peace” with the heads of corporations that formed the bulwark of years of racial apartheid. Mandela meanwhile had secret negotiations with the authorities from the Pollsmoor Prison. To facilitate these negotiations, Mandela was shifted from Robben Island Prison (where he was not allowed visitors) prison and these negotiations culminated in his final release in 1990. Soon after that in 1993, he shared the Nobel Peace Prize with his own jailer, the last president of the racist apartheid regime de Klerk “for their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime”.
This “peace” of course came with a grave price. Till very late Mandela pledged to take over or nationalize the mines and other monopoly industries. This was based upon the ideals of the Freedom Charter adopted by him in 1955 that stated that "The national wealth of our country, the heritage of South Africans, shall be restored to the people; the mineral wealth beneath the soil; the banks and monopoly industries shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole; all other industries and trade shall be controlled to assist the well-being of the people”. He also boasted that "a change or modification of our views in this regard is inconceivable".  But, soon after his release, on his first visit to US, he reassured the imperialist west that "The ANC will reintroduce the market to South Africa". When criticized of emulating the ruthless Thatcherite model of neo-liberalism that further impoverished the black majority, his reply was: "You can put any label on it if you like, but, for this country, privatization is the fundamental policy.” Lauded as the most “reliable steward of sub-Sahara Africa’s largest economy, embracing orthodox fiscal and monetary policies” by the Financial Times, Mandela, made sure that the flow of profits from South African mines and agriculture into the coffers of foreign investors and the white business elite was never interrupted.
Mandela facilitated the process of maintaining racial hegemony over resources. While the mandate from the people as enshrined in the Freedom Charter was nationalisation of the country’s assets and the mines, Mandela went into several deals with the white big business to leave their share in the pie intact. He held regular meetings with the likes of Harry Oppenheimer, former chairman of the mining giants Anglo-American and De Beers, the economic symbols of apartheid rule. Shortly after the 1994 election, Mandela, the newly elected black president, even submitted the ANC’s economic program to Oppenheimer for “his approval” and made several key revisions to address “his concerns”, as well as those of other top industrialists. The outcomes of those meetings were that there could be an illusion of “political power” for the oppressed black masses, but the gold and diamonds were to be retained in the hands of the same few who controlled it before. Another shameful instance of the betrayal was the negotiations held around the ownership of the Reserve Bank of South Africa, the most powerful institution in the country. While the people’s mandate as per the Freedom Charter was to nationalise it and bring it under the elected government, Mandela was instrumental in betraying this demand and maintaining it till date as a privately owned bank with 650 (predominantly white) shareholders. Not only was its “autonomy” (i.e., private ownership) safeguarded by the new constitution, but it was headed by the same man who ran it under apartheid. Several such apartheid era figures in key positions, like finance minister Derek Keyes, retained their positions in the new administration under Mandela. Another fundamental pledge of the Freedom Charter that demanded the complete redistribution of land was set aside, replaced with a new clause in the constitution which “protected all private property”. The transfer of ownership of resources and land that forms the real basis for any genuine transformation was deliberately obfuscated by creating the façade of “Truth & Reconciliation” and “rainbow-nation”.
All that Mandela’s “Reconciliation” and embracing of the “free market” entailed was the further pauperization of South Africa’s black majority. He only bolstered racial apartheid by encouraging economic apartheid. While the disparities between the whites and a handful of beneficiary black elites narrowed, they widened between the latter and the teeming black majority. The vast majority of the blacks remain in same conditions, if not worse, than under apartheid. The adoption of privatization as the “fundamental policy” by Mandela right after coming to power spelt the betrayal of all the promises. The blacks who constitute 80% of the population today control only 5% of wealth. Only a tiny fraction (3%) of land owned by whites (87%) were transferred to blacks since 1994. So, while 60% of the blacks remain landless, almost all agricultural land is owned by 60,000 whites. Post-apartheid, the income of 40% of the poorest black families has further shrunk by about 20%. 2 million of them have been evicted from their homes. The privatization of the basic services has deprived millions from water and electricity. The unemployment crisis is also defined along racial lines wherein by 2010, 30% of blacks were officially unemployed as compared to only 5% of whites. In terms of racial distribution of per capita income, black income levels in 2008 was still only 13% of white per capita income, compared to 10.9% in 1993. Behind the charade of “free & fair” environment in Mandela’s South Africa, the blacks were far from being free, and very little was fair. The massacre of 34 protesting miners (mostly shot on their backs by the state police) in the British-owned platinum mine at Marikana last year only serve to testify the ruthlessness of the post-apartheid regime built by Mandela. Liberation was betrayed for ‘Liberalization’.
Mandela through his historic betrayal, sold out the enormous revolutionary potential of the anti-racist struggle that raged through entire Africa against years of brutal racist oppression and exploitation. It is this betrayal that makes Mandela the favoured “saint” of the oppressors - from Obama to the Indian state and their pseudo-left stooges in campus. They draw inspiration from his “legacy” not only for his compromises, but also for his ability to use his prestige & charisma to persuade his own followers - the oppressed - to “reconcile” or sacrifice their own interest for the “greater good” of the oppressive ruling classes. And to paraphrase Frantz Fanon, this precisely has been the “historic mission” of all subservient ruling classes across the world. After all, same was the role of the likes of Gandhi, Nehru and the Indian National Congress in brokering the transfer of power in 1947 from their masters that at the same time safeguarded the oppressive feudal-imperialist nexus. But for the ongoing heroic struggles of the people there can be no “reconciliation” with feudalism, with fascism or with imperialism. The only way forward towards liberation is the completely overthrow of the present unjust order through revolutionary social transformation
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