BOOK REVIEW BY HARSH THAKOR
INTRODUCTION
My warmest salutes to Alpa Shah for writing her book Nightmarch Among India’s Revolutionary Guerrillas. I hardly have an adjective to express my admiration for such a scholastic and creative work which is a vivid firsthand experience of her most penetrative travels in Jharkhand. Above all she was a very witness to the crusaders of liberation, living like one among the Maoists, in their very heart. Few women in the world could ever display the relentless courage and endurance she exhibited in living in the hardest of conditions to integrate with the guerrillas.
She is an
inspiration to the rich and upper middle class who are predominantly sold to
making money to declass themselves and identify themselves with the down
trodden.
Her writing
also scorns the intellectuals who are virtual slaves of the rotten
socio-economic order.
The book depicts
how the Maoist guerrillas of the Communist Party India (Maoist) are based in
the very thick and skin of the masses and the depth to which they deploy their
very idioms. It describes the deep transformation taking place from within
amongst the leaders positively and negatively. She does justice to the
creativity and relentlessness of the Maoists and describes the democratic
advances and dramatic changes they have made to the lives of the people. With
deep insight she probes into the minds or psychology of the Maoist cadres and
leaders.
The book‘s
chapters remind you of the ebb and flow of river flowing or an Ocean.
Like a tapestry she beautifully knits the lives of a set of characters with contrasting qualities giving the sensation of a novel. She ignites the first spark of the book in poetic fashion when she first sets foot it the areas of the Guerrillas in Lalgaon in Jharkhand. It is so gripping that it can make a reader feel as though he/she is part of the whole thing. Such a book is comparable with the best Indian classics on the Communist Movement and gives memories of Edgar Snow's journeys Red Star over China. Just like Snow she based herself in the very heart of the Guerrillas, sharing life with them.
In a very subtle
manner she reveals how the Indian socio-economic order has its unique characteristics
from
Much more
emphasis she felt should be place on Constitutional rights. In her study she
also revealed that there was not sufficient differentiation analyzed on the
socio-economic condition of tribals from peasants in the plain areas.
In her view the
strategy of protracted people's war too has flaws with the penetration of
Imperialism and capitalism through corporates. Adequate autonomy too was not
developed for the tribals in terms of self -governance.
The Book is
divided into 7 parts with 20 chapters. Part 1 is ‘Gong Underground; Part 2 is
on ‘Prashant, the Kid among Goats; Part 3 is on ‘Gyanji, an agile mind;’ Part 4
is on ‘Kohli’s Home Away From home’; Part 5 is on ‘Frankenstein Monster;’ Part
6 is on Somwari’s Autonomy from the shackles of Patriarchy;’ Part 7 is ‘What
Came to Pass.’ Each chapter keeps the reader in suspense in its very own way.
In the first part
in ‘Half a Century of Armed Resistance’, she gives a deep historical coverage
of the genesis of the Indian Communist Movement. The roots of Naxalbari and
Charu Mazumdar are traced and the impact of Maoist China. She also described
the impact of Maoism in
Her
autobiographical chapter in part ‘Following the Call’, reveals what drew her
towards this work is intriguing, inspiring and touching. She describes her
family’s influence whose values were in stark contrast to the typical Gujarati families
of
WHY COMRADES WERE
ATTRACTED TO THE MOVEMENT AND WHY THEY LEFT IT
There is a fascinating account in the various factors that motivated individuals to join the guerilla army and why some even deserted it. They are covered in the Part 2’Prashant,the Kid among goats’,
‘Gyanji,an Agile Mind, ‘Kohlis Home away from Home,’ and ‘Vikas, Frankenstein’s monster.’There is a very
enlightening experience with top Maoist leader Gyanji, who ignites the first
spark of this epic work, around whom the book greatly revolves. It summarizes
the circumstances with which he rejected a lucrative career in the Indian Administrative
Service and what made him extricate himself from the influences of Vedic
philosophy or Hinduism. The metamorphosis described is truly touching in what
lit the spark into his turning into a revolutionary. In spite of coming from a
largely landed family Gyanji imbibed the teachings of Marx, Lenin and Mao.[1]
Gyanji spoke
extensively of the state repression smashing the backbone of revolutionary
activities. In deep depth he covered the unimaginable disparity, justifying the
need for revolutionary violence. He asserted how morally Naxalites were not
committing terrorism. In his view it was almost impossible to undertake open
mass mobilization. He also feared that some people joined the ranks only for
material needs and not with the long term revolutionary goals.
Prashant was born
into a small family in a mud hut in
Another striking
example is how Kohli revolted against his father's misbehaviour towards him. Coincidentally
on the day his father was hit he came in touch with the Maoist zonal leader
Parasji. Nothing motivated Kohli to join school which he felt had no proper
textbooks and a source of black money for construction contractors. In his view
the mid day meal scheme was a source of supply for the black market supply of
kerosene, rice and dal. Nor were there competent teachers.
The egalitarian
values of the Naxalites were elaborated, revealing their humanism and subtle
interrelationship the people. Significance of a Moral economy was highlighted,
confronting extensive poverty, low literacy rates, limited employment
opportunities, social oppression and human rights violation.
The Naxalites
mastered the art of establishing intimate emotional relations which drew
comrades like Kohli into the camp. Within the army units enthusiasm for cadres
was generated to study Communist history New recruits were overwhelmed with
struggles for better wages, land and forest rights etc. The humanism of the
revolutionaries played a more crucial role than the material aspirations
raised. The hierarchies of caste and class were deeply penetrated as a result
of ideological mastery.
Adivasis floated
in and out of squads like fish or birds migrating.
The book gives
instances also about the weaknesses and discrepancies which are reflected in
the narration of how certain Comrades left the guerrillas, even to join Hindu
spiritualism.
Jitesh and
Sureshji. Jitesh worked as a servant for an IAS officer. To save himself from a
murder accusation he joined the guerrillas. With his brother being accused of
murdering his neighbour. His brother too joined the Maoist sqaud to evade
arrest. Suresh was the son of a dalit mother, and not only discriminated as a
dalit, but also a victim of leprosy.
Another
fascinating interview was that of Bimalji who came from a poor family. He left
his teaching post to join Coal workers movement in City of
Other characters
amongst whom this book revolved around were Vikas, Kohli and Birsa. They all
revealed unique characteristics which threw light on the harsh realities
prevailing within the movement.
Birsa was a well
educated adivasi from Lalgaon who was impressed with the work of the Maoists
fighting against displacement of Adivasis by the construction of large dams and
a proposed army firing range. It inspired him to examine life in the armed
squads. After a stint in the Maoist army he left it and became a part-time
village worker.
Vikas was part of
a Maoist operation in Nayagarh in 2008 which acquired legendary status and even
covered by the Indian press. The author’s encounter with Vikas was the most
perfect illustration of how opportunism permeated the highest echelons of the
leadership. In a very subtle manner the author describes how in day to day experiences
she detected the essence of his character in his very machismo. In speaking to
his juniors Vikas displayed masculinity prevalent among upwardly mobile lower
classes in
Birsa, who after
coming out of prison, was frustrated with the hierarchy in the movement,
denying inequality. He accused the mass organizations of comprising of old
Brahman men who could not even refute casteist ideals in their homes, who were
never at the core places of struggle. In his view they organized their
daughter's weddings in traditional Hindu style.
Vikas deserted
the guerrilla army by launching a mutiny from the platoon with eight young men
and seven of the best rifles. Vikas was now aspiring to form his on branch and
working for the Indian security forces and a mercenary gang. After a hearing in
a people's court he was executed for treason.
The case of
Madhusudanji is a classic example of a Maoist leader leaving the ranks to stand
as a candidate for the elections. He initiated his preparations within jail
walls itself. Ironically Madhusudanji was one of the very few dalits who made
it to the hierarchy of the leadership.
In detail
Gyanji's views were expressed on the extent he felt betrayed who owed it to
'inferiority complex. Gyanji also felt that Madhusudanahji paid a deaf ear to
his advice in studying the writings of Marx, Lenin and Mao. It was his great
weakness and one of the reasons she could not read human history, making
history with others, not just an individual making history.
Later Somwari, who
spent 3 months in jail, became a convert to Hindu spiritualism, "She is
now part of an older generation of Adivasis reacting against their world being
rapidly torn apart by guerrillas. Transforming herself by joining these
spiritual sects was possibly a step to re-structure all aspects of her life.
The irony, perhaps, is that this sect is likely to be absorbed by the Hindu
Right."
ESTABLISHING REVOLUTIONARY DEMOCRACY
Chapter
11”Egalitarian Ideals, Humaneness and Intimacy’ described the strides in
revolutionary democratic movement and methods adopted to achieve them. It was
part of the chapter on ‘Kohli’s Home Away from Home.’
An illustrative
description was given of a state level Committee conference of the Maoists,
which took place once every 5 years. The book narrated how guerillas assembled
at such conferences every five years even from neighbouring state of Uttar
Pradesh and
A striking
kitchen was prepared to provide for all the participants. Sacks of rice and
lentils were packed up and a wall dug up to provide for clean drinking water.
Rice and dal or potato curry was boiling on large aluminum vats.
At the
conferences, Maoist activities of the previous years were analyzed and
evaluated, future plans chalked out, and solutions to problems detected.
Crucial discussions would be meticulously evaluated, with intense debates, and
eventually put to vote, with the majority decision being the decider. The
legacy of the Paris Commune was continued in the light of democratic
centralism.
Living examples
of the operation of a Jungle Sarkar were described in the book. After getting
rid of the forest officials, police, thieves and contractors, and establishing
their own schools and mobile camps, The Naxalites undertook redistributive
measures. Ponds were filled to facilitate communal fishing. Forty acres of land
was distributed that had been taken by the state to build a cooperative farm.
The state farm was a virtual cosmetic formation and the Naxalites split the
land into tow parts. Half the land was shared by Kherwar Adivasis and the other
half for feeding the guerillas.
The right to pick
mahua flowers from the forest was also redistributed. Although some people
owned mahua trees on their land, officially the trees were the property of the
state department. The naxalites conducted a survey of mahua trees in the forest
and then summing up the results of several meetings, re-divided the trees to
make sure every household had equal access to them.
Apart from such
re-distribution people's courts settled many a major dispute, especially those
between the higher castes and Adivasis. Such courts gained great credibility in
the eyes of the masses who felt the injustice of the state's courts who always
arbitrarily gave judgments in favour of the ruling castes or classes. The
author witnessed a people's court resolve a battle between 2 brothers, over the
right to pick flowers from eight mahua trees in the forest, decide whether or
not an inter-caste development deserved to be reprimand and even make a ruling
on the allotment of track land to enable someone to build a house.
Football
tournaments were also organized in the rainy season which involved teams from
many surrounding villages. Thirty-two teams entered a competition. Bamboo posts
were erected as goals.
In the winter a
festival was organized to commemorate the ant-colonial Adivasi heroes. Mobilize
thousands of people to lalagaon.
On the 1st
occasion 20,000 people assembled. Ironically, the villagers were critical of
the Jungle Sarcar for getting an artist from the plains which was alien to the
tribals and divorced from their day to day lives.
The maximum
energies are divested on protests and rallies. The venues were literally
illuminated with a red spark with daytime marches, torch-lit processions and
road blocks, with huge participation of villagers.
Projecting the
banner of protests against privatization, liberalization and globalization, they
demonstrated against inflation, for employment under the National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act, and picketed against the corruption of the public
distribution system. Effigies were burnt of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and
Home Minister P. Chindambaram. Local agitations were followed by several other
rallies to highlight their grievances in
Mangra said "Before
the intervention of the Naxalites on the scene, we were not aware of the role
of ministers. The Naxalites educated us on what was due from the state. Earlier
we had no idea that we were entitled to Below Poverty line cards to get
subsidized rations. We were unaware that the National rural employment
guarantee act ensured us work."
METHODS OF
RAISING FUNDS
A separate chapter has been allotted to the manner the Maoists raised their funds. It is Part 14 titled ‘Accelerating the Reach of the State and Capital.’ The guerrillas relied on tapping per-existing black markets in the areas of operation. The 3 main sources were large scale corporations, the illicit company of forest products, and the black economy around state infrastructural development projects.
In the author's
view they were protection rackets. Gyanji justified this as 'taxation", explaining
that it was money that was any case illicit, already circulating through
corruption rackets, or accumulated through exploitation of the poor. He felt
that by grabbing the money from the pockets of rich capitalists, they purified
the money by putting it to use for public good. Under no condition would they
support the anti-people activities of the rich.
Senior cadres
were allotted the portfolio to collect money from the contractors, keep
accounts, and redistribute funds. Middle level leaders like Vikas had financial
responsibilities. They had to coordinate with village elites to decide which of
the villagers would become the contractor for any given scheme, agree to what
level the chosen contractor would implement the project, ensure that the
contractor saved for himself from the construction process only the amount that
had been agreed with the naxalites and they also had to retrieve a
pre-determined amount of money from the building process of the guerrilla
armies.
When the
naxalites came into an area they made inroads into the social networks of
contractors and politicians to raise demands for illicit funs. Guerrillas like
Vikas would tour houses of contractors and politicians in the middle of the
night with their guns threatening the local bigwigs to part with a cut of their
profit to the Maoists.
The Maoists had
now set up their own rules on fund extraction, how much money was to be taken,
and who should be responsible for it. Regulations were also made on how loot
should be distributed -what proportion of the money should be spent on village
health clinics, education in the armies, etc. In tapping illicit funds, the
Maoists recruited cadres like Vikas in the capitalist economy around the mines,
development projects and forest product contracts, but also villagers who
previously had access to these economies. Naxalites not only revised their
local rules of extortion, but also replaced the old contractors with their
chosen village ones.
The Maoists
replaced wealthy town based Hindu and Muslim elite contractors with the more
impoverished of the village middle castes and Muslims. They democratized
contract-running through this manner. Rafiq from the Pathan community was an
ideal illustration, who was a little more than thirty. He lived with his
mother, wife, two children and two younger brothers. It was poor, disenfranchised
Hindu and Muslim men like Rafiq whom the Naxalite leaders slowly befriended to
displace the historically established contractor-politician nexus from the
area. Even if they had no issues with supporting the Maoists as village level
workers they profusely refused joining the red army, on grounds that they were
for low castes.
In the author's
view having not created the infrastructure of a strong counter culture, it was
all too easy for young comrades like Vikas or Birsa to internalize some of the
capitalist and hierarchical values of these elites and seek to differentiate
themselves from others, reproducing the inequalities that these values
generated. This included accumulation of private property, and patriarchical
approach towards woman. Thus a deeply capitalist culture penetrated and
entrapped the Maoist ranks, in the author's view. This diametrically opposed
the goals or aspirations of a Communist society, generating inequality. It
imbibed values of the ruling classes. Gyanji's view was that political
education would combat this. In the view of the author The Maoist movement was
creating class differentiation and imbibing hierarchical values by not
confronting capitalism at its backbone and thus bringing the state closer to
Adivasi lives.
OPPRESSION OF WOMEN
On aspect of
gender, generation, class and caste a chapter was covered. In Part 6 ‘Somwari’s
Autonomy from the Shackles of Patriarchy. In Chapter 17 ‘Gender,
Generation, Class and Caste.’ Issue was discussed at maximum height.
The author
revealed captivating images of woman bearing arms with characteristic pride,
meeting several activists of the Nari Mukti Sangh. In the view of Maoists
“Women hold up half the sky."
The Maoist placed
great accent on redressing issue of gender relations with 40% of the Maoist
cadre comprising woman. Women in the villages played an integral role in giving
food, acting as couriers, caring for sick comrades in their homes and even
hiding the guerillas. In the protests they played a formidable role. In many
regions of the country Naxalites had built women's organizations in the
villages, demanding equal wages for agricultural work, seeking higher wages for
kendu leaf connection, and demonstrating against rape of dalit woman by upper
caste men.
Women even in an
embryonic stage joined the armed units, leading platoon sin battles. Women were
literally sandwiched between the state's army and the Maoist soldiers .Most
made the choice of joining the Maoist ranks. However in other Maoist
strongholds, the number of women taking up guns was relatively low, in spite of
presence of woman's mass organizations. Most women who came within the fold of
the guerilla army departed after a year, mainly being around 20 years of age.
A detailed
description was done of Woman comrade Seema in a meeting at Lalagaon who came
from Andhra Pradesh. Originally she was from a banned Maoist front from Andhra
Pradesh and was deputed by the Maoist leadership to the forests of Jharkhand.
Sitting under a Guava tree with the author she revealed how she was trying to
figure out all day which girls left the Women's liberation front since she had
last visited 3 months ago and which women joined the ranks. Significantly Seema
belonged to a lower caste but was still well educated and spoke fluent English.
Seema also revealed how she had just received a letter from a female guerilla
who had been arrested and who stated that during her torturous interrogation, the
police had asked her about every scar on Seema's body, every mole on her face
and every line on the palms of her hands. The author had deep admiration for
Seema's daunting courage but questioned upholding the traditional monogamous
family structure within the movement and not confronting the male leadership
domination.
Reference has
been made to the heroic life of Anuradha Gandhy towards liberation of women.
Her life achievements were narrated in organizing 5000 workers in a thermal
plant to strike, mobilized house servants, railway workers, power loom workers
and coal miners. Her confrontation with untouchability among dalits in slums
was also highlighted and how she brought dalit question on the revolutionary
map. Her insightful reviews were also praised on women's issues and how she
combated repression from the underground. In the author's view she was the best
example of the teaching that the world was not to be interpreted but changed, as
prescribed by Karl Marx.
The author
narrated stories of 2 of the squad members who left the women's liberation
front for a few days on grounds of illness. She met them in the house of
Comrade Savitri. One of them joined the ranks of Naxalites because she had been
lonely at home after her parents had gone of to
A detailed
coverage is given on Comrade Somwari, wife of Bimal. Bimal had left his wife to
marry Somari. The couple had 2 children. Few weeks after they started living
together the first wife made legal claims on their land and filed charges on
the couple. An allegation was made that Bimal left her when she was pregnant to
marry Somwari. Now the couple had to either give her compensation or face
incarceration. To evade jail, Bimal went to work as a construction worker in
Chennai. Now Somwari took over the household. She brought up her son and
daughter working as a part-time assistant health worker .She leased their land
to a cousin, to till in return for sharing half the produce.
Somwari now
developed feelings for an Adivasi teacher who came to teach in a local school.
However Bimal, returned being worried he would lose his wife.Somwar’s case was
not unusual in choosing one’s own cohabitating partners, to start living with
them and even to have children, with weddings to follow only if they could
afford them. It was also common for women and men to seek other partners if a
relationship did not work.
The author wished
that Comrade Seema came to live with her to witness the relative autonomy of
Somwari and her other Adivasi female neighbours.
EXCHANGES WITH
GYANJI
Part 3 ‘Gyanji-An
Agile Mind.’ Traced the genesis of what turned Gyanji into a revolutionary.
Most
mindboggling exchanges took place between the author and Gyanji. The author
felt the Maoists ignored forms of egalitarianism that already prevailed in
Adivasi Communities. Gyanji firmly felt that the Maoists had failed in laying a
sound educational base with political education neglected. Many Adivasi cadres
left the squads and did not return. Gyanji also highlighted that they needed to
understand the Maoist programme more lucidly.
An intense debate
took place between the author and Gyanji on permitting free sex within,
permitting pre-marital and extra-marital relations. In the author's view it
gave Adivasi women greater economic autonomy and more freedom from their higher
caste counterparts .Gyanji felt such a policy would lead to sexual anarchy and
was counter posed to Maoist ideology. Romantic liaisons were often discouraged
by Maoist leaders. The author went to the extent of asking Gyanji why as a
Marxist he insisted on such subordination of women and cherished family
structures based on tradition.
Hindu rituals
were abolished, but to marry Permission had to be granted from the higher
leadership. It had to be verified that the bonding was due to revolutionary
commitment and not through casual sexual encounters. Divorce was not granted
without proper reason or grounds. Otherwise interview of the Maoist leadership
granting divorce would be a manifestation of individualist thinking,
irresponsibility and anarchy.
The author’s
views were deeply divergent feeling that such an approach would grant a license
for male-caste leaders to control women .Gyanji retorted stating that her views
were very mechanical. In reply she refuted Gyanji by claiming he was undialectical.
In Gyanji’s view
the intensity of state repression literally reduced their revolutionary
activities to military combat alone. In the depths of despair, it was a big
hurdle to rekindle flame of struggle. The state repression acted as an obstacle
to develop political consciousness, political education or mass mobilization.
In his view the main danger was that people penetrated into the Maoist ranks,
without sharing their vision of a Socialist World.-,with the gun becoming just
a propeller towards achieving upward social mobility, within the very systems
the Maoists wish to topple.
The author had
strong conviction that the social base of the system or backbone would be
untouched. In her view the multinational companies would remain which generated
inequality; but the Maoists would kill hundreds of young Adivasi soldiers of
the state armies. Gyanji in reply explained that even it this was true the
people killed had become an arm of the state and they would not target the same
men when they returned back home to their village to visit their families.
The author asked
Gyanji “Is it not the case that the power flowing from the barrel of the gun
will reproduce the very systems that you are trying to extinguish?”
Gyanji replied,
“It is one of the gravest challenges that clandestine underground movement
faces.”
Significantly in
a self-criticism Gyanji states, “The main problem is that our capacity has been
reduced to military needs of war at the cost of political education
of soldiers attention has been elevated to military attacks nod counter-attacks
to confront state repression. Far too much time was spent on planning
formations of attack, military drills and making weapons, and relatively far
too little time allotted to reading, debating and nurturing or moulding a
community away from the arms and the hierarchies of society that surrounded
them.”
The author
had deep conviction that in confronting such oppression counter-violence may be
the only road and only by taking up cudgels of arms can any impact be made.
However she saw the danger of a pitfall in counter-violence turning into the
very purpose or a force that is an end in itself, which would relegate
collective social change to the backseat.
Significantly at
the end she recounts how Gyanji was subjected to perilous conditions within the
prison walls with prisoners denied basic human conditions. The author reflected
the appalling conditions prevailing within jails.
APPRAISAL
For this I have
referred mainly to Part 7 in ‘What Came to Pass’. In Chapter 20 on
‘Incarnations.’
Purely with
regards to the Maoist movement the book makes me question whether subjective
conditions truly exist for launching of protracted peoples war in India with
sufficient agrarian revolutionary revolution existing. No doubt it has
illustrated how the Maoists have ignited a spark which glows like an
inextinguishable star, who resurrect themselves from the deepest depths of
despair. Still it reveals sharp weaknesses in mass line with so many recruits
leaving the people's army and the lack of a coherent or fortified structure. No
mention also of struggle or support of poor peasantry in plain areas. From the
experiences narrated I find a dichotomy between the practice of the Chinese
Communist party in building a base area in
An important
weakness of the book is inadequate depth on the aspect of the relation of the
People's Guerrilla army with the mass movement or agrarian revolution and the
level at which political self-governance has been established or base areas
built. The level of democratic functioning within the Maoist army and fronts is
not touched upon sufficiently. The aspect of mass line has hardly been touched
upon in sufficient depth.
The neo-fascist
element was not analyzed from a Leninist class point of view but from an
'identity' one. She overestimates the development of bourgeois parliamentary
democracy, failing to understand that in reality it is a pigsty. I feel the
author lacks a coherent analysis of the character of the state and the essence
of the politics of the New Democratic Revolution.
To an extent
credibility is robbed of the movement claiming that Maoist destroyed the culture
of Adivasi's communities. It denies a Marxist approach by advocating immersion
in the capitalist economy ‘creation of new communities', and 'need to rely on
the support of pre-existing family relations.
She fails to
understand the essence of theory of Protracted peoples War theory or it's
applicability. No cutting edge is given to politics of practice of people or
revolutionary armed resistance.
Over-emphasis has
been awarded to capitalism and critique of semi-feudal relations by her, failing
to detect that globalization has not destroyed the roots of semi-feudalism. She
fails to understand that semi-feudalism still permeates the countryside with
the existence of money lenders and commission agents and vast presence of
absentee landlordism. Land grabs by upper caste politicians from landless
agricultural labourers, and land auctioned to landless agricultural workers at
exorbitant rates testify this.
Alpa Sha's
conclusions express elements of liberal or anarchist trends when stating that
Dalits and Adivasis would ultimately not seek the withering of the state as a
revolutionary ideal, but aspire to be granted a greater share of the state.
This gives scant respect to the goals of the Maoists aspiring to build a
Communist Society.
The positive
points of the book are that it reveals that in crucial junctures Maoists fail
to apply the mass line or develop democracy at sufficient depth. In her
prolonged coverage she reveals how the military line does not do complete
justice to mass movements or incorporate all sections of the masses and
indirectly even endorses factionalism. The numerous instances of cadre leaving
the ranks testify this, particularly lack of political education.
I also
praise he for applauding the striving of the Maoists to establish revolutionary
democracy and fully justifying it as a democratic revolutionary force. Alpa
Shah has given a most humane image or form to the Maoist Guerillas,
highlighting how they have confronted oppression at it’s very backbone.
Her work praises
how the Maoists mobilized the Dalits and Adivasis who were marginalized at a
crescendo by the rulers. Alpa Shah recognizes the emotional intimacy the Maoist
developed with the oppressed people at the base, which made them an integral part
of the family and kinship network of the Adivasis. Great accent has been given
on the oppression of women and how even the Maoists practice discrimination in
their ranks. The political education campaigns have also been praised. I
appreciate she has not exhibited revolutionary romanticism like Arundhati Roy
in her writings on the Maoists. Above all her account illustrates the
importance of Che Guevera's words on imbibing or inculcating an inner change
within man.
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