Crises, wars, repression, oppression, unemployment, poverty.....! the unified position of mlm parties and organisation in may first declaration calls to develop unity and struggle in the next year for a new international conference!

Crises, wars, repression, oppression, unemployment, poverty!
 Proletarians and oppressed peoples, let us unite and take the future in our hands!
 Long Live Revolution!


Imperialism continues crossing a deep economic crisis and unloading it on the proletarians and peoples of the world. They speak about recovery, but the only thing that recovers is the rush to profits, wealth and arms. For the proletarians, poor peasants and other people’s masses in every country of the world, instead, we see unemployment, labor laws increasing precariousness, exploitation and slavery, misery, plunder of raw materials and energy resources, devastation of environment and territories. Youth without work are now the majority, in spite of their educational and cultural growth. New technologies are used to make more profits, intensify exploitation and the despotic command and control on labour and increase the destructive power of arms. Against this situation proletarians and masses rise up, in the imperialist countries, as well as in the countries oppressed by imperialism. Proletarians and masses cannot accept a worse and worse condition of life and work; a life of hardship with neither hope, nor future, and they hate more and more their oppressed and harassers. In the oppressed countries, workers, peasants and youth have repeatedly come out in the streets braving severe repression to fight back the attacks on their livelihoods; the peasantry, main force for the New Democratic Revolution, withstand the reactionary antipeasants policies of displacement and annihilation and persist in the struggle for lands against old and “new” forms of semi-feudal domination, base of the imperialist rule. In the imperialist countries the uprisings of youth and immigrants from Ferguson to Stockholm, to the banlieues in Paris, the general workers’ struggles, which often clash with the repressive apparatus of the State. All of this shows that the revolution, as tendency and need, is increasingly emerging and clashes with the reactionarization and fascistization of states and governments. Wherever, in the struggles and people’s wars, the forefront role of women advances, to put an end to the heinous class and gender oppression that fills the streets of the world with rapes, femicides, and to demand a revolution for a true liberation. In order to face and prevent the people’s rebellion, imperialists, their States, their right or claimed “left” governments, respond with fierce repression, massacres, persecution; demagogy and plotting. They establish police states that rub out political, social and individual freedoms, in a vain attempt to stop the people’s wave and the revolutionary organization of masses. They also employed the enticements of the electoral farce of reformists, social democrats and revisionist in order to contain the rage of the mass within their reactionary system. These forces foster the illusion that some ‘pro-people’ government can overcome the ravages of the crisis; for instance, in Greece, highest expression of the crisis in Europe, forces of new social democracy as SYRIZA, come to power as a last resort, but they are not able to stand up to the diktats of European capital and banks or give response to the needs and struggle of masses. Also if the service done to imperialism by such fake left forces who misguide the masses still remain as a hurdle, in many countries the masses respond with the intensification of the class struggle and an increasingly massive abstention and boycott. In Ukraine and Eastern Europe reactionary, also Nazi-like, forces advance, supported by US, EU and NATO, in a framework of inter-imperialist contention with Putin’s Russia. The masses are justly struggling against fascism and Western imperialism, but they need a genuine communist leadership to be not pawns of imperialist Russia expansionism. The rebellion of proletarians and masses demands a radical change and the only means to achieve this is to overthrow, weapons in hand, the ruling classes and establish a new society free from exploitation, oppression and imperialism. Within the crisis, inter-imperialist contradictions become sharper and tendency to a new world partition war becomes more and more insistent - although the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed peoples and nations remains the principle contradiction in the world - the revolution remains the main trend and is embodied by the potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution. In order to become successful new democratic revolutions marching to socialism in the countries oppressed by imperialism, and proletarian and socialist revolutions marching to communism in the imperialist countries, the rebellions of masses need a genuine revolutionary communist party in each country, a united front of all the exploited and oppressed masses led by the proletariat and a revolutionary people’s army. Where the masses lack these instruments, their heroic and bold struggles are defeated and / or end to be prey of reactionary forces, always tied to the imperialist system, that can not free them from the social, economic and political chains. In the name of the war on terrorism, imperialism unleashes wars and domestic terror. But imperialism is the true terrorism, the monster that we must fight and overthrow. What in the world is worse than imperialism? Imperialism, especially US, intensifies the policy of war, invasion and aggression in Iraq, Afghanistan and fosters wars in Syria, Libya, Yemen and throughout the Middle East and West Asia. They respond to the people’s revolts in the Arab countries by installing in power forces that continue the policy of the old tyrants and regimes, as in Egypt, in cahoots and alliance with the Zionist gendarme, Israel, and other reactionary regimes in the region, from Turkey to Iran, Saudi Arabia. In these wars and interventions, they arm feudal and reactionary forces which then turn against them, bringing the war within the imperialist countries themselves with fierce attacks that undermine the security and strength of those States, within which there are masses and sections of rebel immigrants who hate imperialism. In the field where these direct and indirect interventions took place, imperialism continues applying the policy of Low Intensity Conflict (LCI) with agents and plots to put masses against masses, to divert the target of the struggles of the oppressed peoples from their main enemy, with the aim of dividing the anti-imperialist united front, as now in Syria facing the Arab and Kurdish masses. Where the ISIS advances, the masses fight and resist, as Kurdish masses, with a leading role of women, in the front row in Rojava, Kobane. But only by fighting with the People’s War, not only the ISIS but also imperialism and the reactionary regimes in the region, the masses can free themselves from social and national oppression. The bourgeoisie and its sophisticated intellectuals, in the imperialist citadels as in the centers of culture in the countries oppressed by imperialism, sing the funeral of the working class and its ideology, powerfully drawn by Marx, Engels Lenin, Stalin Mao, but in every corner of the world we are witnessing a huge resumption of the workers’ struggle, classist and combative, that shakes the citadels of capital, also in China, as well as all countries of the alleged development of capital , the so-called, “emerging countries”. In the imperialist system, big countries, such as Brazil, Turkey, etc. are crossed by strong struggles of workers, peasants and other masses and show how the economic rise of these countries under the rule of imperialism makes them "giant with feet of clay" and land of revolution. There is no place in the world that does not see tensions and sharpening of the class struggle. In this framework it is the People’s War, led by Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, the only strategic reference of the liberation struggle. The People’s War in India, hitting directly at one of the major bastions of imperialism and reaction in the world, has roused great enthusiasm among the revolutionary masses all over the world and become a powerful internationalist rallying point. Together with the People’s Wars in the Philippines, Peru, and Turkey, it continues to undermine imperialism and shows the path to overthrow the system of exploitation and oppression of imperialism and the feudal reactionary forces and the construction of a new power and society. The Marxist-Leninist-Maoists communists in the world must construct and strengthen Communist Parties to take up their tasks of leadership and development, ridding their ranks of revisionist and capitulationist tendencies, as Prachandism in Nepal, Avakianism in the US, the Right Opportunist Line, in all forms, in Peru, etc., without falling, at the same time, into the sterile petty bourgeois revolutionarism and dogmatism. The building of the communist parties must take place in the fire of the class struggle with close ties with the masses, in function of the revolutionary struggle for the power. This May Day 2015 calls us to lift high and strong the red flag of communism and revolution in every demonstration, in every antiimperialist struggle in the world, bringing and renewing with strength the slogan of: “Proletarians and oppressed peoples of the world, unite!” Let us unite to stop imperialist and reactionary wars, to crush imperialism and reaction around the world! Let us salute the martyrs of the people and revolution, let us support the struggle and free revolutionary and communist political prisoners around the world! Let us bring forth the genuine proletarian internationalism in the leadership of proletarian struggles, in the struggles of the peoples to create the conditions and advance towards an international organisation of communists Let us support people's wars until victory! Let us take the future of communism in our hands! Declaration signed by: Collective of Iranian Maoists Committee Building the Maoist Communist Party, Galicia, Spanish state Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan Communist Movement of Serbia Communist Party of Brazil Red Fraction – CPB (RF) Communist Party of Ecuador Red Sun – CPE (RS) Communist Party of India (Maoist) Communist Party of Turkey / Marxist-Leninist – TKP/M-L Democracy and Class Struggle, British State Great Unrest WSRP, Wales, British State Long March Towards Communism, Spain Maoist Communist Group, USA Maoist Communist Movement Tunisia Maoist Communist Party Italy Maoist Communist Party Manipur Maoist Revolutionary League - Sri Lanka Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party Construction Committee (Germany) MLM-PAK Network of communist Blogs New Communist Party (Liaison Committee) USA Peru People’s Movement (Committee for Reorganizing) Red Fraction of Communist Party of Chile – RF CPC – PPM (CR) Red Block (Unity of Maoists) France Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR-RCP Canada) Revolutionary Intellectual -Cultural Front, Nepal Revolutionary Praxis - United Kingdom Serve the People - Communist League of Norway Servir le Peuple - Sheisau Sorelh - Occitany - French state Workers Voice – Malaysia

Brasil - AMAZONAS: ESTUDANTES EM APOIO À LUTA POR MORADIA

Por Comitê de Apoio do Jornal A Nova Democracia - Amazonas
Nos últimos dias 25 e 26, o Movimento Estudantil Popular Revolucionário - MEPR, estudantes de alguns cursos da Universidade Federal do Amazonas e o Comitê de Apoio do Jornal A Nova Democracia realizaram atividade em apoio ao acampamento realizado pelos moradores da Comunidade Cidade das Luzes, que passou pela criminosa reintegração de posse no dia 11 de dezembro.

Nos dois dias, além da doações de roupas e materiais de higiene, também foi realizada a exibição de filmes. É essencial ligarmos estudantes e intelectuais às lutas das classes trabalhadoras. Ligar-nos a essas lutas significa, entre muitas questões, que estamos em acordo com a afirmação do presidente Mao em seu texto 'Sobre Orientação do Movimento da Juventude', onde ele apresenta qual o critério para determinar se um jovem é o não um revolucionário: “Verificar se esse jovem quer ou não ligar-se as grandes massas operárias e camponesas, e se efetivamente se liga a esta".

in USA mass mouvement asks ' stop police murders!

EEUU: Terroristas de azul auspiciados por el estado

 

 

2 de diciembre del 2015: Policías de San Francisco ejecutan de más de 20 disparos a Mario Woods de 26 años de edad. En el video se le ve a Mario Woods frente a un muro, rodeado de una manada de policías. Parece que es un fusilamiento. A Mario se le ve coger, de repente cae ante la acribillada. El jefe de policía de San Francisco, Greg Suhr, justificó el asesinato después de ver el video.

23 de septiembre del 2015: Policías de Delaware disparan y matan a Jeremy McDole, un hombre negro de 28 años de edad, paralizado desde la cintura para abajo y residente de un asilo. Cuando el video empieza un policía entra a donde McDole está en una silla de ruedas. El video dura 1 minuto y 23 segundos, y cuando termina Jeremy McDole está tirado en el piso MUERTO. El primer policía se acerca, apuntando un arma larga, 4 segundos después abre fuego, empieza a gritar que ponga las manos arriba. Carga el arma, listo para disparar otra vez. Llegan 3 policías más, con pistolas desenfundadas. Se le ve Jeremy equilibrarse en la silla de ruedas. El tipo que está grabando dice: “Está sangrando, está sangrando”. No se ve ninguna pistola en manos de McDole. Le siguen gritando que ponga las manos arriba. Unos 35 segundos después de que llegaron los otros policías se escucha una ráfaga de disparos. Y se le ve a Jeremy McDole caerse de la silla de ruedas al suelo.

1° de marzo del 2015: Policías de Los Ángeles disparan y matan a Charly “Africa” Keunang, de 43 años que emigró de Camerún, durante un altercado en la banqueta de Skid Row cuando le querían arrestar por sospecha de robo. En su demanda, la familia Keunang dice que la policía fue porque otro desamparado llamó diciendo que Keunang posiblemente tenía enfermedades psicológicas y que podría estar “padeciendo un episodio”. Keunang “habló tranquilamente con los policías” antes de meterse en su carpa. Los policías descargaron las pistolas Taser adentro de la carpa, lo sacaron a rastres, lo tiraron al suelo y empezaron a golpearlo. Luego abrieron fuego y mataron a Charly Keunang.

Un exmarine de EEUU confiesa las atrocidades que cometieron en Irak

 

Vincent Emanuele, exmarine de EEUU que participó en la guerra en Irak, explica en un artículo sus motivos para confesar las torturas y el maltrato de inocentes durante la última contienda en Irak.

 

"He visto a mis compañeros marines matar a personas inocentes, torturar a civiles inocentes, destruir la propiedad, mutilar cadáveres, reír y tomar fotos de las personas mientras hacían todo esto", confiesa a RT Vincent Emanuele.

 

Hace dos semanas, tras 10 años de reflexión y activismo, el exmarine publicó el artículo 'I helped create ISIS: testimony of an Iraq war veteran' ('yo ayudé a crear el Estado Islámico: testimonio de un veterano de la Guerra de Irak').

 

"Mis pesadillas y mis reflexiones diarias me recuerdan de qué nació el EI y por qué concretamente nos odia", confesó Emanuele en su texto, en el que describió las torturas, la violencia y el maltrato por parte de soldados estadounidenses a los iraquíes, niños entre ellos, a menudo por diversión.

 

En el texto el activista recuerda cómo tiraba los desperdicios de la comida desde su vehículos armados en Irak y cómo sus compañeros lanzaban botellas llenas de orina y otra basura a los niños. Confiesa que no sirvió en ningún campo de detención, pero recuerda las historias sobre torturas, incluso sexuales, que tenían lugar en estos, donde servían los "adolescentes" de EE.UU.

 

"Conocemos a un exrecluso que sobrevivió [a uno de estos campos]: Abu Bakr al Baghdadi, el líder del EI", resalta.

 

"Sabía que lo que veía estaba mal, sabía que era inmoral, sabía que era injusto, sabía que era ilegal", explica Emanuele. "Sabía que íbamos a sufrir graves consecuencias en forma de contragolpe como lo que estamos viendo con el Estado Islámico", agrega.

 

 

Después de años de autoformación y contacto con otros activistas, el exmarine llegó a la conclusión de que el problema iba más allá de la guerra en Irak. En su opinión, el verdadero problema es el largo historial de agresiones de EEUU no solamente en Oriente Próximo, Norte de África, Afganistán, Vietnam, Corea, sino también "los cientos de años de prácticas genocidas": matar a los aborígenes, esclavizar a los afroamericanos, los intentos de dominar en América Latina, robar la mitad del territorio mexicano, etcétera.

 

"Tenemos que reexaminar cuidadosamente el papel que EE.UU. ha tenido en el mundo", explica, y denuncia que es algo que los políticos y los medios convencionales de Occidente nunca han querido hacer.

 

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the force of the maoists in India are the masses!

 MAOISTS HOLD MEETING TO WIN VILLAGERS’ CONFIDENCE
Maoists are reportedly losing support of tribal in Nawadih block of the Bokaro district a stronghold of the rebels that shares borders with Giridih and Hazaribagh. The rebels have enjoyed an advantageous position in Nawadih block due to solid tribal support. But sources said excess interference of Maoists in the day to day life of tribals is eroding their support base in the area.To build confidence among villagers of upper ghat, a Maoist-affected block of Bokaro district, held a meeting at the forest area of upperghat here on Sunday night ,sources said.

According to sources, more than 100 rebels including local villagers, assembled near Kachho and Pipradih forest areas .The meeting has been described as local issue and slow pace of implementation of schemes in the villages of 18 panchayat of Nawadih block of the Bokaro district have been issued of the meeting, sources said.

India MOdi's regime murder! a comrade killed in a police station

Suspected Maoist commits suicide at Ghatshila police station
Jamshedpur : A 19-year-old youth who was a suspected member of CPI Maoist committed suicide at the Ghatshila police station lock-up in the wee hours today. The deceased was identified as Ramesh Mahali alias Bhuchan, a resident of Shyamsundarpur in Ghatshila sub-division of East Singhbhum. According to information, Bhuchan was one of the three accused who had killed Venket Reddy (40), site in-charge of a construction company, at Shyamsundarpur jungle after kidnapping him from Kharkasoli, a canal construction site along Subernarekha river in Shyamsundarpur on December 8. In this connection, the police had already arrested Jairam Munda, an close associate of dreaded rebel Fogra Munda and sent him jail earlier.

The more accused Fogra and Bhuchan were still absconding. Bhuchan was arrested in Shyamsundarpur yesterday and had been shifted to Ghatshila police station for being forwarded to the Ghatshila Sub-jail after his production in a judicial magistrate court in Ghatshila today, but he committed suicide in the lock-up today. The police discovered about the incident and later shifted the body to the MGM Medical College mortuary for post-mortem,” noted an official.

India - SATP on CPI (Maoist) strategic shift towards base building and urban work in Maharashtra

…There has been a clear downward trend in other patterns of violent activities as well. The Maoists orchestrated one blast in Gadchiroli District in 2015, as against three such incidents in 2014, and seven in 2013. They were involved in four arson incidents in 2015, as against one in 2014. In one such incident on January 22, 2015, the Maoists set on fire around 14 vehicles of an Andhra Pradesh-based private company engaged in road construction in the Dhanora tehsil of Gadchiroli District. The Maoists roughed up a few labourers and their supervisor when the work on the Gharanji-Pustola stretch was underway for the connecting road between Edampayali and Korkoti.
Amidst the slump in their activities in Maharashtra and elsewhere, the Maoists are shifting focus towards recruiting active supporters and are planning the formation of a Revolutionary People’s Council, to function parallel to local civic bodies like panchayat samities (village committees) and zilla parishads (district councils). This was revealed during the interrogation of a senior Maoist cadre arrested by the Gadchiroli Police.

Meanwhile, in a press statement, the CPI-Maoist acknowledged the death of ‘central committee’ member, identified as Sridhar Srinivasan aka Vijay aka Vishnu, of heart attack on August 18, 2015. The Maoists also acknowledged that Srinivasan was active in the Mumbai, Pune and Vidarbha regions before his death. These revelations strengthen the apprehension expressed by Chief Minister Fadnavis that the rebels are trying extend their influence into these urban spaces…

The Maoist Party-Ajith 2009

-ajith
What should be the qualities of an organisation to become the vanguard of a new society and humans, what should be the methods of party building corresponding to this, what should be the position of the party within the dictatorship of the proletariat? Can a proletarian party retain its communist qualities today without becoming a Maoist party? Is the Maoist party just another name for communist party? Or does it contain something new, in its very nature and methods of work?
In the capitalist age, classes (or sections within them) express and realise their interests mainly through the instrument of political party (a social organisation). Marx posed the necessity for the proletariat to form its own party in order to achieve its aims, contending with enemy classes. This was developed as a scientific theory, verified and established through practice, by Lenin. The core of the Leninist party concept are professional revolutionaries; those who devote themselves completely to revolutionary activity, who make this their profession. It has been criticised that this leads to an elite who lord over the proletariat. Further, Lenin’s viewpoint that workers cannot, on their own, arrive at the ideology guiding their liberation, his proposition that it must be reached to them from outside, have been remarked as a celebration of elitism. The Leninist party concept is accused of being the concrete expression of this mindset, one that undervalues the potential of the workers. Some argue that while the evils of this party concept were held in check by Lenin’s personal qualities so long as he was alive, they broke out in a monstrous death dance under Stalin. (Pearson, Mathrubhumi – 87/3, March 29, 2009)
Let us first acquaint ourselves with the ideological struggles that took place on this issue, during the period in which the Leninist party concept took form. Its starting point was the debate in the Second Congress of the undivided Russian Communist Party (then known as the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party) on the matter of the party constitution. The Rightists (Trotsky too was part of this) accused Lenin’s draft statutes of promoting ultra-centralisation. Even his insistence on membership criteria that made it mandatory to join a party committee and participate in its practice was, in their view, an example of unwanted centralisation. Their counter-proposal would allow anyone who helped the party be its member. They would thus make it a loose organisation of spare-time activists. This was the crux of the difference between Lenin and his adversaries.
Lenin clearly realised the need for an organisation of those prepared to be frontline activists in a revolutionary movement aimed at seizing power, those who devoted their whole lives to this task and thus acquired the necessary leadership qualities and skills. His party concept evolved from this vision. The specific situation in Czarist Russia, which ruled out all open activity and made it imperative to constantly evade the secret police, certainly was a major influencing factor in this. The weight of such specificities can be seen in Lenin’s insistence on the total centralisation to be enjoyed by the party’s leading body and the strict division of tasks – almost like the division of labour in a modern factory – among different party committees and members of the committees. But is must also be noted that a departure from the 2nd International’s party concept was implicit in this approach, though the immediate context it addressed was the Russian situation. This is where Lenin separates from his contemporaries on the party question. Leaving aside diehard Rightist attacks, let us elaborate this by getting into the criticisms made by Rosa Luxembourg, and also Trotsky (who was in the revolutionary camp for a while).
Luxembourg characterised Lenin as the representative of the ‘ultra-centralist’ tendency within the Russian revolutionary movement. This criticism was grounded in her view on the relation between the revolutionary mass movement and the party. Luxembourg argued that, “Centralism in the socialist sense is not an absolute thing applicable to any phase whatsoever of the labor movement. It is a tendency, which becomes real in proportion to the development and political training acquired by the working masses in the course of their struggle.”; “The fact is that the Social Democracy is not joined to the organisation of the proletariat. It is itself the proletariat. And because of this, Social Democratic centralism is essentially different from Blanquist centralism … It is, so to speak, the “self-centralism” of the advanced sectors of the proletariat. It is the rule of the majority within its own party.” (‘Organisational Problems of Russian Social Democracy’, emphasis in original) This narration, with its emphasis on the voluntary nature of a Communist Party’s centralisation, more or less negates the difference between the class and its advanced elements, between the party and the broad revolutionary movement. Though the word Luxembourg uses is ‘self-centralism’, in effect it becomes synonymous to ‘spontaneous’. The thinning out of this demarcation is also visible in Trotsky’s contestation, “If the division of labour can be considered as an organisational principle, it can only be in a factory, but never in a political party of any kind, still less in ours – is it not obvious to us that the “principle” of the division of labour is in no way characteristic of the organisation which has made it its task to develop the class consciousness of the proletariat?” (‘Our Political Tasks – Part 3, Organisational Questions’, emphasis in original)
Lenin did not deny the voluntary nature of party centralisation. It is not imposed, but voluntarily acceded to; consciously taken up by all with the interests of revolution in mind. This is Lenin’s concept of voluntary centralisation. Contrary to Luxembourg’s ‘tendency’, which must be realised through the course of struggles, for Lenin, the methods of a centralised party, including its division of tasks, is something to be consciously established and trained in from the very beginning. Yet this does not negate the positiveness of revolutionary spontaneity.
To repeat, Lenin’s point of departure was the type of organisation needed to organise and carry out revolution. He arrived at a solution by assessing the concrete situation of the enemy and the people, rather than starting out from some preconceived notion of revolution, or of the proletariat and its development. Thus, during the revolutionary upheaval of 1905, in place of the strictest centralisation and guarded recruitment he had been favouring till then, Lenin argued for forms of organisation capable of incorporating the greatest number of militant working class masses. (New Tasks and New Forces, Volume 8, pages 209-220)
This was not a case of Lenin going against Leninism, it WAS Leninism. In this instance, he was guided by the assessment that the revolutionary zeal of the masses, seen in that situation, would to a large extent make up for their ideological, political weaknesses. This displayed deep faith in the masses and a dialectical grasp of the relation between conscious steps and spontaneity within a revolutionary movement. Without doubt, Leninist centralisation and organisational principles are not some absolutes meant to be implemented ‘regardless of the stage’. Its work division does not abandon the task of raising the consciousness of the whole party membership and the widest possible mass.
Did the later day international communist movement loose Lenin’s exemplary, dialectical, handling of the vanguard concept and organisational methods formulated by him? It would be far more profitable to pay attention to such differences rather than running after individual traits of leaders as Pearson does. Lenin was concerned about the dangers posed by universalising Bolshevik party statutes, regardless of time and place. In a report to the Communist International (Comintern), Lenin observed that its organisational principles have a strong Russian flavor, and doubted whether comrades from other countries would be able to grasp it properly (Report to the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, Volume 33, pages 415-432). In those days of haste to rupture from the loose organisational methods of the 2nd International this concern didn’t draw attention. Meanwhile, stricter centralisation was demanded of the Russian Communist Party, which had by this time become a ruling party. The iron unity of the party was of critical importance for the very existence of the revolutionary state. This was the context in which the 10th Congress of the Russian party decided to end all groups within the party and their publications, departing from its existent practice. Later it became part of the foundations of communist party organisational principles.
Throughout this period, Lenin, the Russian Party and the Comintern were of the view that a revolutionary advance was imminent in Western Europe. Political developments in various countries testified to this. The immediacy of this situation must certainly have influenced the formulation of organisational principles. However, the revolutionary situation that was forming up dissipated. At this point Lenin drew attention to the need for a thorough evaluation in order to work out future steps, in the situation of ebb. But before he could grapple with this he was bedridden by an assassin’s bullets and died. It is not known whether the party concept and its organisational principles were among the issues he had in mind for review. At any rate this is not what was seen later. Statutes and methods of work adopted in a particular situation were later theorised in a very mechanical manner.
Stalin’s concept of monolithic party was prominent among his mechanical errors. This was the model followed by the international communist movement – till it was criticised by Mao. An outlook of worshiping the party as a power that could not be questioned and was always correct got strengthened. The influence of mechanical thinking, which denied internal contradictions and class struggle in socialism, was evident in Stalin’s party concept. It was not grasped as a space of active contradictions, as an organic entity which must continually renew its leadership position and relevance in society by grappling with external and internal contradictions. Ideological struggle became formal. Democratic centralism froze up into relations of domination and subservience. As could be expected, there was a difference in this between parties in power and those struggling for it. In the latter case, the necessities of sustaining under enemy suppression compelled greater reliance on the people. Self-criticism, rectification and ideological struggles over such issues livened up the atmosphere in the party. Yet, the constrictions of the monolithic party concept were ever present. Purging of membership gained prominence, compared to ideological rectification. So long as the party maintained its Marxist-Leninist orientation this usually meant removal of those who had lost their communist qualities. But even then, ideology took a back seat in the whole process; the organisational aspect stood out.
Mao broke away from this negative tradition and the mechanical thinking underlying it. This was literally a re-construction of the vanguard concept. And it opened up the way to a deeper, richer, understanding of the proletariat’s leading role and the Leninist party. Mao’s departure from existent thinking on the party concept can be seen right from the very beginning. His report on the Hunan peasant movement, written in 1927, observed that any revolutionary party failing to give leadership to the insurgent peasantry would be rejected. This statement, that the peasants – seen as backward in Marxist theory till then – will test and determine the revolutionary character of a proletarian party, was nothing but a daring subversion of absolutist thinking on the leading role of the communist party. It provided space to problematise the proletariat’s historical leading role and the vanguard concept.
Though other classes and social sections will be important partners in the historical movement to destroy capitalism (its highest stage of imperialism) they cannot provide leadership. In each instance the issue of liberation is specific – land in the case of landless peasants, caste oppression for Dalits, male chauvinism for women, ethnic oppression for Adivasis, national oppression for oppressed people, religious persecution for minorities and so on. Being specific they are also partial, in the context of the whole revolutionary project. But this is not the situation of the proletariat. Capitalist bondage is different from earlier exploiting systems like caste-feudalism. It imposes no other compulsion on the workers other than the pangs of hunger. And since, in principle, they are free, there can be no specific liberation suiting them. Every form of exploitation and oppression must be ended. Thus the emancipation of the whole of humanity becomes a precondition for the liberation of this class. The leading role of the proletariat derives from this objective social position. It obliges the proletariat to continue the revolution all the way up till realising a world rid of exploitation.
If this Marxist understanding of proletarian leadership is absolutised it would certainly lead to reification. (Sandeepan, Munnaniporali, 131) Both the history and present of the international communist movement illustrate how this emerges with mechanical equations, where proletariat = revolution and communist party = vanguard. On the other hand, economist impulses often seen in the upper strata of the proletariat, social passivity engendered by revisionist, reformist politics that strengthen this economism, and changes seen in the nature of labour and work places, have given rise to views that abandon the proletarian leadership concept. Carried away in the tide of identity politics, they believe that, in future, these movements will give leadership to social change.
Thus we have the two. At one end, reification of the proletariat and the communist party, selfishness that hoists this banner to justify fleeting necessities as common interests. At the other, the lethargic plea to reduce our sights to the partial, to abandon the noble task of an exploitation free world since it is a mere myth. Maoism cuts through this vicious circle. The leading role of the proletariat and the vanguard position of its communist party are potentialities contained in historical circumstances. They can only be realised through creative intervention in the historical moment of a specific society. Similar to other phenomena, this too is a unity of opposites. This was the import of Mao’s warning in the Hunan report.
One sees the continuity with this in Mao’s observation, made some 50 years later, “the bourgeoisie is within the party itself”. He arrived at this conclusion through the experiences of the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union and the Cultural Revolution unleashed in China to prevent it. This is something that cannot be grasped with Stalin’s monolithic party concept. The bourgeois presence Mao called attention to was different from the possible infiltration of bourgeois agents and their corruption of party members. This was what Lenin and Stalin sought to check through purges. Mao was speaking about a new bourgeoisie. It is the product of residual capitalist production relations such as bourgeois right and the political/ruling leading role of the communist party in the dictatorship of the proletariat; an inevitable element of socialism. The decisive factor in the struggle against this will be the correct ideological-political line dealing with the multiple tasks of continuing the revolution and its further development. If a revisionist line seizes leadership the bourgeoisie will become dominant in the party. The colour of the party and the state will change.
This poses yet another dialectic of the communist party’s position as vanguard. The main source of the potential hazard we saw above does not lie with external influences. It is contained in the revolution it led, in the society thus created, in other words, in the emergent unity of opposites brought up by its successful venture of being a vanguard. This potential is the mirror opposite of that of leading the advance to communism. Which of them will be realised in a given socialist society is a matter to be settled by the class struggle taking place within the party and society in each concrete historical moment. Grasping the party as a unity of opposites – this is the point of rupture to firmly establish the Maoist party concept in both theory and practice.
Taking lessons from the Chinese revolution and the international communist movement Mao elaborated a number of propositions on the party. One theme consistently stressed throughout is that of firmly building up the communist consciousness of serving the people, by checking attitudes of superiority in the relations between the party and the people, and leadership and ranks. This does not deny the role or importance of leadership. Mao was contradicting an outlook that absolutised leadership, and made the masses and ranks into disciples, passive instruments. He reminded communists that no matter how necessary cadres are, it is the masses that carry out things and therefore it wouldn’t do to exaggerate the role of cadres. He persists with this in the relation between the central committee and lower committees and that between the socialist state and the people. In the absence of information from the lower levels the central leadership cannot arrive at correct decisions. At times a solution may be arrived at in the lower level itself, in which case the task of the central committee is to propagate this throughout the country. Such observations of Mao topple any idea of infallible leadership. They also helped in bringing out the relation between the organisation principle of democratic centralism and the Marxist theory of knowledge. Mao pointed out that the struggle against the bourgeoisie was not the only element in class struggle under socialism. It included contradictions between the socialist state and people, and between the party and the people. Right in the 1950s itself he warned that the people would teach those who thought they could lord over them, now that power was seized. He advocated the right of the people to strike and protest saying that the communist party needs to learn a lesson. (‘Combat Bourgeois Ideas in the Party’, ‘Speech at the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China’, Volume 5, Selected Works)
What is striking here is the importance he placed on struggle from below, the spontaneous initiative of the people. This grasp of the dialectical relation between conscious intervention from above and spontaneous pressure from below, this Leninist understanding lost by the international communist movement in the interregnum, was not just retaken by Mao. He took it to a new height by applying it in the Cultural Revolution, in the struggle against the danger of capitalist restoration. Mao thus developed the party concept and established it on new foundations; not on some individual behavioural traits, but solid ideological-political principles.
To what extent could the Communist Party of China led by Mao imbibe this newness? This is a relevant question. It serves as an entry for assessing the extent to which the international movement that emerged in the 1960s inspired by Mao Tsetung Thought, or the Maoists who laid claim to deeper clarity in the 1990s, have incorporated and actualised the Maoist party concept. The Chinese party was forged in the Cominternist mould. This aspect, as well as its background of having functioned for long with its methods and style, must be kept in mind while seeking an answer to our question. As we noted, Mao had started to break away from this model from the very beginning. But his new approach would really be established only through the Cultural Revolution. In fact, Mao’s teachings on the party were systematically compiled only in 1973, in the Shanghai text, “A Basic Understanding of the Communist Party of China”. (Three years later the banning of this book was one of the first acts of the capitalist roaders who usurped power!) One can then conclude that the Chinese party was one undergoing reforging in accordance with the Maoist approach, yet with a lot of unevenness in this very process itself. In fact this new approach had developed by leading revolutionary practice, all the while ingesting new insights from its experiences.
But it wouldn’t be enough to mark this limit imposed by conditions. There is also the matter of an incomplete rupture from the Comintern approach. Among them, the cult built up around Mao deserves special attention. This business of personality cult was initiated by Stalin in total opposition to Lenin’s outlook. When the then Soviet leader Khrushchev prepared ideological grounds for capitalist restoration by negating Stalin totally, under the guise of rejecting this cult, Mao took up the defence of Stalin. But this was done with Marxist criticism on Stalin’s errors, differentiating between what is to be adopted and what rejected. We need to think over whether this was complete. Personality cults can never be justified in Marxism. But instead of totally rejecting them Mao limited himself to criticising their extreme manifestations. Though this is sought to be justified by appealing to the complex situation of the class struggle in China, it is unacceptable in principle itself. The issue is not the extent of praise, or even whether somebody deserves to be praised. Such cults foster a consciousness of infallibility of an individual, a leadership and indirectly of that party; something rejected by the Maoist party concept but seen in the Chinese party’s adjective, “always correct”. Contemporary examples, of Maoist parties justifying their leadership cults by citing Mao, draw attention to the need to achieve clarity in this matter.
In general, how far have the Maoists succeeded in rupturing from the Cominternist party concept? How much Maoist are the parties they are building up and leading? Though no one would theorise, and thus legitimise, a shift from staying with the masses and serving them to lording over them, this can already be seen in a number of instances. Blind faith in the party in the place of party loyalty centered on politics, blind belief in the infallibility of the leadership and cult worship, intolerance of opposition and criticism, pragmatism that sanctions any method if they are “for the party and revolution” – such Cominternist influences are commonly seen in methods of work and approach. The term Cominternist is used because these were not errors of Stalin alone. Moreover, they contain problems of a whole period in the history of the international communist movement. We must add, there were problems of outlook and growth. Because this was a time in which communist ideology was spread throughout the world, formation of communist parties was promoted, and a truly international revolutionary proletarian movement was given form to. One of the great leaps achieved by Maoism is its rupture from bad traditions of the Comintern period, without in the least minimising its positive role. This must be further deepened. Today’s Maoist parties are, without doubt, continuators of yesteryear communist parties. But their foundations must be the heights attained by Maoism in the vanguard concept, not the outlook or methods of their past.
_____________
(Translated from Malayalam, first published in Munnaniporali, issues 131-132, July and August 2009. The text has been edited by the author for better clarity and style –Munnaniporali)

Germany - Heraus zum Lenin-Liebknecht-Luxemburg Wochenende!

"Es stirbt allerdings ein jeder, aber der Tod des einen ist gewichtiger als der Tai-Berg, der Tod des anderen hat weniger Gewicht als Schwanenflaum." Stirbt man für die Interessen des Volkes, so ist der Tod gewichtiger als der Tai-Berg; steht man im Sold der Faschisten und stirbt für die Ausbeuter und Unterdrücker des Volkes, so hat der Tod weniger Gewicht als Schwanenflaum.  – Mao


Wladimir Lenin, Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg starben für die Interessen der Arbeiterklasse und der Volksmassen. Ihr Tod ist „gewichtiger als der Tai-Berg“.

Im Januar 2016 begehen wir den 96. Jahrestag der Ermordung der Mitbegründer und Führer unserer Partei in Deutschland – Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg – sowie, wie es die von ihnen gegründete KPD wenige Jahre später in die revolutionäre Tradition mit einband, die Ehrung des großen Führers der sozialistischen Oktoberrevolution – Genosse Lenin – der ebenfalls im Januar verstarb.

Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg waren kommunistische Kämpfer und wichtige Führer unserer Bewegung. Sie opferten ihr Leben im revolutionären Kampf für die Diktatur des Proletariats in Deutschland. Sie stehen für den entschlossenen Einsatz gegen den imperialistischen Krieg und das Ausbeutersystem der Lohnsklaverei. Auf Befehl der SPD-Führung wurden sie nur wenige Tage, nachdem sie ihre wichtigste Handlung – die Gründung der Kommunistischen Partei – vollzogen hatten, durch die Reaktion heimtückisch ermordet.

Der Bruch mit der Sozialdemokratie, die spätestens mit dem ersten Weltkrieg offen in das Lager der imperialistischen Bourgeoisie gewechselt war, kam in Deutschland zu spät. Die junge Partei des Proletariats war lange nicht so gestählt und kampferprobt wie es die russische Lenins war. Deswegen scheiterten die revolutionären Kämpfe in Deutschland, so heldenhaft und opferreich sie auch waren, vorerst.

Doch alle staatlichen Verfolgungen konnten die beiden Zeit ihres Lebens nicht brechen. Sie hielten beim Verrat der Sozialdemokratie standhaft zum Marxismus, zu den unterdrückten Volksmassen und riefen weiter zum Sturz der Herrschaft der Monopolbourgeoisie in Deutschland auf, während sie unbeirrt den proletarischen Internationalismus verteidigten.

Lenin erklärte „Die großen Revolutionäre wurden zu Lebzeiten von den unterdrückenden Klassen ständig verfolgt … Nach ihrem Tode versucht man, sie in harmlose Götzen zu verwandeln.“. Das ist absolut zutreffend und bestätigt sich heute ein weiteres Mal, mit all den elenden Sozialdemokraten, Reformisten und Revisionisten, die sich mit „Rosa und Karl“ schmücken und ihre Inhalte abstumpfen und entstellen, sie zu zahnlosen, pazifistischen Träumern degradieren.

Aber Liebknecht und Luxemburg waren revolutionäre Kommunisten, die ihr Leben im Kampf für die KPD, die sozialistische Revolution und die Diktatur des Proletariats gaben!

„Die proletarische Revolution … ist die Aktion der großen Millionenmasse des Volkes, die berufen ist, die geschichtliche Mission zu erfüllen und die geschichtliche Notwendigkeit in Wirklichkeit umzusetzen…
Der Kampf um den Sozialismus ist der gewaltigste Bürgerkrieg, den die Weltgeschichte gesehen, und die proletarische Revolution muss sich für diesen Bürgerkrieg das nötige Rüstzeug bereiten, sie muss lernen es zu gebrauchen – zu Kämpfen und Siegen … “ und „Im Hasse, in der Verleumdung gegen den Spartakusbund vereinigt sich alles, was gegenrevolutionär, volksfeindlich, antisozialistisch, zweideutig, lichtscheu, unklar ist. Dadurch wird bestätigt, dass in ihm das Herz der Revolution pocht, das ihm die Zukunft gehört… Auf, Proletarier! Zum Kampf! Es gilt eine Welt zu erobern und gegen eine Welt anzukämpfen. In diesem letzten Klassenkampf der Weltgeschichte um die höchsten Ziele der Menschheit gilt dem Feinde das Wort: Daumen aufs Auge und Knie auf die Brust!“

Das ist die Wahrheit. Das ist das Bekenntnis zur revolutionären Gewalt als Geburtshelfer einer neuen Welt. Das sind die Worte und der Geist Rosa Luxemburgs. Und auch Karl Liebknechts berühmtestes Zitat zeigt seinen kämpferischen und entschlossenen Willen zum Sieg des Volkes über seine Unterdrücker:

„Der Hauptfeind jedes Volkes steht in seinem eigenen Land! Der Hauptfeind des deutschen Volkes steht in Deutschland: der deutsche Imperialismus, die deutsche Kriegspartei, die deutsche Geheimdiplomatie. Diesen Feind im eigenen Lande gilt's für das deutsche Volk zu bekämpfen, zu bekämpfen im politischen Kampf, zusammenwirkend mit dem Proletariat der anderen Länder, dessen Kampf gegen seine heimischen Imperialisten geht. Wir wissen uns eins mit dem deutschen Volk - nichts gemein haben wir mit den deutschen Tirpitzen und Falkenhayns, mit der deutschen Regierung der politischen Unterdrückung, der sozialen Knechtung. Nichts für diese, alles für das deutsche Volk. Alles für das internationale Proletariat, um des deutschen Proletariats, um der getretenen Menschheit willen!“

Der Hauptfeind steht also im eigenen Land und heißt heute BRD-Imperialismus. Wir müssen ihn zertrümmern, die Herrschaft des Monopolkapitals brechen und seinen bürgerlichen Klassenstaat zerschlagen. Das und nicht weniger ist der historische Auftrag, den uns Karl Liebknecht und Rosa Luxemburg hinterlassen haben. Auf Weltebene ist der Hauptfeind der Völker der US-Imperialismus, der die Erde mit seinen ungerechten Kriegen und seinen Völkermorden überzieht und die „internationale imperialistische Völkerzerfleischung“ (Liebknecht) fortsetzt. Auch gegen diesen Feind muss sich die Revolution richten. Das Vermächtnis der beiden Kommunisten erfüllt sich nur in diesem Kampf.

Das, was uns die Genossen Liebknecht und Luxemburg auch über ihren Tod hinaus als unschätzbares Instrument der Revolution überließen – die Partei – wurde uns durch Faschismus, Reaktion und vor allem die schwarze Rolle des Revisionismus genommen. Und so stehen wir heute wieder vor einer ähnlichen Situation, das Proletariat und die Volksmassen in Deutschland stehen ohne ihre Kampforganisation, die Kommunistische Partei, da, während sich die gesellschaftlichen Widersprüche zuspitzen, in den tiefsten und ärmsten Teilen des Volks der Hass auf Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung immer mehr wächst und sie so bitter nötig wäre.

Doch wir haben heute auch einen entscheidenden Vorteil – wir können voller Stolz auf die großartigen Erfahrungen unserer internationalen Klasse blicken, die es vollbrachte ein Drittel der Erde zu erobern, den Himmel zu stürmen und vom Himalaya bis in die Anden die Rote Fahne zu hissen – die in riesigen Ländern wie China und der Sowjetunion den Sozialismus aufbaute und alle Aggressionen von Imperialismus und Faschismus zurückschlug, die die Kulturrevolution, Revolution in der Revolution, durchführte und so große Schritte in Richtung Kommunismus voranschritt. Und wir können und müssen daraus die entsprechenden Lehren und Schlüsse ziehen. Wir haben heute die proletarische Ideologie und Wissenschaft des Marxismus-Leninismus-Maoismus als allmächtige Waffe im Kampf. Nutzen wir sie! Leisten wir unseren Beitrag beim Wiederaufbau der (maoistischen) Kommunistischen Partei in unserem Land. Erfüllen wir das Vermächtnis von Lenin, Liebknecht und Luxemburg im revolutionären Kampf um die Macht unserer Klasse und die Freiheit der Völker!

Ehren wir an diesem Tag all unsere Gefallenen, die toten Revolutionäre und Kommunisten, die im Kampf um die Befreiung vom Joch des Kapitals in Deutschland ihr Leben ließen, die überall auf der Welt ihr kostbares Blut vergossen, um die Arbeiterklasse zur Macht und die gesamte Menschheit zur Befreiung zu führen und auch die Helden aus den Massen, die in den aktuellen revolutionären Volkskriegen, so z. B. in Indien, auf den Philippinen, in der Türkei/Kurdistan und Peru jeden Tag alles für den Sieg der Revolution opfern. Sie alle führen den Kampf Wladimir Lenins, Karl Liebknechts und Rosa Luxemburgs fort. Ihr Opfer ist nicht vergebens – die Zukunft gehört dem Kommunismus!

Setzen wir auf der Demonstration einen klaren Ausdruck für die proletarische Revolution, gegen Imperialismus, Revisionismus und Reaktion! Kommt zu den Blöcken der maoistischen Organisationen!

Sonntag – 10. Januar – 10:00 Uhr – U-Bahnhof Frankfurter Tor

Am Vortag der Demo veranstalten die Genossen der Neuen Demokratischen Jugend (YDG) einen Kulturabend im Blauen Salon im Kreuzberger Mehringhof. Es werden unter anderem La Liberta (türkisch-kurdische revolutionäre Musik aus dem Ruhrgebiet) und Taktikka (Revolutionärer Rap aus Berlin) auftreten.

Samstag – 9. Januar – späterer Abend – Mehringhof

Ruhm und Ehre unseren Gefallenen!

Ihr Vermächtnis – unser Kampf!

Jugendwiderstand 

India - protest for Saibaba and Arundhati Roy

 

The Jantar Mantar

Saturday, January 2, 2016

12:00. 

Algérie : Affrontements entre policiers et demandeurs de logement

De violents affrontements ont eu lieu, ce lundi 28 décembre, à Constantine pour le deuxième jour consécutif. Des dizaines de personnes réclamant des logements ont procédé durant ces dernières 48 heures au blocage de la route menant vers la ville au niveau de la cité El Bir. L’intervention violente des forces de l’ordre, dépêchées en nombre, a provoqué des affrontements avec les manifestants en colère. Près d’une dizaine de personne ont été arrêtées, alors que des policiers ont été blessés. En milieu d’après-midi, les incidents se poursuivaient. Les manifestants font partie des habitants non recensés pour l’obtention d’un logement. Ils ont occupé des lieux laissés par des familles qui venaient d’être relogées. Des lieux qui sont programmés pour être démolis.
Déploiement policier en Algérie

India - news from indian bourgeoise press

Reds’ reponse sets cat among pigeons

VIJAYAWADA: The statement of the CPI (Maoist) issued in the name of its official spokesman Syam with a warning to kill the accused in the call money-sex racket case in the city has stirred a hornet’s nest. It keeps the police engaged in anti-Maoist operations and observers of the leftwing extremist movement thinking whether it could be read as a sign of shift from the forest-centric operations of the Maoist party. The party, since its previous avatar of People’s War Group (PWG), has viewed the plains in the coastal Andhra region as a shelter or peace zone and incubator for production of its think-tank. Therefore, it keeps itself away from indulging in violent actions in the coastal plains so as not to stop fund flow from these areas and disturb ‘peace’ there.
The strategy has been in force since the period of Kondapalli Seetaramaiah, a patriarchal figure of the erstwhile PWG, who hailed from a village near Gudivada in Krishna district. The police take serious view of the Moists’ warning in the capital region inhabited by VVIPs. A senior officer entrusted with anti-Maoist operations did not rule out the possibility of a random or surprise action in the capital region in a desperate bid to make their presence felt. ” It could be a sign for a hit-and-run action”, he added. City police commissioner D Gautam Sawang told TOI that he was examining the tone and the tenor of the press release. A Left intellectual, who did not want to be quoted, said Maoists’ response in a case pertained to the capital region was an indication for their departure in their focus from the forests to the plains. “The plain areas or urban centres like Vijayawada are no longer their fund centres and their base either. In such a scenario they may revisit their existing strategy to attract the urban poor and middle class with random actions”, he felt while driving his point home, citing the instance of Visakhapatnam where three Maoists were killed in encounters in a span of two years as a result of the party’s focus on urban issues.
Currently, the party is indulging in sporadic activities in certain pockets of East Godavari and Visakhapatnam districts under the banners of the Sabari Area Committee and East Visakha Committee. In early 1980s the Central Organising Committee (COC) which later metamorphosed into PWG concentrated their activities in urban areas of Telangana region such as Karimnagar, Godavarikhani, Ramagundam and Peddapalli. Later, the party was forced to retreat into the forests after a police action and it failed to build its bases in the urban centres. The police fear whether the Maoist menace has been inherited to the successor State along with the others issues that cropped up in the process of bifurcation of Telangana.
The presence of Maoists is limited to around a dozen mandals in Visakhapantam district, especially the places like Donkarayi which the extremists use as a transit point in their movement on Andhra Odisha Border (AOB). The successor state has inherited seven mandals from the Telangana’s Khammam district as part of the bifurcation. Of them Chintoor, Yatapaka and Kunavaram are considered as hotbeds for Maoist activities. An intelligence official highlighted the need for reorientation of the armed forces to handle a fresh threat of Maoists in the successor state. “Anti-naxal squads (ANS) have been drafted for the other assignments like VIP security and the cadre allotment in the police department in the rank of DSP is still to be decided even 18 months after the state division. These issues have to be sorted out on a priority basis to counter the Maoists effectively”, he commented.

PCm Italy denounces new actions of french immperialism against banlieus people and muslims and remenbers international meeting in Paris 21 november

l'imperialismo francese e il suo criminale stato che usa violenza e terrore contro i giovani e le masse nelle banlieus continua a seminare vento e raccoglierà altra tempesta

 Francia. Brutalità della polizia nelle banlieu. Ennesimo caso scuote il paese

• 
  

Sta facendo discutere in Francia il video di un'incredibile aggressione poliziesca due giorni fa, a Pantin  in Seine-Saint-Denis,  nella periferia nord di Parigi. Alcuni poliziotti impegnati in un normale giro di controllo fermano due ragazzi di origine araba che stavano sotto casa e, poco convinti delle loro risposte, iniziano a pestarli.  La signora  Kraiker Zahra, madre dei ragazzi vede la scena dalla scena, scende e tenta di sottrarre i figli ai poliziotti. Ma riceve tante botte, che la portano all'ospedale con dieci giorni di prognosi, mentre i figli finiscono in "garde à vue", ovvero una notte dentro. Ma la donna e suo marito non demordono e decidono di denunciare la polizia. Fortunatamente qualcuno ha ripreso con il cellulare e il video è finito anche sulle televisioni francesi Il padre dei ragazzi, un biologo, parlando con la stampa ha commentato così: "ho cresciuto mio figlio nel rispetto delle leggi della Repubblica, si è parlato poco di quello che è successo in Corsica-

dove una cinquantina di squadristi fascio nazionalisti corsi con l'appoggio della polizia dell'imperialismo francese 

ha attaccato e aggredito i mussulmani, ha danneggiato un centro di preghiera mussulmano, ha bruciato copie del Corano

se il movimento proletario, antimperialista, antirazzista, antifascista, rivoluzionario non esprime una visibile solidarietà fatta di azioni contro l'imperialismo francese e i suoi servi corsi non ci sarà da stupirsi se nuove leve affluiranno nelle forze reazionarie di stampo ISIS

 la rivolta delle banlieues parigine 10 anni fa e oggi presto gli atti del meeting internazionale di Parigi

La rivolta delle banlieues parigine di 10 anni fa è stata ricordata e analizzata a Parigi il 21 novembre dai maoisti d'europa appoggiati dal movimento delle guerre popolari nel mondo, in pieno stato d'urgenza in un importante meeting del quale ai primi di gennaio esco gli atti
Se i proletari d'avanguardia, il movimento rivoluzionario, i compagni maoisti francesi in primis ne seguiranno le indicazioni con le trasformazioni necessarie,
ben presto nelle banlieues parigine soffierà un altro vento, rispetto a quello reazionario e deviante dei supporters ISIS, e questo vento si propagherà nelle ' banlieues' di tutta europa e di tutti i paesi imperialisti

proletari comunisti - PCm Italia
dicembre 2015

Turkey - Videos - Funeral por las dos jóvenes revolucionarias asesinadas por la policía turca

 

  

India - Arundhati Roy.Una mujer valiente

odiodeclase

Artículo de El Lince

 

Son muchas, desde luego. Pero hay una que lleva años destacándose puesto que ha abandonado la comodidad que le proporciona su prestigio, su posición, su fama. Es Arundhati Roy.

Arundhati es india (de la India, es incorrecto referirse a los indios como hindúes puesto que éstos son los que profesan el hinduísmo) y lleva años significándose contra la política que todos los gobiernos post coloniales de su país han desarrollado contra los indígenas (adivasi). India es hoy, junto a Brasil y México, el país donde más pueblos originarios existen en el mundo.

Arundhati es, además, una escritora comprometida políticamente ("El dios de las pequeñas cosas") y no ha dudado en mostrar sus simpatías por los maoístas, también llamados naxalitas. Podéis ver una excelente muestra en una serie de artículos que publicó en 2010 sobre una estancia de varias semanas con los maoístas en sus zonas liberadas y que tituló "Caminando con los camaradas". Están traducidos en http://www.nodo50.org/ceprid/spip.php?article913. Esta es la primera entrega y son cuatro. No dejéis de leerlos.

Desde entonces está siendo colocada en el punto de mira del gobierno y la reacción india por sus opiniones sobre la lucha que los maoístas y diferentes organizaciones populares están impulsando en defensa de los adivasi y en contra de los intereses de las grandes corporaciones empresariales, mineras especialmente, en extensas zonas del país.

Arundhati ha sido acusada de "connivencia con el terrorismo" y hay varias causas judiciales contra ella por este motivo y por apoyar la independencia de Cachemira se le han añadido otras causas por "sedición". Su casa en Nueva Delhi ha sido asaltada en varias ocasiones, incluso en una de ellas había, sorprendentemente, televisiones que estaban allí "por casualidad". Todos los medios de propaganda reaccionarios (¿hay alguno que no lo sea?) aprovechan cualquiera de sus apariciones públicas para criminalizarla.

Ahora vuelve la ofensiva contra ella porque se ha atrevido a publicar un artículo contra la decisión del gobierno de encarcelar a un profesor de inglés en la Universidad de Delhi, paralítico, al que acusan de ser uno de los dirigentes del maoísmo. Este hombre se llama GN Saibaba.

Aquí tenéis algunas joyas del auto judicial en el que se la incrimina:

"Arundhati Roy parece haber inventado una nueva idea para golpear al Gobierno Central, el Gobierno del Estado [Maharashta], la maquinaria de la Policía y el Poder Judicial al desafiar las órdenes dictadas [contra el profesor paralítico] y es un acto de mala fe" (,,,) "El lenguaje utilizado en su artículo contra el Gobierno y la Policía es tan desagradable que hay que preguntarse si realmente es el mismo que le ha proporcionado premios" (...) "Llamar al Gobierno y a la Policía "secuestradores" o "ladrones" y acusarles de provocar el miedo demuestran una actitud grosera y tosca contra ambos, instituciones de un país tolerante como la India" (...) "La autora ha ido hasta el punto de escandalizar y cuestionar la credibilidad del poder judicial" (...) "¿No es un hecho que el Gobierno Central, el Gobierno del Estado, la maquinaria de la Policía y las Fuerzas Armadas están luchando por prevenir las actividades ilegales y terroristas en el país cuando la plaga Naxal está extendiéndose?".

Mañana, día 25, Arundhati Roy está citada a declarar. Está a un paso de que la consideren a ella maoísta también.

Os iré comenzando a hablar algo de la India y de la lucha que llevan los adivasi contra las empresas mineras, con el apoyo de los maoístas (naxalitas). Os lo repito, leed el artículo de Arundhati que os recomiendo más arriba. Mientras, un vídeo para ir abriendo boca.

 

 

Usa - 1000 people killed in a year - what is true terrorism?

EEUU: Guerra contra los pobres, no contra la pobreza

Por NESTOR GARCIA ITURBE

El presidente Obama, inmerecido Premio Nobel de la Paz, puede decir que en Estados Unidos se le ha declarado la guerra a los pobres, pero no a la pobreza.   La guerra la llevan a cabo las fuerzas represivas policiacas de los distintos Estados, asesinando a mansalva a todo aquel que parece sospechoso de querer violar el orden establecido.   Las víctimas de esta guerra son en primer lugar las personas de la raza negra, seguidos por los latinos y también algunos de la raza blanca que se encuentran en el grupo de los desafortunados que no tiene trabajo, ni dinero y muchas veces ni un techo donde refugiarse.   Esta guerra está motivada por las diferencias sociales existentes en Estados Unidos, la clase dominante y sus servidores contra la clase de los desposeídos, que muertos representan menos problema que vivos. A las diferencias sociales deben agregarse las raciales, que también tienen un peso importante en esta guerra.   Durante el tiempo transcurrido durante este año, hasta el día 25 de diciembre, según el sitio http://killedbypolice.net/ ,  la policía de los distintos Estados, asesinó 1182 personas, de ellas 95 en los días transcurridos en Diciembre.  En este artículo se ofrecen los datos de los asesinados en Diciembre 2015.   Esta organización también ofrece las cifras de los asesinados durante los años 2013 y 2014. Solamente ponemos como ejemplo los asesinados en Diciembre, pues si reflejáramos el total serían cerca de 4,000 personas.   El listado que le ofrecemos tiene en primer lugar el número consecutivo de la persona asesinada; la fecha en que fue asesinada; el Estado en que murió; sexo F femenino, M masculino; la raza B negro, W blanco, L latino, nombre de la persona y edad. Cuando los datos no aparecen, según las autoridades, el occiso todavía no ha podido ser identificado.   En esta guerra se reportan más bajas mensuales que las que reporta el Pentágono sobre las tropas que están acantonadas en distintos países, bases militares y flotas de ultramar.   Un negro, latino, o blanco pobre, tiene menos posibilidades de morir en Afganistán, que en La Florida o California, todo eso gracias al Premio Nobel de la Paz y el Americna Way of LIfe, que para ellos sería el American Way of Die.   LISTADO DE ASESINADOS
(1184) December 25, 2015 (1183) December 25, 2015	IL	F/B M/B	Bettie Jones, 57 Quintonio Legrier, 19
(1182) December 25, 2015	CA
(1181) December 25, 2015	MI	M/B	Terrozza Tyree Griffin, 24
(1180) December 24, 2015	CA	M	, 23
(1179) December 24, 2015	LA	M	Gregory Sanders, 54
(1178) December 24, 2015	LA
(1177) December 24, 2015	NC	M/B	Daquan Antonio Westbrook, 18
(1176) December 23, 2015	MI	M/B	Kevin Matthews, 35
(1175) December 22, 2015	DC	M/B	Rashad Bugg-Bey, 25
(1174) December 22, 2015	VT	M/W	Kenneth Stephens, 56
(1173) December 22, 2015	KY	M	Charles Reynolds, 61
(1172) December 22, 2015	FL	M/W	Michael U. Hilber, 29
(1171) December 22, 2015	NM	M/L	Jose Rodriquez, 19
(1170) December 21, 2015	CA	M	Brandon E. Barsnick, 30
(1169) December 21, 2015	CO	M/B	Chan Lieth, 25
(1168) December 21, 2015	FL	M	Robert L. Teter, 39
(1167) December 21, 2015	PA	M/W	Derek DeGroat, 21
(1166) December 21, 2015	LA	M/B	Michael Noel, 32
(1165) December 21, 2015	GA	M/B	Bobby Daniels, 48
(1164) December 21, 2015	TX	M/L	Alfredo Barrientos, 47
(1163) December 21, 2015	CA	M/L	Guadalupe Quiroz, 34
(1162) December 20, 2015	NH	M/W	Jeffrey Hiltz, 35
(1161) December 20, 2015	TX	M/L	Mark Ramirez, 31
(1160) December 20, 2015	CA	M/B	Leroy T. Browning, 30
(1159) December 20, 2015	CA	M/L	Ruben Jose Herrera, 26
(1158) December 19, 2015	CA	M/B	Roy Nelson, 42
(1157) December 19, 2015	CA	M/W	Andrew Thomas, 26
(1156) December 19, 2015	VA	M/B	Trevon J. Scruggs, 24
(1155) December 19, 2015	MD	M/W	Edel Cato Moreland, 32
(1154) December 18, 2015	NM	M/L	Robert L. Martinez, 58
(1153) December 18, 2015	TN	M/W	Amos Frerichs, 32
(1152) December 18, 2015	OH	F/W	Erica Michelle Lauro, 22
(1151) December 17, 2015	CA	M/W	Christopher Fletcher, 24
(1150) December 17, 2015	OH	M/W	Douglas Yon, 25
(1149) December 16, 2015	CA	M/W	Bryant Neil Duncan, 23
(1148) December 15, 2015	WA	M/A	Shun Ma, 64
(1147) December 15, 2015	NC	M/B	Ronnie Dubose Carr, 51
(1146) December 14, 2015	CA	M/L	Hector Alvarez, 19
(1145) December 14, 2015	WV	M/W	Mark Toney, 33
(1144) December 14, 2015	CA	M/A	Mharloun Verdejo Saycon, 39
(1143) December 14, 2015	NV	M/L	Roberto Ortiz Sanchez, 45
(1142) December 14, 2015	NV	F/W	Brenda Dean Kimberling, 48
(1141) December 14, 2015	TN	M/W	Michael Thomason, 56
(1140) December 14, 2015	CO	M/L	Enrique Gonzalez, 32
(1139) December 14, 2015	MD	M/W	Jeffrey Gene Evans, 52
(1138) December 14, 2015	LA	M/B	Calvin McKinnis, 33
(1137) December 13, 2015	WA	M/PI	Nephi Leiataua, 30
(1136) December 13, 2015	TX	F/W	Shirley Weis, 51
(1135) December 13, 2015	TX	M/W	Ryan McMillan, 21
(1134) December 12, 2015	PA	M/W	Andrew Joseph Todd, 20
(1133) December 12, 2015	CO	M
(1132) December 12, 2015	CA	M	, 49
(1131) December 12, 2015	OK	M/W	Jonathan Wardlow, 36
(1130) December 12, 2015	CA	M/B	Nicholas Robertson, 28
(1129) December 12, 2015	TN	M/B	Javario Shante Eagle, 24
(1128) December 12, 2015	IN	M/B	Christopher Goodlow, 25
(1127) December 12, 2015	AZ	M/W	Steven Wickert, 36
(1126) December 10, 2015	WA	M/W	Christopher Sean Harris, 36
(1125) December 10, 2015	CA	M/W	Thomas Arthur Gendreau Jr., 54
(1124) December 10, 2015	CA	M
(1123) December 10, 2015	IN	M	Jason Bryant, 34
(1122) December 10, 2015	SC	M/B	Charles Edward Rosemond Sr., 55
(1121) December 9, 2015	NC	M/B	Travis Nevelle Page, 31
(1120) December 9, 2015	OK	M	Sammy Monroe Echols Jr., 51
(1119) December 9, 2015	KY	M/W	Christopher E. Higdon, 66
(1118) December 9, 2015	OH	M/B	Derek Stokes, 33
(1117) December 9, 2015	FL	M/B	Dimitrie L. Penny, 32
(1116) December 8, 2015	CA	M/L	Juan Fidel Castro Jr., 34
(1115) December 8, 2015	PR	M/L	Jeremías José Fred, 34
(1114) December 8, 2015	MO	M/W	Nicholas Gilbert, 27
(1113) December 8, 2015	NY	M/B	Miquel Espinal, 36
(1112) December 7, 2015	NY	M/B	Devon Holder, 30
(1111) December 6, 2015	WY	M/W	John Alan Britton, 48
(1110) December 6, 2015	OH	M/B	Carlumandarlo Zaramo, 46
(1109) December 6, 2015	WA	M	Raymond Azevedo, 35
(1108) December 5, 2015	CA	M/W	, 30s
(1107) December 5, 2015	CA	M/L	Juan Perez, 38
(1106) December 5, 2015	MO	F/W	Sheilah Huck, 61
(1105) December 5, 2015	WI	M/W	Michael L. Funk, 60
(1104) December 5, 2015	FL	M/W	David W. Winesett, 51
(1103) December 5, 2015	TX	M/W	Colten Price Marcellus, 24
(1102) December 4, 2015	CA	F	Kelsey Dresser, 23
(1101) December 4, 2015	PA	M/B	Raymone Davis, 21
(1100) December 3, 2015	OH	M/W	Jason Brady, 40
(1099) December 3, 2015	AZ	M/W	Ivan Krstic, 47
(1098) December 3, 2015	NE	M/W	Neil Scott Stretesky, 66
(1097) December 2, 2015	NM	M/L	Florencio Lucero, 36
(1096) December 2, 2015	TX	M/L	Allen Pacheco, 32
(1095) December 2, 2015	CA	M/B	Mario Woods, 26
(1094) December 2, 2015 (1093) December 2, 2015	CA	M/O F/O	Syed Rizwan Farook, 28 Tashfeen Malik, 27
(1092) December 2, 2015	CO	M/L	Phillip Munoz, 35
(1091) December 1, 2015	CA	M/L	John Anthony Gonzalez, 18
(1090) December 1, 2015	ME	M/W	Joshua Jozefowicz, 23