Proletarians
of all countries, unite!
Celebrate
the 50th anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution
with People’s War until communism!
The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) constitutes the highest
milestone in the history of the class struggle of the proletariat.
This year marks 50 years from its initiation in 1966 and within the
context of the 50th
anniversary, the communist parties and organizations that sign this
declaration consider it fundamental take a stand on this great event.
The GPCR is principally a political revolution, and given its
significance, it must mobilize every communist and revolutionary to
propagandise it in a bold and determined way. But this is not enough,
at the same time, it is necessary to develop a sharp struggle against
revisionism and all opportunism which is aiming to present the GPCR
as separated from the current problems of the ICM.
The
lessons from the GPCR demand a clear demarcation and brand the
revisionists who are trying to haggle with it, generate confusion and
catch gullibles. We need to see clearly that the revisionist and
capitulationist line in Peru – today with an own organization
PCP/MOVADEF and the clique of José in VRAE –, the avakianism with
its absurdity of the “new synthesis”, prachandism and its
“socialism of the 21th century” and its “multiparty
competition”, among other dreadful expressions of the new
revisionism, trying to portray Chairman Mao into an ordinary liberal
and reinterpret the GPCR as an event without validity and
revolutionary sharpness. Their vile lies smash into pieces by the
strategic offensive of the proletarian world revolution and the
campaign for Maoism we are developing. Instead, the international
proletariat, full of communist pride, hoisting its undamaged red
flag, to higher peaks, is going to advance in a tireless struggle
towards the classless society, the communist society. Hoist, defend
and apply Maoism!
On
the international situation and class struggle
The
current international situation would be incomprehensible without the
theory of class struggle and its development by Maoism. Only through
this theory we understand that the fundamental contradictions of this
epoch are the ones between oppressed nations and imperialism, between
proletariat and bourgeoisie and inter-imperialists contradictions,
that today the contradiction between socialism and capitalism exists
only in the ideological and historical field and that the main
contradiction is between oppressed nations and imperialism; that
imperialism comprises the powers and super-powers that develop
through collusion and rivalry, and the oppressed countries, the Third
World, are the loot of the struggle for the distribution of the
world, at the same time they are the base of the world revolution and
revolutionary storm centres; that the revolution is the main
political and historical tendency; and that the proletarian world
revolution is in its third phase, the strategic offensive, an epoch
of the ‘next 50 to 100 years’, in which imperialism is decaying
further and will be completely swept away by the proletarian world
revolution through the world people’s war, a process that was
initiated by the new great wave of the proletarian world revolution.
In
the relation to this understanding of the three fundamental
contradictions in the current world – a decisive issue which is
negated by the new revisionism – about which the main struggles of
Marxism and revisionism are taking place.
Lenin
teaches: “The
economic relationships of imperialism constitute the basis of the
existing international situation. The history of the XX Century has
been defined completely by this new phase of capitalism, its last and
highest phase”;
and that the world’s division between oppressed nations and
oppressing nations is a distinct characteristic of imperialism.
Therefore, to understand the current situation we cannot start from
the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, since we are in its
superior and last phase, imperialism.
One
of the laws of class struggle is violence, exacerbated in the epoch
of imperialism, since imperialism is war and political reaction all
along the line. The imperialist oppression transforms the oppressed
nations into areas of distribution, meaning in economic territories
turned into colonies or semi-colonies of one or another imperialist
power or super-power. The imperialists strive for the partition of
those countries and the new distribution to reconfigure the map of
the so-called Greater Middle East through the war of aggression, in
the midst of a sharp conflict for maintaining their hegemony and the
search for a way out of its profound economic crisis. The civil war
in Syria is an expression of this law.
The
events in the so-called Middle East represent an oddly assorted
accumulation of indecipherable facts without perspective, without the
important tool of analysis and transformation, which is the theory of
class struggle, applied to the international situation it includes
the thesis of Chairman Mao on ‘three worlds that are delineated’.
To comprehend such a complex panorama, like what is going on in
Syria, Iraq or Turkey - where an intricate coming and going of
millions of human lives permanently drives the historical development
- we need to firmly grab the class struggle. Only by applying the
theory of class struggle and including the fundamental contradictions
of the current world it is possible to comprehend that the so-called
Middle East today forms the part of the globe where the fundamental
contradictions are converging; that the imperialist war of aggression
is for the dismemberment and new distribution of those oppressed
countries – unleashed there since the early 1990ies - sharpening
all the contradictions and spurring the revolution; that the main
thing for us is to struggle to lead the storm of the armed struggle
of the oppressed nations which is rising there against imperialism,
mainly Yankee imperialism, without disregarding the atomic superpower
Russia and all the other imperialist powers; and that the current
problem is that the struggle is not developing correctly due to the
lack of political guidance by the Communist Party.
Starting
from what Chairman Mao developed, we can comprehend the current
situation of countries like Ukraine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and
Afghanistan, where two fundamental contradictions sharpen and three
forces act. The two contradictions are: 1) the contradiction between
oppressed nations/people and imperialism, main contradiction, and 2)
the inter-imperialist contradiction, secondary contradiction. The
three forces are: 1) US-imperialism, sole hegemonic superpower, and
its temporally allies; 2) the atomic superpower Russia, and its
temporally allies; 3) the oppressed nations, including all its
classes and national minorities, excepting a bunch of traitors,
followers of the theory of national subjugation. These forces
(oppressed nations and national minorities) are temporary and
relatively weak, since the Communist Party which unifies them in the
United Front against the imperialist aggression is still missing, to
prevent them from being used as peons or boots on the ground by the
imperialists.
To
solve the main contradiction in these countries, a
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party is needed to lead a United
Front of national resistance, capable of uniting all the willing
forces to fight to defeat the imperialist invader and culminate the
revolution of new democracy through people’s war. It is not to
misinterpret what was clearly established by Chairman Mao about the
independency and self-determination inside the United Front. The
desire for freedom of the peoples of the so-called Middle East and
the desire to throw off every foreign yoke will not be anything else
but illusions if Communist Parties are not constituted or
reconstituted, according to the situation, which are firmly grasping
the laws of class struggle and in consequence, transform their armed
struggles into peoples’ wars.
We
insist, without the real proletarian leadership and its organized
vanguard, the national struggle - including the struggle of the
national minorities - is condemned to serve any command staff, and
such it is condemned to subjugation. These are ineluctable laws of
the development of class struggle and to try denying them or
declaring them outdated or for anything else, is revisionism.
Both,
in the current international situation and in the struggle for the
establishment and defence of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the
class struggle is the guideline that allows us to connect every event
to each other and to find and handle the laws which influence its
development. Therefore, we must study the international situation in
the light of Maoism. And it is in the light of Maoism that we must
struggle to lead the revolution in each country, as part and to serve
the proletarian world revolution.
The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution – GPCR
The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution constitutes, historically and
politically, the highest expression of the proletarian class struggle
on international level, the defence of the dictatorship of the
proletariat, conceived as an all-round dictatorship over the
bourgeois.
In
a society divided by classes, the class struggle is a historic law.
The Marxists, in consequence, apply it to all phenomena of social
life, recognizing it in the most diverse expressions of contemporary
life. The class struggle develops in the ideological, political,
economic and military fields; but above all it is fundamental to
comprehend that the class struggle necessarily leads to the
dictatorship of the proletariat. As the great Lenin said: “Only
he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to
the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat”.
In this sense, the GPCR is the struggle for the establishment of the
all-around dictatorship of the proletariat, the recognition of the
objective existence of classes in the whole period of construction of
socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat, of antagonistic
contradictions between classes, of the bourgeoisie inside the party
itself and of the continuation of class struggle during the whole
period of socialism until communism.
And
like it was established since the beginning of the GPCR: “Although
the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to use the
old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting classes to
corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to stage a
comeback. The proletariat must do the exact opposite: it must meet
head-on every challenge of the bourgeoisie in the ideological field
and use the new ideas, culture, customs and habits of the proletariat
to change the mental outlook of the whole of society”.
With
the Great Leap Forward and the establishment of the People’s
Communes in 1957 -1958 it was given an effective advance in the
development of collective property economics and the socialist
revolution, constituting a victory against the right opportunism in a
period in which, on an international level, capitalism was restoring
in the USSR and in the rest of the countries of Eastern Europe.
Chairman
Mao warned in 1962: “don’t
ever forget the class struggle”.
The same year, with the socialist education movement, it was possible
to give a new impulse to the struggle against the followers of the
capitalist road in the countryside. In 1965, the criticism of
philosophy and the criticism of the art forms which were driven by
bourgeois and revisionist elements in the field of culture, prepare
the soil for launching the GCPR in 1966. Initially, those who tried
to control the implementation of the Cultural Revolution were
revisionist elements which nested within the highest leadership of
the Party, whose counter-revolutionary way of actin, was exposed
later. People like Liu Shao-chi, then President of the People’s
Republic of China, his front man and chief of the Party in Peking,
Peng Sheng, the member of the Party Committee in Peking and the
person responsible for propaganda and press organisms of the CPC and
of the state, Lu Ting-yi, among others, frenetically plotted their
antiparty and antisocialist positions for restoring capitalism.
In
this sense, Chairman Mao’s line has comprehended this fundamental
issue: “The
socialist society emerges from the bosom of the old society. It is
not easy to liquidate the idea of the private property formed during
thousands of years of class society, nor the force of habit or the
ideological and cultural influence of the exploiting classes linked
to the private property. The spontaneous forces of the petty
bourgeoisie in the city and on the countryside constantly create new
bourgeois elements. As the ranks of the workers grow in number and
range, some impure elements infiltrate them. And after the conquest
of power and living in an environment of peace, a certain number of
people in the ranks of the cadres of the Party and of the state
organisms degenerate. At the same time, in the international level,
the imperialism, headed by the USA, and the reactionary of the
diverse countries strive to eliminate us through the
counter-revolutionary double tactic: threats of war and ‘peaceful
evolution’. The contemporary revisionist group, with the direction
of the Soviet Union Communist Party as its centre, tries to defeat us
as well, by all its possible means. If we forget the class struggle
in these circumstances and abandon our vigilance, we would run the
risk of losing the Power and allow that capitalism restores”.
Under
Chairman Mao’s direction, the directive of the XI Plenary Session
of the Central Committee of the 8th
of August 1966, it was clearly defined: “The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution now unfolding is a great
revolution that touches people to their very souls and constitutes a
new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our
country, a stage which is both broader and deeper.[…]
Although the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, it is still trying to
use the old ideas, culture, customs and habits of the exploiting
classes to corrupt the masses, capture their minds and endeavour to
stage a comeback.”
And that in the cultural revolution: “At
present, our objective is to struggle against and overthrow those
persons in authority who are taking the capitalist road, to criticize
and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois academic “authorities”
and the ideology of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes
and to transform education, literature and art and all other parts of
the superstructure not in correspondence with the socialist economic
base, so as to facilitate the consolidation and development of the
socialist system.”
It
were the masses of young students, in 1966, animated and stimulated
by the Communist Party, with Chairman Mao in the fore, who started
the mass criticism and, hence denounced the handful of stubborn
revisionists that usurped the power in different departments of the
party itself and the state. The all-around dictatorship of the
proletariat was necessary to defeat the gang of opportunist and
revisionist followers of the capitalist road. There could not remain
any place in the party and in the state for bourgeois elements, but
to smash those individuals was not an administrative problem, but was
about the broad mass mobilization and the criticism which they did.
To
defeat and expose the opposition of the followers of the capitalist
road, the Party, under the correct revolutionary line of Chairman
Mao, needed to base itself on the masses, stimulating their own
initiative. Like the directive of the 8th
of August 1966 pointed out: “Trust
the masses, rely on them and respect their initiative. Cast out fear.
Don’t be afraid of disturbances. Chairman Mao has often told us
that revolution cannot be so very refined, so gentle, so temperate,
kind, courteous, restrained and magnanimous. Let the masses educate
themselves in this great revolutionary movement and learn to
distinguish between right and wrong and between correct and incorrect
ways of doing things. Make
the fullest use of big-character posters and great debates to argue
matters out, so that the masses can clarify the correct views,
criticize the wrong views and expose all the ghosts and monsters. In
this way the masses will be able to raise their political
consciousness in the course of the struggle, enhance their abilities
and talents, distinguish right from wrong and draw a clear line
between ourselves and the enemy”.
The
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the method to mobilize the
masses and them express all their creative power in the criticism of
the revisionists, “it
is a method to uncover all the dark that is in the party”,
said Chairman Mao. At the IX Congress of 1969 it was cited what
Chairman Mao exposed in a conversation in February 1967: “In
the past we waged struggles in rural areas, in factories, in the
cultural field, and we carried out the socialist education movement.
But all this failed to solve the problem because we did not find a
form, a method, to arouse the broad masses to expose our dark aspect
openly, in an all-round way and from below”.
The
form, the means, the method was the critic by the masses. This
allowed to fully bring into play the initiative of masses to expose
the antiparty and antisocialist “black gang”, followers of the
capitalist road, who succeeded in usurping a part of the power. The
problem was not only the removal of this or that leader of the
followers of the capitalist road, the great task consisted in
mobilizing the masses and to make them bombard the bourgeois
headquarters on their own initiative. This is still important,
because the problem was not just fighting against a political line,
the issue was also the struggle against the organisational line which
Liu Shao-chi built up and which allowed him to have a significant
presence in different state and party entities through impenitent
followers of the capitalist road.
Initiated
among the sections of the youth, principally students, the GPCR soon
propagated to the broad masses of workers and peasants. At the end of
1966 the class struggle sharpened in Shanghai. In January 1967 the
revolutionary storm breaks out in this important industrial city and
a clique of usurpers was defeated, recapturing the proletarian power
and re-establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Chang
Chung-chiao had an active role in these events, giving a proper
direction in this struggle. The revisionists who were installed in
the Shanghai municipality were defeated and in February 1967 the
Revolutionary Committee of the Shanghai Municipality is founded as
the new power organism of the working class, led by the Party,
concentrated in the Revolutionary Committees.
Later,
in March 1967 progress was made in the Great Strategic Plan for the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The document reads as
following: “This
document could be distributed to the whole country to be acted upon
accordingly. The army should give military and political training in
the universities, middle schools and the higher classes of primary
schools, for levels and groups. This should help in re-opening school
classes, strengthening organization, setting up the leading bodies on
the principle of the "three in one combination" and
carrying out the task of "struggle-criticism-transformation."
First, experiments should be done at selected locations and then
expanded step by step. And the students should be convinced to
implement the teaching of Marx that the proletariat can only achieve
its final emancipation by emancipating all mankind, and that those
teachers and cadres who have made mistakes in military and political
training should not be excluded. Apart from the aged and the sick,
these people should be allowed to take part so as to facilitate their
re-education. If all this is not done conscientiously, it is
difficult to solve the problems”.
In
the IX Congress in 1969 it was decided as a fundamental line of the
Party for the whole historical phase of socialism, issues that
Chairman Mao had established in a plenum of the Central Committee in
1962: “The
socialist society will last a relatively long historical phase.
During this historical phase of socialism, classes, class
contradictions and class struggle will still exist; the struggle
between the socialist and the capitalist road and the danger of
capitalist restoration exists. We have to comprehend how long and
complicated this struggle is and raise our vigilance. It is necessary
to carry out the socialist education. It is necessary to understand
and handle the problems of class contradictions and class struggle
correctly and to precisely distinguish the contradictions between us
and the enemy that exist in the bosom of the people, and to handle
them in a correct way. Otherwise, a socialist country like ours will
convert into its opposite, will degenerate, and the restoration will
occur. From now on, we have to talk about this every year, every
month and every day, so that we have a relative clear comprehension
of this problem and follow a Marxist-Leninist line”.
On
Restoration: lessons for the future
The
counter-revolutionary coup that the revisionists conducted against
the Communist Party of China, against the state of the dictatorship
of the proletariat, is a sign of how sharp the class struggle and the
two-line struggle in the Party becomes in the society during
socialism. Chairman Mao, in May 1963, facing the advance of people
like Liu Shao-chi, prudently pointed out the risks which entail a
grave situation like this: “Then
it would not take much time, maybe some years or a decade or several
decades at most, to create a counter-revolutionary restoration at a
national level, to transform the Marxist-Leninist party to a
revisionist party or a fascist party and the whole China will change
its colour”.
Later,
in 1966, continuing this issue, he warned: “The
bourgeois representatives that had infiltrated the Party, the
government, the army and the different sectors of the cultural sector
are a bunch of counter-revolutionary revisionists. If the possibility
arises, they would take the Power and transform the dictatorship of
the proletariat in the dictatorship of the bourgeois”.
The
bourgeois dictatorship established in October 1976 is a fascist
dictatorship, and the party that leads it is a fascist party, only
revisionists and opportunists keep calling the monstrosity that
governs in China today a Communist Party. Chairman Mao warned of this
again in 1976:
“I
have never stopped believing that in China there is a possibility of
a restoration of capitalism on a great scale. A countrywide scale. If
this restoration comes, bad things will come. Sufferings will be
back, but, inevitably, the revolution will also come back”.
The
same is pointed out in a letter of the same year that he sent to
comrade Chiang Ching. We quote a fragment:
“In
the struggle of the past ten years
I
have tried to reach the peak of the revolution,
But
I had failed…
Maybe
you can reach the peak.
If
you fail you will drown in a bottomless abyss,
Your
body will be torn apart,
Your
bones will break.
No
agreement with the others is good.
If
the sword turns around, and I think it had been turned
against
the revolution. One more time it will be needed
the
guerrilla warfare…the new Yenan …”
And
last, also in words written by Chairman Mao in 1966 to comrade Chiang
Ching: “In
China, after the emperor was overthrown in 1911, no reactionary was
able to stay long in power. If the Rightists were to stage an
anti-Communist coup d’etat in China, I am sure they would have no
peace either and their rule would most probably be short-lived,
because it would never be tolerated by the revolutionaries who
represent the interests of the people constituting more than 90 per
cent of the population”.
Conclusion: the perspectives are brilliant, but the way is tortuous.
These two formulations continue to be valid.
It
is important to highlight that all of this occurs in the period that
the Chairman pointed out as the ‘next 50 to 100 years’ in which
the rule of imperialism will be brought down, time of the major
decomposition of imperialism and in which it will be swept from the
face of the earth by the proletarian world revolution. An important
thesis to rub in the face of contemporary opportunists and
revisionists.
The
Communist Party of China, its construction and the two-line struggle
during the GPCR
In
1974 the brochure “A basic understanding of the Party” was
published in China. In this important document, the CPC draws a
balance of the experience of the Party and its role in the GPCR; it
is also synthesized in the basic program and the basic line of the
party, the construction of the party, the two-line struggle and the
tasks of education and re-education led by it. This brochure is an
advanced exposition of the principles which establish what an
authentic Communist Party must be and which most consistent
application was performed by Chairman Gonzalo, developing the Marxist
theory on the party with the thesis of militarization and the
concentric construction.
The
brochure explains the reflection of the class struggle in the party
as two-line struggle, sometimes high, sometimes low, as the tide; the
importance of ten great two-line struggles that were fought in the
Communist Party of China are highlighted, including the struggles
against Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, and there is no doubt it was
necessary to develop some more. There was fought a two-line struggle
against Chen Po-ta and Teng Siao-ping but, finally, taking advantage
of a favourable correlation of forces, these two took advantage of
their own forces to strike at the Left and to transform the Party
into a fascist party.
The
GPCR, the criticism of the masses of Lin Piao, the movement for the
rectification of style of work, initiated and led by Chairman Mao,
was able to contain and smash the counter-revolutionary offensive
that Lin Piao and Liu Shao-chi tried to drive to change the party
character and restore capitalism. Unquestionably the party was
purified. Nevertheless, to advance towards the classless society,
one, two or three cultural revolutions were not enough, but many
more. During the GPCR, the two-line struggle in the bosom of the
Communist Party of China reached never seen levels, giving huge
lessons to the coming revolutionary generations. In the same brochure
“A basic understanding
of the Party” it was sustained: “The
two-line struggle within the Party over the question
of its character has always been very sharp. All of the leaders of
the opportunist lines have always tried by every means to pervert the
character of the political party of the proletariat, in order to
serve their own criminal goal of sabotaging the proletarian
revolution.
[…] The Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution and the movement to criticise Lin
Piao and rectify the style of work personally initiated and led by
Chairman Mao, completely smashed the criminal plots of Liu Shao-chi
and Lin Piao to change the nature of our Party and to restore
capitalism. Our Party came out purified, more solid, and more
vigorous than ever. The struggle between the two lines inside the
party profoundly demonstrates that safeguarding the character of the
Party is a matter of great importance. It' is intimately connected
with the destiny of the Party and the state, and with the question of
whether the revolution will win victory or go down to defeat. To
continually build our Party, making use of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tsetung Thought, to expose and frustrate the plots of the
revisionists to pervert the character of the Party — this will
provide the guarantee that our Party will always retain its
proletarian character”.
Some
of the problems of this two-line struggle that developed in the
bosom of the Communist Party of China and in the Chinese society
were: the handling of the two-line struggle itself; the deficient
handling of the two types of contradictions - between us and the
enemy, and in the bosom of the people - that left room for the
revisionists; absence of a new and firm impulse for the GPCR after
the attempted coup of Lin Piao, the “right deviationist winds”
and the disturbances sowed by Teng Siao-ping in 1975 and 1976 during
the funerals of Chu En-lai, etc. The revisionist line had great space
to develop.
The
two-line struggle had important advances, but cunning revisionists
like Teng Siao-ping and its clique found the auspicious moment to
overtake the contradictions in the bosom of the people and to
overtake the power through a fascist coup, exposing problems not
solved by the revolution. One of the main issues is the insufficient
application of the proletarian military line regarding the ‘sea of
armed masses’, which should have been expressed through the
transmission of greater competence to the people’s militias, like
more control over the PLA, thus it became relatively easy to be
usurped because of its centralization. Chairman Gonzalo,
understanding this question and contributing to the proletarian
military line - meaning to the people’s war - brought up the need
of the concentric construction of the three instruments of the
revolution and the need of integrating the people’s militia into
the revolutionary army in order to be guard against the capitalist
restoration, aiming at the ‘sea of armed masses’.
How
it was defined by Chairman Gonzalo, fundamental in Maoism is the
power, that means “the power for the
proletariat, the Power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, the
power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More
explicitly: 1) The power under leadership of the proletariat in the
democratic revolution; 2) the power for the dictatorship of the
proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions; 3) the power
based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, a power conquered
and defended by People’s War” and
the core of people’s war is the New Power. Therefore, being
Marxists-Leninists-Maoist, fighting to develop people’s war, we
must apply the advances reached in the construction of the New Power
during the GPCR, which have the system of “three in one
combination” as a substantial element. In Nepal this was not
applied, but instead representatives of bureaucratic bourgeois and
landlord parties were incorporated in what they called “New Power”,
what became a house of cards. It is an issue to study and debate to
deepen our understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally
Maoism. This is a question to which all the parties and organizations
must pay attention, whatever their level of development is. Given
that what is fundamental in Maoism is the construction of the New
Power, be it in an current form or in perspective, it is also
fundamental for our understanding of the construction of the three
instruments of the revolution and allows us to better understand the
necessity of the concentric construction and how to handle it.
This
way, taking the experience of the GPCR, we can understand the
necessity of developing people’s war until communism. Chairman
Gonzalo teaches us: “Without a
People’s Army the people will have nothing, says Chairman Mao, at
the same time that he teaches us the need of the absolute lead of the
Party over the army and establishes his great principle: The Party
leads the guns and we will never allow the opposite. Aside of
completely establishing the principles and norms of the construction
of an army of the new type, the Chairman himself called to prevent
the use of the army for the capitalist restoration usurping the
direction through a counter-revolutionary coup, and by developing
Lenin’s thesis on the people’s militia he drove the general
armament of the people further than anyone before him, opening the
path and showing the way towards the ‘armed sea of masses’ that
would lead us towards the definitive emancipation of the people and
the proletariat”. The way in which
Chairman Mao instructed comrade Chiang Ching, is how we must
understand the communist’s role: develop the guerrilla war -
specifically, the people’s war - if the revisionists usurp the
power.
As
long as there are classes, there will be class struggle, because that
is how the law of contradiction specifies in the class society; the
highest way of solving the contradictions in the class society is the
war and, because of that, until the whole mankind enters to communism
there will always be the need of the people’s war. Studying the
GPCR, we understand more deeply the omnipotence of the revolutionary
war, meaning the people’s war, Maoism and how to apply it. All of
these are lessons of the class struggle in the GPCR.
The
zigzags that the party faced in its inner struggle in that period
also confirm the correctness and validity of the thesis that
revisionism is the main danger.
Yes,
on one hand, the two-line struggle reached higher levels of
sharpening and antagonism that finally led to the destruction of the
party and its transformation into a fascist party, distinct from and
opposite to the proletariat, on the other hand it would have been
impossible to reach the heights that the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution reached without the sharp two-line struggle displayed by
Chairman Mao and the Left inside the party. The role of the Communist
Party of China and of Chairman Mao in the leadership of this earth
shaking second revolution cannot be vanished, without also vanishing
the elevation of Mao-Tse-Tung-Thought to a new, third and higher
stage of Marxism, Maoism.
Continuers
of the revolution
Another
question to which Chairman Mao gave great importance was the
preparation of the continuers of the revolutionary cause of the
proletariat. Considered as a strategic task by the Party, its main
revolutionary cadres dedicated huge efforts to it. About this
Chairman Mao said: “In
the final analysis, the question
of training successors for the revolutionary cause of the proletariat
is one of whether or not there will be people who can carry on the
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started by the older generation
of proletarian revolutionaries, whether or not the leadership of our
Party and state will remain in the hands of proletarian
revolutionaries, whether or not our descendants will continue to
march along the correct road laid down by Marxism-Leninism, or, in
other words, whether or not we can successfully prevent the emergence
of Khrushchov's revisionism in China. In short, it is an extremely
important question, a matter of life and death for our Party and our
country. It is a question of fundamental importance to the
proletarian revolutionary cause for a hundred, a thousand, nay ten
thousand years”.
The
GPCR today
The
meaning of the GPCR lies not only in recognizing it as the struggle
against the capitalist restoration in the epoch of the dictatorship
of the proletariat and the construction of socialism and bringing up
the problem of the ideological transformation, of changing the soul
of the people. It is not enough, and not because it is incorrect, but
because we must develop the understanding of Maoism in relation to
the question of the two-line struggle, and this means recognizing
Chairman Mao’s line on the universal validity of the people’s
war, developed by Chairman Gonzalo through the thesis of ‘people’s
war until communism’ and, in consequence, understand the GPCR from
the Maoist line and not from the conciliatory positions.
In
1963 the Great Polemic erupts. In the course of this struggle the
Letter of 25 Points and the Nine Comments were published, which
exposed with sharpness the nature of the contemporary revisionism,
the sinister role played by Nikita Khrushchev in the capitalist
restoration in the USSR in 1956 and his betrayal to the ICM. Some
ignored what was done by the CPC and by Chairman Mao, ignored at the
same time the GPCR, its advances, and especially, the development of
Marxism into a new, third and higher stage.
Defending
the GPCR is assuming Maoism as the new, third and higher stage of
Marxism, in the two-line struggle in the bosom of the ICM, as class
struggle in the ideological and political fields, and to constitute
or reconstitute, corresponding to the situation, militarized
Communist Parties to unleash peoples’ wars all over the world and
impose Maoism as command and guide of the proletarian world
revolution, giving an impulse to the new great wave of the
proletarian world revolution.
Long
live the 50th
anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution!
Sweep
away revisionism and all opportunism!
Long
live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!
Communist
Party of Brazil (Red Faction)
Communist
Party of Ecuador – Red Sun
Popular
Movement of Peru (Reorganisation Committee)
Red
Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
Revolutionary
Front of the People of Bolivia MLM
Maoist
Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of
Columbia
Committee
Red Flag – FRG
Other signing
parties and organizations:
Committees
for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria
May,
2016
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