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The RIM had set itself the task of advancing towards an International of a new type. It set itself the twin tasks of working out the General Line for this organisation and a form of democratic centralism suited to an international organisation. Both of these tasks remained unfulfilled. Serious differences on evaluation of the world situation blocked advance in the matter of formulating a General Line. The Declaration of the RIM had wrongly implied that the principle contradiction at the world level was the one between imperialist powers and that a 3“ world war was imminent. This not only gave a wrong orientation, it seriously damaged the prospects of a broader unity among Maoist parties. This wrong analysis was corrected only in 2000 at its Extended Meeting held that year. The report adopted by this meeting clearly stated that the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and countries is principal. Even then the CoRIM didn’t take the lead to initiate a systematic process of advancing towards a General Line. In hindsight it can be seen that the emerging deviations of the UCPN (M) and RCP, US leaderships was underlying this lax approach.
From the very beginning there were different views among the parties that joined up to form the RIM on the root causes of the extreme centralisation exercised by the Comintern. A number of parties considered that the ‘world party’ concept was the basic reason for this approach. This was represented in the Declaration of the RIM’s criticism on the concept of ‘world party of the world proletariat’. But it remained a contested issue though it was never taken up for further debate. Along with the RCP, US a few parties considered that the main error in the Comintern’s handling of relations with parties lay in mistakes in methods of leadership. Since some of these parties had leadership tasks this started influencing the CoRIM’s style of functioning. A style of concentrating everything in the hands of the CoRIM, including relations between parties, started developing. Independent initiatives by parties to establish and maintain bilateral relations were discouraged and frowned upon. While a few parties opposed and resisted this, most went along with this growing centralisation that Was actually going against the adopted positions of the RIM. This experience once again brings up the problems inherent in the international relations of communist parties, emerging from both objective and subjective factors.
No form of organisation can be taken as an absolute guarantee of appropriate and correct international relations among Maoist parties. Ultimately it depends on the correctness of the ideological and political line of those (formally or informally) in leading positions and the maturity and independence of all the other parties and the practice of all constituents. Yet, this does not mean that avoiding the formation of organisation is the solution. There may be situations where this task has to be postponed. But, in general, the proletariat needs an international organisation. This is particularly true of the present situation.
Imperialist globalisation has further integrated the world. This has its impact in a wide ranging manner and in diverse realms, including class struggle. The international nature of the working class and its struggles is becoming more apparent through the scattered yet interconnected functioning of imperialist MNCs that integrate production units in different countries into a single chain of exploitation. The imperialists are formulating their repressive strategies fully keeping this situation in mind. But the proletariat and its Maoist vanguards are still lagging in developing strategy and organisations to suit the challenges of the new situation. They are lagging in mutual help too. Globalisation policies are wrecking the lives of millions, more so in the oppressed countries, but also in the capitalist countries. The present global crisis has exacerbated this situation. This is bringing out the masses across the world onto the streets. A Whole new generation is battling against the forces of exploitation and reaction, but without the guidance of the proletarian ideology necessary for having a scientific and consistent approach to the tasks they take up. This objective situation holds immense potential. It must be unleashed if the ICM is to make the advance called for today. Yet this task outstrips the subjective capacities of the individual parties. But, with proletarian internationalist perspective, through their united effort, much can be contributed to consolidate each revolutionary party and win over a large section to the cause of communism. At each juncture We can seek out the forms most appropriate to the concrete condition of the international movement and best serving the tasks posed by the objective situation.
From the very beginning our party has held the position that a centralised organisation like the RIM, functioning as an embryonic political centre, is not suited to the existing subjective conditions of the international Maoist movement. We still hold the same position. We have clearly stated above our understanding on the formation of RIM as International and its functioning. But We have never ruled out the necessity of an international organisation, which suits the present situation of the Maoist parties. In fact we were an initiator of the C0—ordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia.
Though restricted to a specific region of the world, this organisation had given some experiences on what is possible and viable in the present situation. It was based on commonly accepted ideological, political positions. It had an elected Standing Committee that was given the responsibility of issuing statements based on its Declaration and the political resolutions adopted by its Conferences. It initiated region—wide political propaganda campaigns, occasionally published a bulletin that helped bring out the views and practices of its participant parties and provided mutual support and help. CCOMPOSA was consolidating and conditions were turning favourable for the formation of a front with the forces of revolutionary movements and national liberation movements of various countries against Indian expansionism in South Asia. Needless to say, in such a time, the disruption caused by the revisionist betrayal by the leadership of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to the revolution in Nepal, South Asia and on the whole the World Socialist Revolution, has made this organisation dysfunctional since a long time. But it provides a positive experience. In the present juncture we can take lessons from all such experiences, along with those of the RIM and other international initiatives, and arrive at some common positions through consultations.
An organisation at the international level would necessarily have some tasks different from those at a sub—continental or continental level. Other than the propagation of MLM, leading proletarian revolutionary movements in their countries, making preparations for People’s War, advancing and supporting the on going people’s wars, mustering solidarity to the people’s struggles and rebellions, making efforts to win over new sections to the banners of communism, it/they would have to play the role of a core in building and guiding such world—wide anti—imperialist mass organisation/organisations. This is an urgent task in the present world situation. The socialist revolution in imperialist countries and new democratic revolution in the oppressed countries are the two components of the world proletarian revolution. The Revolution in every country is an integral part of the World Socialist Revolution. An international organisation of Maoist parties must address both of them and also the whole spectrum of struggles, revolts and rebellions of the masses and its diverse sections, which flow into them. Other than this, the possibilities of its becoming a forum for debate and struggle focussed on arriving at synthesised positions on key ideological, political issues facing the ICM should also be explored. We must be ever clear that the international organisation should neither replace nor Weaken the independent initiative of its constituent parties, their bilateral relations and the relations they continue with other revolutionary parties and organisations.
The task of building up such an organisation needs proper preparations in all aspects and consultations between parties, as Widely as possible. We must firmly keep in mind the lesson given by the CPC led by Mao Tsetung, “. . .the history of the international communist movement demonstrates that proletarian unity has been consolidated and has developed through struggle against opportunism, revisionism and splittism.” “Only when it has theoretical and political unity can the international proletariat have organisational cohesion and unity of action.” At present, apart from adherence to Marxism—Leninism—Maoism, international unity of Maoist parties and organisations demands clear lines of demarcation from the neo—revisionism of Prachanda—Bhattarai and the neo—revisionism of Avakian. It is absolutely necessary to insist on this orientation and firmly reject opportunist plans of bringing together all parties in the name of ‘broad unity’, irrespective of their ideological, political positions.
Workers of all countries Unite!
Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!
Long live Proletarian Internationalism!
Long live World Socialist Revolution!
Down with Imperialism and Reactionaries of All Countries!
Down with various kinds of Revisionism!
Long live the Unity of Proletarian Revolutionary Partiesand Organisations of various Countries!
Long live the Unity of anti-imperialist Revolutionary,Democratic Organisations and Forces!
I Long live the Unity of Workers, Oppressed Nations and Oppressed Masses of the World!
“The vanguard of the Indian proletarian class, the revolutionarycommunist party of India, CPI(Maoist), stands by proletarianinternationalism. Revisionism, particularly right—wing opportunism, is the main danger for World proletarian revolution and international communist movement today. One could not move a single step towards revolution in any country without fighting and defeating it, Hence the Indian proletariat must fight against both Right and ‘Left’ opportunism in advancing the class struggle and the revolutionary war. The party, while drawing lessons from the past revolutions, and later, from the restoration of capitalism in Russia and China, must uphold the relevance of the most modern experiences of the GPCR particularly in the struggle against revisionism. Thus, it has to build unity With all the genuine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties, groups and forces in the world today. It also has to establish unity with the proletariat, oppressed nations and oppressed people of the Whole world. By uniting with them and through the practice of learning from each other, it forms part of the global struggle to eliminate imperialism and counter revolutionary forces from the world.
This state Will follow the five principles in its relation With the countries having different social systems-mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty; mutual non-aggression; non-interference in each other internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful co-existence. This People's Democratic State will establish unity with the international proletariat and the oppressed nations of the World; opposes imperialist war and aggression, bullying, subversion and interference etc.
It will support and help by all means the revolutionary struggles and revolutionary war, especially the ongoing struggles under the leadership of various Maoist revolutionary forces against capitalism, imperialism and reaction the world over. After the victory of the revolution new democratic, and later, socialist India Will act as a Base in order to facilitate the victory of the World socialist revolution, It Will closely integrate With the revolutionary and Maoist forces and their struggles in South Asia in particular, keeping in view the historical relations of India with the people
of the sub—continent”.
Party Program, CC, CPI (Maoist), February 200
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