Since
a short time Belarus has been moving increasingly into the focus of the
international bourgeois press, which is eagerly raising the mood for
the “opposition movement”. A large part of the alleged “left”, who often
call themselves “revolutionary”, “socialist” or “anti-fascist”, is going a very similar way. A merging of capital and the liberal left also on the question of the protests in Belarus? At the same time the
“opposition movement” can by no means be viewed as a unified movement,
because on the one hand various imperialist groups are fighting for
leadership in it, on the other hand there is also a struggle of the workers and the rural parts of the population who are trying to take their own way.
The current protests found their immediate trigger in the extremely violent repression against various smaller manifestations and demonstrations, who were directed
against the apparent electoral fraud by the Lukashenko government. It
is very likely that government defrauded in this election, though not to
the extent that some spokesmen in the current opposition movement have claimed.
In recent years the opposition movement in Belarus has been massively
fragmented, divided and relatively isolated. There are various reasons
for this: what is
particularly important is that the social and economic situation and
supply of the population is relatively good compared to other countries
from the former Soviet Union (or in its sphere of influence). If you
look at Ukraine, Romania or large parts of Slovakia, the picture there
is completely different. In fact, Belarus is the only country in the
successor states of the Soviet Union that not only did not reduce the
industrialization of the country, but even expanded it. The state sector
is very high, a series of protective tariffs and other measures
represented strong regulatory interventions in relation to the market and in many cases prevented a “neoliberal” program. This and many other aspects have brought the fact,
that the opposition to the ruling regime has had a difficult time in
recent decades. But, despite all these points, Bealrus is of course a
society in which the ruling classes
exploit the working class and the people and allow foreign companies to
interfere more and more, allowing ever larger sections of the
Belarusian masses to work for foreign profit interests. Therefore, the
share of the economy that is in the hands of foreign corporations has
grown massively in recent years. Capitalists from the European Union and
Russia are the leaders in that development. In this process
the Lukashenko regime has carried out many „reforms“ in recent years,
which have led to great dissatisfaction among the masses, as they have
taken back, reduced or at least significantly weakened social
achievements and economic security. As a result, the formerly very weak
opposition has gained more support in recent years and opportunities to
organize itself better.
Especially the “western”
imperialists such as Germany and Great Britain support massively leading
forces of the opposition movement and their bourgeois press spreads the
image that it is also about the Belarusian masses defending themselves
“against Russian influence”, since Belarus is supposedly totally “ruled
by Russia”. This is simply a lie that fuels a Russophobic mood.
Likewise, the anti-Russian sentiment, which is against the peoples,
should be heated up by saying that Belarus is a “Russified country”,
which is intended to divide the cultural and historical closeness of the
Belarusian and Russian peoples in certain aspects and, above all, to
spread national hatred. When the capitalist ruling classes of the Soviet
Union (who were only in words socialist) began to privatize and
liberalize, the economic- and party functionaries in Belarus feared that
they would have to surrender their position of power completely to
Russia, because it would have been the Russian-Soviet capitalists that
would have benefited from privatization and liberalization in Belarus.
Therefore they tried everything to maintain their
bureaucratic-capitalist position of power and to limit the direct access
of Russian capital through strong state intervention. But that only
worked for a few years, because the foreign trade was still strongly
tied to Russia, which is why certain concessions had to be made. From
the privatization and liberalization of the Belarusian economy in the
last years, not only Russian capitalists benefited, but also capitalists
from the EU got stronger and stronger. Not least, Austrian capital was
able to benefit from this: the Austrian consul general in Belarus,
Sergej Kostyuchenko, is also head of Priorbank, one of the three most
important banks in the country. The Priorbank, in turn, is owned by the
Austrian Raiffeisenbank. The Lukashenko government tried to maneuver
between the various imperialists and to keep the influence of one group
of foreign capitalists under control by tolerating the activities of
other groups of foreign capitalists and thus to secure its own position.
The result, however, was that all imperialists had a growing interest
in a change of government, because they want to enter even further and
faster into Belarus, which is why they built up and strengthened
opposition forces loyal to them. Hence, the current opposition movement
is not only made up of “pro-Western” organizations, even if they are
currently leading the movement, but Russian influence in the opposition
movement is also considerable. For example, Viktor Babariko was
Lukashenko’s strongest opponent in Belarus in recent years, he was
arrested and is still in detention. He carried out his opposition
activities, while at the same time he was head of Belgasprombank, one of
the most important banks in Belarus owned by Russian Gazprom.
Lukashenko called him the “Kremlin puppet” and legitimized the prison
sentence by saying that Babariko would only represent the “interests of a
foreign power”. The also very important opposition figure Valery
Tsepkalo went to exile in Russia when the pressure in Belarus became too
big. The fact that the forces supported by the West are currently
leading the opposition movement is not least due to the fact that
“Western” imperialism is trying to seize the opportunity, when those
opposition forces that are close to Russian imperialism are relatively
weakened. The “coordination council” of the “opposition movement”,
founded a few days ago, gathers all possible and sometimes very
contradicting forces (whose common ground is above all radical
anti-communism). This shows very well that the opposition movement
promoted by the western imperialists is currently trying everything to
become more powerful and consolidate its leadership, but also that it
has to go very quickly, because it has so far lacked unity and
stability. Therefore, the long-term leadership of the “pro-Western”
opposition should not be overestimated. This is also the reason why the
weakest sections of the “pro-Western” opposition are already now
increasingly demanding a “dialogue”, by which they admit that they have
to be content with partial goals for the moment, but above all trying to
rearrange their forces in order to prepare for the next stroke.
The current relative
hegemony of the “pro-Western” candidates in the leadership of the
opposition movement is on weak feet, but is of course persistently
pursuing specific goals. According to their official documents and
statements from the recent period before the protests, these include
measures such as: liberalization of the flow of capital, deregulation of
the labor market, tax cuts, guarantees for private property,
introduction of „EU standards“ for the movement of goods and general
trade, measures for development and strengthening a free market, etc.
Since the opposition leadership pursues such an anti-peoples program,
the longer the movement lasts, the more it comes into conflict with the
masses it leads, who are not interested in such measures, and above all
joined the opposition because of general dissatisfaction and weariness
with the political situation. It does not help the leading opposition
forces that they are currently not presenting their demands so far
publicly. They know very well that they would massively lose influence.
In addition, the opposition leadership, sponsored by several EU and US
imperialists, is under additional pressure as it has to try to maintain
its hegemony and not to lose it again to the forces connected to Russian
imperialism.
Since the „pro-Western“ opposition
leadership has to move quickly, the imperialists help them at all
levels: on the one hand diplomatic and political, where large parts of
the EU are increasing the pressure on the Belarusian government and have
already decided on political and economical sanctions. These sanctions
will primarily be at the expense of the Belarusian people, whoever
supports them can only be an enemy of the Belarusian masses! It is a
cynical calculation of the EU imperialists in which the people are to be
plunged even more into ruin through sanctions, in order to then use the
growing dissatisfaction and implement the imperialist goals of the EU
(the same methods are known from Ukraine, Syria, Venezuela , …). At the
same time, military mobilization and intervention are taking place,
especially with those forces that have served the EU and the USA so well
in the Ukraine in recent years: fascists and mercenary gangs who do not
shy away from any crime! The 61st Hunters Infantry Battalion of the
Ukrainian Armed Forces, a kind of „Foreign Legion“ of Ukraine, infamous
for its bloody crimes and with a share of 25% foreign mercenaries, was
relocated to the northern Ukrainian border in the Zhitomir region, which
shares a 280km long border with Belarus. At the same time, according to
tenders in military magazines, the 61st Battalion is actively looking
for people „with Belarusian/Russian language and culture skills“.
Dimitry Yarosch, the leader of the “Right Sector”, a well-known
paramilitary fascist party in Ukraine, which played a leading role in
the Maidan movement, said in an article he wrote on the occasion of the
opposition movement in Belarus that he has “been training Belarusians
since many years” and that Belarusians, under the leadership of the
Right Sector, “formed their own unit in the struggles to recapture the
Donbass”. He proudly proclaims: “I held dozens of training exercises with Belarusians, traveled all over the country, gave instructions for patriotic Belarusian actions against Lukashenko. (…) Many of those I trained, are now taking part in the uprising in Minsk”.
Of course, Igor Mosiychuk should not be missing in this nice gathering.
He is the former vice-commander of the so-called Azov-Battalion, a
former paramilitary organization (today part of the Ukrainian armed
forces) which not least used Hakenkreuz-flags as symbols for
troop photos and which received active support from international Nazis.
He reported that organized groups of former Azov soldiers had already
crossed the Belarusian border „in different ways“ and were „an active part of the anti-government protests in Minsk“.
At the same time, NATO units pulled together a smaller number of troop
contingents at Poland’s western border to Belarus. It is unlikely that
the imperialists of the EU and the US envisage an open war in Belarus,
but if they cannot celebrate a quick political success in the near
future they will, through ongoing unrest and interventions with
mercenaries and paramilitary groups, try to plunge the country into
chaos, provoke a latent civil war and let Belarus bleed to death in
order to take it over afterwards.
The white-red-white flag
propagated by the leadership of the opposition movement in Belarus,
which historically is above all an anti-Soviet symbol and was also
officially used by the collaboration forces during the Nazi occupation,
also fits in with this. The situation is similar with the coat of arms
of the “White Knight”, which historically was also used as a symbol of
the Belarusian Nazi forces. Many of the masses wear these symbols in the
current protests without attaching particular importance to their
historical use. But the leadership of the so-called „opposition
movement“, did not coincidentally chose these symbols.
While the „pro-western“
opposition leadership is mainly supported by the urban petty bourgeoisie
in terms of social composition, the workers, as well as the rural
population participate to a certain extent in the protests and struggles
against Lukashenko’s government. But they are in a very complicated
situation. The leadership of the opposition movement is in the hands of
the fascist chain dogs of the German, British and also US-American
imperialists. The currently weaker part of the leadership of the
opposition movement is in turn firmly connected with Russian
imperialism, which in recent years has also pushed for “reforms” which
are against the people and sometimes took tough economic measures
against Belarus, if not enough far-reaching concessions were made there.
Supporting Lukashenko’s government is not an alternative for the masses
either, because after all it was this clique that carried out the
deteriorations of the last few years and allowed the various imperialist
interest groups to come into the country in the first place.
At the same time, however,
the independent political organizations of the Belarusian working class
are in many cases still inexperienced with large organized struggles,
especially in a situation like the present one. The fact that the
workers are increasingly appearing as a separate factor in the protest
movement and the democratic struggles is scaring the ruling classes, and
the regime’s prosecutors and judges have repeatedly imposed heavy
punishments on leaders of independent strikes in the last few days,
including imprisonment. The struggle of the Belarusian workers is
developing, although not to the extent that many “liberal left” in the
West are propagating. They use the activities and struggles of the
workers in Belarus as a pretext to support the opposition led by
imperialism. In doing so, they primarily harm the Belarusian worker’s
movement, which is currently differentiating itself more and more from
the hegemony of the leading organizations of the “opposition movement”
and the “Coordination Council”. In this situation, the class-conscious
organizations and initiatives in Belarus need solidarity that will help
them to continue on their own independent path, both against the
“opposition puppets” of imperialism, which are supported by fascist
mercenaries from Ukraine, and against the Lukashenko clique. The
struggle takes place on many different fronts, is complicated and it is
certain that the struggle conditions for the Belarusian worker’s
movement would get worse, if the „opposition“ with its current
leadership maintains hegemony and asserts itself. Nevertheless, it must
also struggle against the Lukashenko government, which has increasingly
betrayed and sold the interests of the workers and the entire nation in
the recent years.
Therefore, the Belarusian worker’s
movement not only wages a struggle against the deterioration and attacks
by Lukashenko’s government, and also not only against the puppets of
the “West” in their disguise of an “opposition”, but also for the
national liberation of Belarus from any imperialist interference and
exploitation . What the worker’s movement in Belarus urgently needs, is
its own class-conscious leadership in the form of a revolutionary party
and the conscious preparation for a appropriate defense against military
mercenary interventions, that western imperialists will try to impose
on the country under certain conditions. The situation in which their
Ukrainian class-comrades have found themselves since the fascist Maidan
coup will be an important lesson to them. And neither the imperialists
nor Lukashenko should underestimate, what it means for the most advanced
sections of the Belarusian worker’s and people’s movement to build on
these lessons in their struggle.
(P.G.)
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