THE GENERAL SITUATION IN TURKISH PRISONS
It is clear that the conflict between imperialist poles brings more poverty
to all oppressed sections of society, especially the working class. The
internal structures of imperialist states are rapidly being redesigned within
the framework of a new imperialist war of division. The atmosphere of
occupation and war that has been created affects the lives of workers in
many ways through reactionary laws and the deprivation of rights. The
fiscal deficits resulting from increased military budgets are burdening
workers with new taxes. All reactionary states are attempting to
reorganize themselves in preparation for this process. With the power
that comes from controlling production and capital, bourgeois states
operate the mechanisms called law and justice in their own interests. Of
course, in such processes, the most dynamic and "threatening" segments
of society will be targeted first. This is why the working class and its
organized forces, as well as nations and representatives fighting for
national liberation, are being targeted on our world. The rulers' approach
to this is manifested either by eliminating them or filling prisons with
them. For those they do not kill, they resort to isolation and torture by
applying a complete enemy law in prisons.
During the 23 years of AKP rule, the state organization, which is the
instrument of power of the Turkish ruling classes, has been reshaped
according to the interests of imperialism and the local comprador
bourgeoisie. The "Presidential Government System" is the current form of
this transformation; it is an authoritarian restructuring required by capital
and imperialist centers.
With this system, all state institutions have been centralized to serve the
interests of imperialist monopolies and the ruling clique, not the people.
Every sphere, from the judiciary to the media, from the legislature to the
security forces, has been turned into an instrument of capital's
oppression.
Underlying this restructuring is a "strategy of suppressing rebellion." The
organizing efforts of the people, the working class, and revolutionary
forces are being dismantled; unions, democratic institutions, and social
opposition are being crushed. Any segment not aligned with the ruling
3
bloc, even opposition within the system, is labeled "terrorist," and the
space for politics is being completely narrowed.
In such a process, even the spontaneous economic and democratic
demands of the working class and the laboring people have been
suppressed by fascist tyranny. Strikes have been banned, demonstrations
dispersed, and arrests and detentions have become routine. The Turkish
state does not even comply with its own laws on paper. The immunity of
members of parliament has been disregarded, and thousands of people
have been imprisoned for their thoughts.
In Turkey's political history, prisons have been one of the state's tools for
suppressing political opposition. Social opposition movements, particularly
left-wing socialist movements, the Kurdish freedom struggle, women's and
student resistance, have often been criminalized under the label of
"terrorism," and thousands of people have been imprisoned for political
reasons. Anti-terrorism laws enacted in recent years have almost
completely restricted freedom of thought and expression. Thousands of
people who shared posts on social media, participated in union actions, or
engaged in journalism have been arrested on charges of "organization
propaganda" or "organization membership."
The judiciary has largely lost its independence; prisons are filled with
thousands of people detained for their political identity. This process
symbolizes a period in which the suppression of opposition through the
judiciary has become systematic.
Despite all the pressure, political prisoners in Turkey have created a strong
tradition of resistance throughout history. From the hunger strikes of 1984
to the resistance in Type F prisons in the 2000s, political prisoners have
continued their struggle not only with their bodies but also with their
writings, practices of solidarity, and collective consciousness.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN TURKISH PRISONS AND PRESSURES ON POLITICAL
PRISONERS
For many years, prisons in Turkey have not only been places of
punishment but also served as one of the political regime's tools for
suppressing opposition. Particularly in the last decade, increasing
authoritarianism, the politicization of the legal system, and the
bloc, even opposition within the system, is labeled "terrorist," and the
space for politics is being completely narrowed.
In such a process, even the spontaneous economic and democratic
demands of the working class and the laboring people have been
suppressed by fascist tyranny. Strikes have been banned, demonstrations
dispersed, and arrests and detentions have become routine. The Turkish
state does not even comply with its own laws on paper. The immunity of
members of parliament has been disregarded, and thousands of people
have been imprisoned for their thoughts.
In Turkey's political history, prisons have been one of the state's tools for
suppressing political opposition. Social opposition movements, particularly
left-wing socialist movements, the Kurdish freedom struggle, women's and
student resistance, have often been criminalized under the label of
"terrorism," and thousands of people have been imprisoned for political
reasons. Anti-terrorism laws enacted in recent years have almost
completely restricted freedom of thought and expression. Thousands of
people who shared posts on social media, participated in union actions, or
engaged in journalism have been arrested on charges of "organization
propaganda" or "organization membership."
The judiciary has largely lost its independence; prisons are filled with
thousands of people detained for their political identity. This process
symbolizes a period in which the suppression of opposition through the
judiciary has become systematic.
Despite all the pressure, political prisoners in Turkey have created a strong
tradition of resistance throughout history. From the hunger strikes of 1984
to the resistance in Type F prisons in the 2000s, political prisoners have
continued their struggle not only with their bodies but also with their
writings, practices of solidarity, and collective consciousness.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN TURKISH PRISONS AND PRESSURES ON POLITICAL
PRISONERS
For many years, prisons in Turkey have not only been places of
punishment but also served as one of the political regime's tools for
suppressing opposition. Particularly in the last decade, increasing
authoritarianism, the politicization of the legal system, and the
4
curtailment of freedom of thought have resulted in the arrest of
thousands of people for political reasons. This situation has made rights
violations in prisons systematic. Journalists, trade unionists, students,
academics, and politicians are often sent to prison on charges of
"membership in an organization" or "propaganda" simply for expressing
their thoughts. In Turkey, where the judiciary has not been independent
since its establishment, court proceedings have become a "political purge
tool." Thus, prisons have turned into political spaces holding thousands of
people from different segments of the social opposition.
Among the more than forty thousand political prisoners in Turkish prisons,
there are people against whom no evidence of a crime has been found, as
well as people who have been held hostage in prison despite having
reports stating that over seventy percent of them are unfit to remain in
prison. Attacks against local and immigrant revolutionaries are
intensifying in European countries. In many countries, particularly
Germany and France, new laws have been passed to attack forces that
criticize and oppose the imperialist capitalist system in street protests,
arresting them en masse and imprisoning them for many years.
Germany, relying on sections 129a and b of its constitution, is imposing
long prison sentences on immigrant revolutionaries for fighting against
fascist oppression in their own countries. Kurdish and Turkish
revolutionaries, in particular, are subject to these attacks.
Political prisoners are deprived not only of their freedom but also of their
basic human rights. Reports by organizations such as the Turkish Human
Rights Foundation (TİHV), the Human Rights Association (İHD), and the
Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System (CİSST) show that
human rights violations in prisons are widespread and structural.
The main violations of rights are as follows:
-Restriction of the right to communication and correspondence: Political
prisoners' letters are confiscated, telephone calls are censored, and
visitors are arbitrarily prevented from visiting.
- Isolation and segregation: Particularly in high-security F-type prisons,
prisoners are subjected to long periods of solitary confinement,
minimizing their social contact.
curtailment of freedom of thought have resulted in the arrest of
thousands of people for political reasons. This situation has made rights
violations in prisons systematic. Journalists, trade unionists, students,
academics, and politicians are often sent to prison on charges of
"membership in an organization" or "propaganda" simply for expressing
their thoughts. In Turkey, where the judiciary has not been independent
since its establishment, court proceedings have become a "political purge
tool." Thus, prisons have turned into political spaces holding thousands of
people from different segments of the social opposition.
Among the more than forty thousand political prisoners in Turkish prisons,
there are people against whom no evidence of a crime has been found, as
well as people who have been held hostage in prison despite having
reports stating that over seventy percent of them are unfit to remain in
prison. Attacks against local and immigrant revolutionaries are
intensifying in European countries. In many countries, particularly
Germany and France, new laws have been passed to attack forces that
criticize and oppose the imperialist capitalist system in street protests,
arresting them en masse and imprisoning them for many years.
Germany, relying on sections 129a and b of its constitution, is imposing
long prison sentences on immigrant revolutionaries for fighting against
fascist oppression in their own countries. Kurdish and Turkish
revolutionaries, in particular, are subject to these attacks.
Political prisoners are deprived not only of their freedom but also of their
basic human rights. Reports by organizations such as the Turkish Human
Rights Foundation (TİHV), the Human Rights Association (İHD), and the
Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System (CİSST) show that
human rights violations in prisons are widespread and structural.
The main violations of rights are as follows:
-Restriction of the right to communication and correspondence: Political
prisoners' letters are confiscated, telephone calls are censored, and
visitors are arbitrarily prevented from visiting.
- Isolation and segregation: Particularly in high-security F-type prisons,
prisoners are subjected to long periods of solitary confinement,
minimizing their social contact.
5
-Violation of the right to health: Prisoners with chronic illnesses are denied
necessary treatment, hospital transfers are delayed or arbitrarily refused.
-Suppression of cultural and political identity: Rights such as speaking
Kurdish, possessing books, or accessing politically-oriented publications
are restricted, and prisoners face disciplinary penalties.
-Violence and ill-treatment in prisons: Guard violence, strip searches,
arbitrary disciplinary penalties, and deportation transfers have become a
policy of intimidation that goes beyond punishment in prisons.
Turkey is a signatory to international legal texts such as the European
Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the United Nations International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, practices in prisons clearly
contradict these obligations. Despite European Court of Human Rights
(ECHR) rulings, arrests under the guise of freedom of expression continue,
and the existence of the "political prisoner" category is denied.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PRISONS AND THE SITUATION IN PRISONS
According to data from the General Directorate of Prisons and Detention
Centers, as of November 1, 2024, there are a total of 406 penal
institutions in Turkey, including 273 closed penal institutions, 100
independent open penal institutions, 4 children's educational institutions,
12 closed women's penal institutions, 8 open women's penal institutions,
and 9 closed children's penal institutions. The total capacity of these
institutions is 299,042 people. However, it should be noted that this
number represents the increased capacity. Under normal conditions,
these prisons should house two-thirds of the number of inmates.
Twenty-two new prisons were opened in 2022, 19 in 2023, and 12 in 2024.
According to the Ministry of Justice's 2025 budget proposal, the goal for
next year is to open 11 more new prisons. This shows that Turkey's
current ruling ideology generally envisions a future based on imprisoning
people." (IHD 2024 Prisons Report)
Prison architecture and the penal system in Turkey have been shaped in
parallel with the security understanding of political powers and their
approach to social opposition. The military coup of September 12, 1980,
radically transformed not only the political regime but also the penal
-Violation of the right to health: Prisoners with chronic illnesses are denied
necessary treatment, hospital transfers are delayed or arbitrarily refused.
-Suppression of cultural and political identity: Rights such as speaking
Kurdish, possessing books, or accessing politically-oriented publications
are restricted, and prisoners face disciplinary penalties.
-Violence and ill-treatment in prisons: Guard violence, strip searches,
arbitrary disciplinary penalties, and deportation transfers have become a
policy of intimidation that goes beyond punishment in prisons.
Turkey is a signatory to international legal texts such as the European
Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the United Nations International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. However, practices in prisons clearly
contradict these obligations. Despite European Court of Human Rights
(ECHR) rulings, arrests under the guise of freedom of expression continue,
and the existence of the "political prisoner" category is denied.
RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN PRISONS AND THE SITUATION IN PRISONS
According to data from the General Directorate of Prisons and Detention
Centers, as of November 1, 2024, there are a total of 406 penal
institutions in Turkey, including 273 closed penal institutions, 100
independent open penal institutions, 4 children's educational institutions,
12 closed women's penal institutions, 8 open women's penal institutions,
and 9 closed children's penal institutions. The total capacity of these
institutions is 299,042 people. However, it should be noted that this
number represents the increased capacity. Under normal conditions,
these prisons should house two-thirds of the number of inmates.
Twenty-two new prisons were opened in 2022, 19 in 2023, and 12 in 2024.
According to the Ministry of Justice's 2025 budget proposal, the goal for
next year is to open 11 more new prisons. This shows that Turkey's
current ruling ideology generally envisions a future based on imprisoning
people." (IHD 2024 Prisons Report)
Prison architecture and the penal system in Turkey have been shaped in
parallel with the security understanding of political powers and their
approach to social opposition. The military coup of September 12, 1980,
radically transformed not only the political regime but also the penal
6
system. The new "type" of prisons that began to be built during this period
emerged as a concrete expression of the state's security paradigm.
The prison architecture developed after the coup aimed to isolate political
prisoners, fragment collective life, and suppress the culture of resistance.
The E, H, F, D, L, T, Y, and S type prisons built from the 1980s to the
present represent different stages of this strategy.
With the September 12 coup, the large dormitory systems of the past
were abandoned and E-type prisons were built. These prisons consisted of
dormitories for 16–20 people and restricted the collective life of prisoners.
Subsequent H-type prisons reduced this number to rooms for 4–6 people,
thereby deepening physical isolation. The political meaning of this
transition is clear: the elimination of solidarity and the possibility of
organization arising from communal living.
In 2000, F-type prisons, the most advanced form of this process, were
introduced. Consisting entirely of one- or three-person cells, these
structures are the institutionalized form of the "isolation regime." F-types
have paved the way for the proliferation of practices described by national
and international human rights organizations as "psychological torture."
According to June 2025 data, there are a total of 416,927 "detainees" and
"convicts" in Turkish prisons. "In Turkey, 420,904 prisoners are held in 402
prisons with a total capacity of 304,964. 120,013 prisoners are held in
open prisons, while 300,891 are held in closed prisons. Of these prisoners,
357,646 are convicts and 63,258 are detainees. 200 are LGBTQI+, 14,276
are foreigners, and 1,453 are serving aggravated life sentences. There are
269 prisoners with disabilities in prisons: 19 with speech and language
impairments, 42 with visual impairments, 28 with hearing impairments, 18
with hearing and speech impairments, and 162 with orthopedic
impairments. 6,543 prisoners in prisons are over 65 years old. In 2025, the
number of prisoners who can continue their education in prisons is
77,014, and there are 58,500 prisoners engaged in insured professional
activities. There are 4,561 children between the ages of 12 and 18 held in
prisons, 187 of whom are girls. Alongside 19,290 female prisoners, there
are 434 children aged 0-3 and 388 children aged 4-6 with their mothers.
(Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System CİSST Report)
system. The new "type" of prisons that began to be built during this period
emerged as a concrete expression of the state's security paradigm.
The prison architecture developed after the coup aimed to isolate political
prisoners, fragment collective life, and suppress the culture of resistance.
The E, H, F, D, L, T, Y, and S type prisons built from the 1980s to the
present represent different stages of this strategy.
With the September 12 coup, the large dormitory systems of the past
were abandoned and E-type prisons were built. These prisons consisted of
dormitories for 16–20 people and restricted the collective life of prisoners.
Subsequent H-type prisons reduced this number to rooms for 4–6 people,
thereby deepening physical isolation. The political meaning of this
transition is clear: the elimination of solidarity and the possibility of
organization arising from communal living.
In 2000, F-type prisons, the most advanced form of this process, were
introduced. Consisting entirely of one- or three-person cells, these
structures are the institutionalized form of the "isolation regime." F-types
have paved the way for the proliferation of practices described by national
and international human rights organizations as "psychological torture."
According to June 2025 data, there are a total of 416,927 "detainees" and
"convicts" in Turkish prisons. "In Turkey, 420,904 prisoners are held in 402
prisons with a total capacity of 304,964. 120,013 prisoners are held in
open prisons, while 300,891 are held in closed prisons. Of these prisoners,
357,646 are convicts and 63,258 are detainees. 200 are LGBTQI+, 14,276
are foreigners, and 1,453 are serving aggravated life sentences. There are
269 prisoners with disabilities in prisons: 19 with speech and language
impairments, 42 with visual impairments, 28 with hearing impairments, 18
with hearing and speech impairments, and 162 with orthopedic
impairments. 6,543 prisoners in prisons are over 65 years old. In 2025, the
number of prisoners who can continue their education in prisons is
77,014, and there are 58,500 prisoners engaged in insured professional
activities. There are 4,561 children between the ages of 12 and 18 held in
prisons, 187 of whom are girls. Alongside 19,290 female prisoners, there
are 434 children aged 0-3 and 388 children aged 4-6 with their mothers.
(Civil Society Association in the Penitentiary System CİSST Report)
7
Prison capacities are known to have reached over 100,000 inmates. Turkey
ranks first among Council of Europe countries in terms of the number of
prisoners. According to 2022 Council of Europe prison statistics, 355 out of
every 100,000 people in Turkey are in prison. This rate is 117 on average
among Council of Europe countries. The overcrowding of prisons, which
hold more prisoners than their capacity, has continued to increase
exponentially since 2015.
Over the last 10 years, the Gezi Park and Fethullah Gülen Movement trials,
the imposition of trustees on local administrations, and the investigations
and subsequent arrests of politicians, journalists, and political figures have
demonstrated that the fascist AKP-MHP alliance cannot tolerate any
dissenting voices.
Pressure continues to be exerted on sick prisoners in jails. The number of
sick prisoners identified is 1,412 (161 women, 1,251 men). The number of
prisoners considered seriously ill is 335 (230 of whom cannot survive on
their own). The violations of the right to health here are as follows:
examinations while handcuffed, lack of hygiene, and delayed transfers. In
addition, the inhumane conditions of the transport vehicles stand out as
another aspect of the attacks on sick prisoners.
In recent years, high-security S and Y type prisons have been put into
operation, deepening the isolation of political prisoners. Prisoners and
human rights defenders describe these structures as "well-type prisons."
This name symbolizes both the physical structure and the intensity of
isolation.
According to data from the Turkish Ministry of Justice, 32 new prisons
were opened in 2021, 22 in 2022, and 16 in 2023.
Seven of these are S-type prisons and 14 are Y-type prisons. S-type prisons
are located in Manavgat, Antalya, Bodrum, Iğdır, Kırşehir, Kavak, and
Çarşamba; Y-type prisons are located in Adana Suluca, Aksaray, Antalya,
Burdur, Erzurum, Kırşehir, Konya Ereğli, and Tekirdağ Karatepe. The
Ministry of Justice states that these prisons were built for "those
sentenced to aggravated life imprisonment and those detained or
convicted of terrorist crimes." However, in practice, a large number of
political prisoners are being exiled to these prisons on vague grounds such
as "breaking discipline" or "displaying dangerous behavior."
Prison capacities are known to have reached over 100,000 inmates. Turkey
ranks first among Council of Europe countries in terms of the number of
prisoners. According to 2022 Council of Europe prison statistics, 355 out of
every 100,000 people in Turkey are in prison. This rate is 117 on average
among Council of Europe countries. The overcrowding of prisons, which
hold more prisoners than their capacity, has continued to increase
exponentially since 2015.
Over the last 10 years, the Gezi Park and Fethullah Gülen Movement trials,
the imposition of trustees on local administrations, and the investigations
and subsequent arrests of politicians, journalists, and political figures have
demonstrated that the fascist AKP-MHP alliance cannot tolerate any
dissenting voices.
Pressure continues to be exerted on sick prisoners in jails. The number of
sick prisoners identified is 1,412 (161 women, 1,251 men). The number of
prisoners considered seriously ill is 335 (230 of whom cannot survive on
their own). The violations of the right to health here are as follows:
examinations while handcuffed, lack of hygiene, and delayed transfers. In
addition, the inhumane conditions of the transport vehicles stand out as
another aspect of the attacks on sick prisoners.
In recent years, high-security S and Y type prisons have been put into
operation, deepening the isolation of political prisoners. Prisoners and
human rights defenders describe these structures as "well-type prisons."
This name symbolizes both the physical structure and the intensity of
isolation.
According to data from the Turkish Ministry of Justice, 32 new prisons
were opened in 2021, 22 in 2022, and 16 in 2023.
Seven of these are S-type prisons and 14 are Y-type prisons. S-type prisons
are located in Manavgat, Antalya, Bodrum, Iğdır, Kırşehir, Kavak, and
Çarşamba; Y-type prisons are located in Adana Suluca, Aksaray, Antalya,
Burdur, Erzurum, Kırşehir, Konya Ereğli, and Tekirdağ Karatepe. The
Ministry of Justice states that these prisons were built for "those
sentenced to aggravated life imprisonment and those detained or
convicted of terrorist crimes." However, in practice, a large number of
political prisoners are being exiled to these prisons on vague grounds such
as "breaking discipline" or "displaying dangerous behavior."
8
This situation demonstrates that isolation has become not only a form of
punishment but also a mechanism of political control.
Although the new high-security prisons have been "modernized"
architecturally, they are structures where human contact is minimized,
creating serious problems in terms of prisoners' right to life, right to
health, and freedom of communication. According to reports: Prisoners'
rights to open visits and telephone calls are restricted, letters are
censored, and books are confiscated. Social activities have been almost
completely eliminated. Psychological disorders (anxiety, depression,
suicidal tendencies) caused by long-term isolation have reached serious
proportions.
The "good behavior" assessments introduced by the 2020 amendment to
the Execution of Sentences Law have become a tool to arbitrarily prevent
the release of political prisoners. Since September 12, Turkey's prison
system has evolved into a policy of deeper isolation and oppression. S and
Y type prisons are the spatial expression of the state's strategy to control
the opposition.
Isolation is more than a physical practice; it is an ideological tool aimed at
destroying political identity and social solidarity.
CONCRETE PROBLEMS EXPERIENCED IN PRISONS
1. Isolation and Seclusion
The most fundamental problem experienced by political prisoners is the
practice of isolation. Type F, S, and Y high-security prisons are
architecturally designed to "minimize human contact." Prisoners held in
single, double, or triple rooms spend most of the day alone, and their right
to participate in communal activities is either completely removed or left
to the arbitrary decisions of the administration. Solitary confinement
causes serious psychological disorders in the long term. Isolation,
loneliness, depression, anxiety, sleep disorders, and memory loss are
common among political prisoners. This situation also coincides with the
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture's (CPT) definition of
"inhuman treatment."
2. Restriction of the Right to Communication and Contact
This situation demonstrates that isolation has become not only a form of
punishment but also a mechanism of political control.
Although the new high-security prisons have been "modernized"
architecturally, they are structures where human contact is minimized,
creating serious problems in terms of prisoners' right to life, right to
health, and freedom of communication. According to reports: Prisoners'
rights to open visits and telephone calls are restricted, letters are
censored, and books are confiscated. Social activities have been almost
completely eliminated. Psychological disorders (anxiety, depression,
suicidal tendencies) caused by long-term isolation have reached serious
proportions.
The "good behavior" assessments introduced by the 2020 amendment to
the Execution of Sentences Law have become a tool to arbitrarily prevent
the release of political prisoners. Since September 12, Turkey's prison
system has evolved into a policy of deeper isolation and oppression. S and
Y type prisons are the spatial expression of the state's strategy to control
the opposition.
Isolation is more than a physical practice; it is an ideological tool aimed at
destroying political identity and social solidarity.
CONCRETE PROBLEMS EXPERIENCED IN PRISONS
1. Isolation and Seclusion
The most fundamental problem experienced by political prisoners is the
practice of isolation. Type F, S, and Y high-security prisons are
architecturally designed to "minimize human contact." Prisoners held in
single, double, or triple rooms spend most of the day alone, and their right
to participate in communal activities is either completely removed or left
to the arbitrary decisions of the administration. Solitary confinement
causes serious psychological disorders in the long term. Isolation,
loneliness, depression, anxiety, sleep disorders, and memory loss are
common among political prisoners. This situation also coincides with the
European Committee for the Prevention of Torture's (CPT) definition of
"inhuman treatment."
2. Restriction of the Right to Communication and Contact
9
Political prisoners' contact with the outside world is constantly restricted.
Letters are censored and sometimes not delivered at all on the grounds of
"objectionable content." Family and lawyer visits are blocked under the
pretext of "disciplinary punishment." The right to telephone calls is limited
to once a week for 10 minutes in many prisons. These practices both
worsen the psychological state of prisoners and effectively eliminate their
right to defense.
3. Violations of the Right to Health
Access to healthcare in prisons is a serious problem. Political prisoners are
often not referred to hospitals or are subjected to shackled examinations
during referral. For many prisoners with chronic illnesses, medication is
delayed, and dietary and treatment conditions are not provided.
According to reports by the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the
Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), as of 2024, there are over 600
sick prisoners, 70 of whom are in critical condition. This situation
demonstrates the systematic violation of the right to health.
4. Barriers to Accessing Books, Publications, and Thought
Political prisoners' right to read and write is also severely restricted. Books
and magazines with political content are banned on the grounds of
"organization propaganda." Censorship is applied in prison libraries,
making it virtually impossible to access certain publications. Letters,
poems, or writings composed by prisoners are often deemed
"objectionable" and not sent outside. This situation is not only an
individual rights violation but also a systematic form of pressure on
freedom of expression.
5. Arbitrary Disciplinary Penalties and Release Barriers
With the amendments made to the Enforcement Law in 2020, the release
of political prisoners began to be arbitrarily postponed under the name of
"good behavior assessment." The subjective assessments of the
administration and observation boards, such as "showing no remorse" or
"not rehabilitated," have caused many political prisoners to exceed their
legal release period. Furthermore, even the slightest demand for rights or
protest is considered a "disciplinary offense" and used as grounds for
solitary confinement or transfer to another prison.
Political prisoners' contact with the outside world is constantly restricted.
Letters are censored and sometimes not delivered at all on the grounds of
"objectionable content." Family and lawyer visits are blocked under the
pretext of "disciplinary punishment." The right to telephone calls is limited
to once a week for 10 minutes in many prisons. These practices both
worsen the psychological state of prisoners and effectively eliminate their
right to defense.
3. Violations of the Right to Health
Access to healthcare in prisons is a serious problem. Political prisoners are
often not referred to hospitals or are subjected to shackled examinations
during referral. For many prisoners with chronic illnesses, medication is
delayed, and dietary and treatment conditions are not provided.
According to reports by the Human Rights Association (IHD) and the
Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (TIHV), as of 2024, there are over 600
sick prisoners, 70 of whom are in critical condition. This situation
demonstrates the systematic violation of the right to health.
4. Barriers to Accessing Books, Publications, and Thought
Political prisoners' right to read and write is also severely restricted. Books
and magazines with political content are banned on the grounds of
"organization propaganda." Censorship is applied in prison libraries,
making it virtually impossible to access certain publications. Letters,
poems, or writings composed by prisoners are often deemed
"objectionable" and not sent outside. This situation is not only an
individual rights violation but also a systematic form of pressure on
freedom of expression.
5. Arbitrary Disciplinary Penalties and Release Barriers
With the amendments made to the Enforcement Law in 2020, the release
of political prisoners began to be arbitrarily postponed under the name of
"good behavior assessment." The subjective assessments of the
administration and observation boards, such as "showing no remorse" or
"not rehabilitated," have caused many political prisoners to exceed their
legal release period. Furthermore, even the slightest demand for rights or
protest is considered a "disciplinary offense" and used as grounds for
solitary confinement or transfer to another prison.
10
6. Specific Problems Experienced by Female Political Prisoners
Women prisoners are subjected to double discrimination due to both their
gender and their political identity. Issues such as forced strip searches,
restrictions on access to hygiene products, and the lack of female
psychologists or doctors are frequently reported. Female prisoners are
also made invisible within the male-dominated prison culture, and the
gender-based violence they are subjected to often goes unpunished.
7. Exile Transfers and Severing of Family Ties
Political prisoners are often arbitrarily "exiled" to prisons in different
cities. This practice makes family visits impossible and makes it difficult for
prisoners to continuously rebuild their prison life. Some prisoners have
been transferred to different provinces four or five times in a few years.
This clearly constitutes a violation of the right to family unity.
PROBLEMS FACED BY LGBT PRISONERS IN PRISONS
Prisons in Turkey are one of the institutions where social inequalities are
most visibly experienced. This situation has even more severe
consequences for LGBT+ prisoners who face discrimination due to their
sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
LGBTI+ prisoners are often held alone in cell-like areas for "protection"
from other prisoners. However, this practice effectively amounts to
solitary confinement and leads to the prisoner's complete isolation from
social life. In some prisons, LGBT+ prisoners are placed in male wards,
exposing them to the risk of violence, harassment, and sexual assault. In
such cases, authorities often cite the reason that "other prisoners may be
disturbed," which constitutes a clear example of institutional homophobia.
LGBTQ+ prisoners may be subjected to verbal, physical, and sexual
violence by both staff and other prisoners. Insults, derogatory language,
"forced searches," and strip searches have been frequently reported,
especially for trans women prisoners. Such practices constitute both
inhuman treatment and a clear violation of the Convention Against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
One of the most critical issues for trans prisoners is the denial of access to
healthcare related to gender affirmation. Prisoners undergoing hormone
6. Specific Problems Experienced by Female Political Prisoners
Women prisoners are subjected to double discrimination due to both their
gender and their political identity. Issues such as forced strip searches,
restrictions on access to hygiene products, and the lack of female
psychologists or doctors are frequently reported. Female prisoners are
also made invisible within the male-dominated prison culture, and the
gender-based violence they are subjected to often goes unpunished.
7. Exile Transfers and Severing of Family Ties
Political prisoners are often arbitrarily "exiled" to prisons in different
cities. This practice makes family visits impossible and makes it difficult for
prisoners to continuously rebuild their prison life. Some prisoners have
been transferred to different provinces four or five times in a few years.
This clearly constitutes a violation of the right to family unity.
PROBLEMS FACED BY LGBT PRISONERS IN PRISONS
Prisons in Turkey are one of the institutions where social inequalities are
most visibly experienced. This situation has even more severe
consequences for LGBT+ prisoners who face discrimination due to their
sexual orientation and/or gender identity.
LGBTI+ prisoners are often held alone in cell-like areas for "protection"
from other prisoners. However, this practice effectively amounts to
solitary confinement and leads to the prisoner's complete isolation from
social life. In some prisons, LGBT+ prisoners are placed in male wards,
exposing them to the risk of violence, harassment, and sexual assault. In
such cases, authorities often cite the reason that "other prisoners may be
disturbed," which constitutes a clear example of institutional homophobia.
LGBTQ+ prisoners may be subjected to verbal, physical, and sexual
violence by both staff and other prisoners. Insults, derogatory language,
"forced searches," and strip searches have been frequently reported,
especially for trans women prisoners. Such practices constitute both
inhuman treatment and a clear violation of the Convention Against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
One of the most critical issues for trans prisoners is the denial of access to
healthcare related to gender affirmation. Prisoners undergoing hormone
No comments:
Post a Comment