Published: Liberation, June
1968
The victory of the People's Democratic
Revolution in this country of 500 million people will lead to the
inevitable collapse of world imperialism and revisionism.
The People's Democratic Revolution in
this country can be led to a victorious end only in opposition to all
the imperialist powers of the world. Particularly, we shall have to
reckon with U. S. imperialism, the leader of world imperialism. U. S.
imperialism has not only adopted all the aggressive features of
prewar Germany, Italy and Japan, but has further developed them to a
great extent. It has extended its aggressive activities to all
corners of the globe and has enmeshed India in its neocolonialist
bondage. The Vietnamese people are in the forefront of the struggle
against this aggressive imperialism, which is raging in the countries
of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The victorious Indian revolution
will destroy this imperialist monster.
The People's Democratic Revolution in
this country will have to be carried through to a victorious end by
actively opposing the Soviet Union- the lard of the great October
Socialist Revolution. This is because the present leaders of the
Soviet state, party and army have adopted a revisionist line and set
up bourgeois dictatorship in their country. In collusion with the U.
S. imperialists, they have extended
their exploitation and
established their domination over various countries of Asia,
Africa and Latin America. In India, the Soviet leaders have become
the chief pedler of U. S. imperialism despite their flaunting of the
name of the great Lenin. With the help of their stooges (the Dange
clique and the neo-revisionist clique), nurtured by themselves, the
Soviet leaders are turning India into a field for their unrestricted
exploitation and are deceiving the fighting masses, thus proving
themselves to be the running dogs of U. S. imperialism and friends of
the Indian reactionaries. The victory of the Indian revolution will
not only bury Soviet revisionism and its Indian lackeys in the soil
of India, but also ensure its death all over the world.
The People's Democratic Revolution in
our country can be led to a victorious end only on the basis of the
thought of Chairman Mao. The extent to which one assimilates and
applies the thought of the Chairman will determine whether one is a
revolutionary or not. Moreover, the extent of the revolutionary
upsurge will depend on how widely we can spread and propagate the
Chairman's thought among the peasants and workers. This is because
the Chairman's thought is not merely the Marxism-Leninism of the
present era, the Chairman has advanced Marxism-Leninism itself to a
completely new stage. That is why the present era has become the era
of the Chairman's thought.
The People's Democratic Revolution in
India has to be directed against the bureaucrat and comprador
bourgeoisie in the country and against feudal exploitation in the
vast rural areas. Because forty crores of people out of the total
population of fifty crores live in the rural areas in our country and
because even today, feudal exploitation continues to be the main form
of exploitation to which they are subjected, the contradiction
between the peasants and the landlords in the countryside remains
even today the main contradiction. This contradiction can only be
resolved in the countryside through the establishment of liberated
zones by the peasants' armed forces under working class leadership.
This is the biggest and most important task that faces us today, for
India is at present going through a period of revolutionary upsurge
and this path pointed out by the Chairman is being increasingly
accepted by growing numbers of peasants and revolutionary masses.
Our revolution has to be directed
against the Congress government which represents the bureaucrat and
comprador bourgeoisie and which, frightened by the postwar mass
upheaval, came to terms with the imperialists with the help of the
feudal lords. The leaders of the so-called Communist Party of India
actively cooperated with these reactionary forces either in the name
of making compromises or by open betrayal. They have disgraced the
red banner which was dyed in the blood of the heroes of Kayyur, the
fighters of Punnapra and Vayullur, the fearless heroes of Telengana
and hundreds of martyrs of Bengal and other parts of the country.
Today, all the political parties of India have turned into active
accomplices of U.S. imperialism, Soviet revisionism and Indian
reactionaries, and become enemies of the revolution. That is why the
new democratic revolution in India can be victorious only under the
leadership of the working class and by following the thought of the
Chairman.
To organize this new-democratic
revolution and lead it to victory we need a party of the working
class, a Communist Party, whose political ideology will be
Marxism-Leninism and its highest development-the thought of Mao
Tse-tung. But how can such a party be built? Could we perhaps gather
together the various so-called Marxists who profess the thought of
Chairman Mao Tse-tung and revolt against the leadership of their
party, and declare that a Maoist party has been formed? Certainly
not. Because merely raising the banner of revolt is not enough to
build up a Maoist party. These rebel comrades must apply in practice
the thought of the Chairman and must thereby train up worker and
peasant cadres. Only then can we claim to have made progress in
building up a genuine Maoist party.
The old political cadres will no doubt
be in such a party. But, basically, such a party will be formed with
the youth of the working class, the peasantry and the toiling middle
class, who not only accept the thought of the Chairman in words but
also apply the same in their own lives, spread and propagate it among
the broad masses and build bases of armed struggle in the
countryside. Such a party will not only be a revolutionary party but
will at the same time be the people's armed forces and the people's
state power. Each and every member of such a party must participate
in struggles in the military, political, economic and cultural
spheres. We must immediately take in hand the task of building such a
party. It may not be possible right now to build up such a party on
an all-lndia basis but that should not discourage us. We must begin
our work wherever we can build up such a party no matter how small
that area may be. We must shed fears of being in the minority and
advance with unshakable faith in the thought of the Chairman. Our
task is in no way easy, but is extremely difficult. Our struggle will
generate new enthusiasm in the minds of all the fighting people of
the world. Only thus can we successfully help the heroic fighters of
Vietnam. Only such a revolutionary party can successfully lead the
armed struggle and build up the broadest united front-the two weapons
with which the revolution can be led to a victorious end.
Those who think that our main task is
to attract the great majority of the members of the so-called Marxist
parties towards us and that a revolutionary party can be built up in
this way, are consciously or unconsciously thinking of forming only
another party for fighting elections. They forget that the members of
these so-called Marxist parties, whatever revolutionary qualities
they may still possess, have been accustomed to the practice of
unadulterated revisionism and as a result of this practice, have lost
many of their revolutionary qualities. They must undergo the process
of new practice to become revolutionaries again. This is why a
revolutionary party cannot be built up by relying upon the members of
the old party. The new party must be built up with the fresh
revolutionary youth of the working class, the peasantry and the
middle class by educating them in the thought of the Chairman and
through revolutionary practice.
The primary condition for building up a
revolutionary party is to organize armed struggle in the countryside.
Until this task is taken in hand all talk of revolution simply
amounts to accepting revolution in words only. And so they are, as
the Chairman has said, revolutionaries in words. But our party will
be built up with those who are revolutionaries in deeds. Otherwise,
the party will be reduced to a debating society, like the Burdwan
plenum(*).
What happened at Burdwan? The Soviet
ruling clique has become the number one enemy of the national
liberation movements of various countries and is openly working for
the destruction of the national revolutions; yet, people engaged
themselves in a heated controversy at Burdwan over the extent of
restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. To engage oneself in a
controversy over the restoration of capitalism in a country where the
proletarian dictatorship has already been abolished and bourgeois
dictatorship established, is to confuse the people and to blunt the
edge of struggle against the main enemy. So, what happened at Burdwan
has gladdened the hearts of the revisionists of the world, and marks
the success of the revisionist conspiracy. Not a single person
attending the Burdwan plenum broke away from these revisionist
traitors.
So, if we rely on the revolutionary
force inside the party we shall never be able to build up a
revolutionary party. We must lay our main stress on the hundreds of
thousands of young people outside the party. Only then can we build
up a genuinely revolutionary party and establish revolutionary bases
of armed struggle.
Comrades! A great responsibility rests
on us. All the reactionaries of the world have turned our country
into their base and are using it as the centre for destroying the
liberation struggles of Southeast Asia. They are trying to use India
as their base for supplying cannon-fodder for their aggression
against the great Chinese people. It was precisely this that the
renegade Kosygin, Tito and Chester Bowles conspired about with Indira
Gandhi in New Delhi recently. So, to make revolution in our country
is a great international responsibility. This is exactly why the
little spark of Naxalbari brings joy and enthusiasm to the fighting
people of entire Southeast Asia, to the leaders of the great Chinese
Party-the leaders of the world revolution and to the revolutionary
peoples of the entire world.
A most sacred international
responsibility lies on our shoulders and we absolutely must fulfill
it. There is no doubt that this would demand heavy sacrifices from
us, but what revolutionary ever feared to make sacrifice?
Chairman Mao teaches: We must dare to
fight and dare to win. He is still with us. Victory shall be ours!
Long live Chairman Mao Tse-tung!
A long, long life to Chairman Mao!
Long live India's new-democratic
revolution!
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